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LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX 


CONTAINING 


ILLUSTRATIONS  OF  THE  HISTORY 

OF 

THE  REFORMATION  IN  SCOTLAND; 

WITH 

BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICES  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  REFORMERS,  AN© 
SKETCHES  OF  THE  PROGRESS  OF  LITERATURE 

IN  SCOTLAND. 

DURING  A  GREAT  PART  OF  THE  SIXTEEZ*rTH  CENTURY. 

TO  WHICH  IS  BUEJOII^-ED 

AN  APPENDIX, 

CONSISTING  OF  LETTERS  AND  OTHER  PAPERS, 

NEVER   BEFORE    PUBHSHEB. 


THOMAS  M'CRIE, 

Ml[NISTER  OF  THE  GOSPEL,  EDINBURCH. 


JS^EW-TORK: 


PUBLISHED  BY  EASTBURN,  KIRK,  ^  CO. 

NO.    80,    BROADWAY, 
AND  W.  W.  WOODWARD,  PHILADELPHIA. 

1813, 


PRAY  &  BOWEN, 
Printers,  Broorltjt. 


PREFACE. 


The  Reformation  from  Popery  marks  aa  epoch  un- 
questionably  the  most  important  in  the  History  of 
modern  Europe.  The  effects  of  the  change  which  it 
produced,  in  religion,  in  manners,  in  politics,  and 
in  literature,  continue  to  be  felt  at  the  present  day. 
J^othing,  surely,  can  be  more  interesting  than  an  in- 
vestigation of  the  history  of  that  period,  and  of  those 
men  who  were  the  instruments,  under  Providence,  of 
accomplishing  a  revolution  which  has  proved  so  bene- 
ficial to  mankind. 

Though  many  able  writers  have  employed  their 
talents  in  tracing  the  causes  and  consequences  of 
the  Tleformation,  and  tjiough  the  leading  facts  re- 
specting its  progress  in  Scotland  have  been  repeat- 
edly stated,  it  occurred  to  me  that  the  subject  was 
by  no  means  exhausted.  I  vvas  confirmed  in  this 
opinion  by  a  more  minute  examination  of  the  eccle- 
siastical history  of  this  country,  which  I  began  for 
my   own   satisfaction  several  years  ago.      While  I 


ly  PREFAGE. 

was  pleased  at  finding  that  there  existed  such  ample 
materials  for  illustrating  the  history  of  the  Scottish 
Keformation,  I  could  not  but  regret  that  no  one 
had  undertaken  to  digest  and  exhibit  the  informa- 
tion on  this  subject  which  lay  hid  in  manuscripts, 
and  in  books  which  are  now  little  known  or  con- 
sulted. Not  presuming,  however,  that  I  had  the 
ability  or  the  leisure  requisite  for  executing  a  task 
of  such  difficulty  and  extent,  I  formed  the  design 
of  drawing  up  memorials  of  our  national  Reformer, 
in  which  his  personal  history  might  be  combined  with 
illustrations  of  the  progress  of  that  great  antjertaking, 
in  the  advancement  of  which  he  acted  so  conspicuous 
a  part. 

A  work  of  this  kind  seemed  to  be  vrauting.  The 
name  of  Knox,  indeed,  often  occurs  in  the  general 
liistories  of  the  period,  and  some  of  our  historians 
have  drawn,  with  their  usual  ability,  tlie  leading 
traits  of  a  character  with  whicli  they  could  not  fail 
to  be  struck ;  but  it  was  foreign  to  their  object  to 
detail  the  events  of  his  life,  and  it  was  not  to  be 
expected  that  they  would  bestow  that  minute  and 
critical  attention  on  his  history  whieli,  is  neces- 
sary to  form  a  complete  and  accurate  idea  of  his 
character.  Memoirs  of  his  life  have  been  pre- 
fixed to  editions  of  some  of  his  works,  and  inserted 
in  biographical  collections  and  periodical  publica- 
tions ;  but  in  many  instances  their  authors  were 
destitute  of  proper  information,  and  in   otliers   they 


PREFACE.  V 

were  precluded,  by  the  limits  to  which  they  were 
confined,  from  entering  into  those  minute  state- 
ments, which  are  so  useful  for  illustrating  individ- 
ual character,  and  render  biography  both  pleas- 
ing and  instructive.  Nor  can  it  escape  observa- 
tion,  that  a  number  of  writers  have  been  guilty  of 
great  injustice  to  the  memory  of  our  Reformer,  and, 
from  prejudice,  from  ignorance,  or  from  inattention, 
have  exhibited  a  distorted  caricature,  instead  of  a 
genuine  portrait, 

I  was  encouraged  to  prosecute  my  design,  in  con- 
sequence of  my  possessing  a  manuscript  volume  of 
Knox's  Letters,  which  throw  considerable  light 
upon  his  character  and  history.  The  advantages 
which  I  have  derived  from  this  volume  will  appear 
in  the  course  of  the  work,  where  it  is  quoted  under  the 
general  title  of  MS.  Letters.^ 

The  other  MSS.  which  I  have  chiefly  made  use 
of  are  Calderwood's  large  History  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  Row's  History,  and  Wodrow's  CoUec 
tions.  Calderwood's  History,  besides  much  valua- 
ble information  respecting  the  early  period  of  the 
Reformation,  contains  a  collection  of  letters  written 
by  Knox  between  1559  and  157^5,  which,  together 
with  those  in  my  possession,  extend  over  twenty 
years  of  the  most  active  period  of  his  life,  I  have 
carefully  consulted  this  history  as  far  as  it  relates 
*  Sec  au  account  of  this  MS.  in  p.  527, 5.28. 


V/1  PREFACE. 

to  the  period  of  wliicli  I  write.  The  copy  which 
I  quote  most  frequently  belongs  to  the  Church  of 
Scotland.  In  the  advocates  Library,  besides  a  com- 
plete copy  of  that  work,  there  is  a  folio  volume  of 
it,  reaching  to  the  end  of  the  year  1572.  It  was 
written  in  1631,  and  has  a  number  of  interlinea- 
tions and  marginal  alterations,  differing  from  the 
other  copfes,  which,  if  not  made  by  the  author's 
awn  hand,  were  most  probably  done  under  his  eye. 
I  have  sometimes  quoted  this  copy.  The  reader  will 
easily  discern  when  this  is  the  case,  as  the  refer- 
ences to  it  are  made  merely  by  the  year  under 
which  the  transaction  is  recorded,  the  volume  not 
being  paged. 

Row,  in  composing  the  early  part  of  his  Historie 
of  the  Kirk,  had  the  assistance  of  Memoirs  written 
by  David  Ferguson,  his  father-in  law,  wlio  was  ad- 
mitted minister  of  Dunfermline  at  the  establishment 
of  the  Reformation.  Copies  of  this  History  seem  to 
have  been  taken  before  the  author  had  put  the  fin- 
isliing  hand  to  it,  which  may  account  for  the  addi- 
tional matter  to  be  found  in  some  of  them.  I  have 
occasionally  quoted  the  copy  which  belongs  to  the 
Divinity  Library  in  Edinburgh,  but  more  frequently 
one  transcribed  in  17^6,  which  is  more  full  than  any 
other  copy  that  I  have  had  access  to  see, 

The  industrious  Wodrow  had  amassed  a  valuable 
collection  of  MSS.  relating  to  the  ecclesiastical  his- 


PREFACE.  VII 

tory  of  Seotlandj  the  greater  part  of  which  is  now 
deposited  in  our  puhlic  libraries.  In  the  library  of 
the  University  of  Glasgow  there  are  a  number  of  vol- 
umes in  folio,  containing  collections  Avhich  he  had 
made  for  illustrating  the  lives  of  the  Scottish  Reform- 
ers, and  divines  of  the  sixteenth  century.  These 
have  supplied  me  with  some  interesting  facts.  They 
are  quoted  under  the  name  of  Wodroto^s  MSS.  in 
Bihl.  Coll.  Glas. 

For  the  transactions  of  the  General  Assembly  I 
have  consulted  the  Register,  commonly  called  the 
Sook  of  the  Universal  ICii'Tc.  There  are  several  cop- 
ies of  this  MS.  in  the  country.  That  which  is  follow- 
ed in  this  work,  and  which  is  the  oldest  that  I  have 
examined,  belongs  to  the  Advocates  Library. 

I  have  endeavoured  to  avail  myself  of  the  printed 
histories  of  the  period,  and  of  books  published  in  the 
age  of  the  Reformation,  which  often  incidentally  men- 
tion facts  which  are  not  recorded  by  historians.  In 
the  Advocates  Library,  which  contains  an  invaluable 
treasure  of  information  respecting  Scottish  affairs, 
I  had  the  opportunity  of  examining  the  original  edi- 
tions of  most  of  the  Reformer's  works.  The  rarest 
of  all  his  tracts  is  the  narrative  of  his  Disputation 
with  the  Abbot  of  Crossraguel,  which  scarcely  any 
writer  since  Knox's  time  seems  to  have  seen.  After 
I  had  given  up  all  hopes  of  procuring  a  sight  of  this 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

curious  tract,  I  was  accidentally  informed  that  a 
copy  of  it  was  in  the  library  of  Alexander  Bos  well, 
Esq.  of  Auchinleck,  who  very  politely  communicated 
it  to  me. 

In  pointing  out  the  sources  which  I  have  consult- 
ed, I  wish  not  to  be  understood  as  intimating  that  the 
reader  may  expect,  in  the  following  work,  much  in- 
formation which  is  absolutely  new.  Those  who  en- 
gage in  researches  of  this  kind,  must  lay  their  ac- 
count with  finding  the  result  of  their  discoveries  re- 
duced within  a  small  compass,  and  should  be  pre- 
pared to  expect  that  many  of  their  readers  will  only 
glance  with  a  cursory  eye  what  they  procured  with 
great,  perhaps  with  unnecessary  labour.  The  prin- 
cipal facts  respecting  the  Heformation  and  the  Re- 
former are  already  known.  I  flatter  myself,  how- 
ever, that  I  have  been  able  to  place  some  of  them 
in  a  new  and  more  just  light,  and  to  bring  for- 
ward others  which  have  not  hitherto  been  srenerallv 
known. 

K 

The  reader  will  find  the  authorities,  upon  which  I 
have  proceeded  in  the  statement  of  facts,  carefully 
marked  ;  but  my  object  was  rather  to  be  select  than 
numerous  in  my  references.  When  I  had  occasi 
to  introduce  facts  which  have  been  often  repeated  i  ^. 
histories,  and  are  already  established  and  unques- 
tionable, I  did  not  reckon  it  necessary  to  be  so  par- 
ticular in  producing  the  authorities. 


PREFACE.  IX 

After  so  mauy  writers  of  Biography  have  incurred 
the  charge  either  of  uninteresting  generality,  or  of 
tedious  prolixity,  it  would  betray  great  arrogance 
were  I  to  presume  that  I  had  approached  the  due 
medium.  I  have  particularly  felt  tlie  difficulty,  in 
writing  the  life  of  a  public  character,  of  observing 
the  line  which  divides  biography  from  general  history. 
Desirous  of  giving  unity  to  the  narrative,  and  at  the 
same  time  anxioas  to  convey  information  respecting 
the  ecclesiastical  and  literary  history  of  the  period,  I 
have  separated  a  number  of  facts  and  illustrations  of 
this  description,  and  placed  them  in  notes  at  the  end 
of  the  Life.  I  am  not  without  apprehensions  that  I 
may  have  exceeded  in  the  number  or  length  of  these 
notes,  and  that  some  readers  may  think  that  in  at- 
tempting to  relieve  one  part  of  the  work^  1  have  over- 
loaded another. 

No  apology,  I  trust,  will  be  deemed  necessary  for 
the  freedom  with  which  I  have  expressed  my  senti- 
^ments  on  the  public  questions  which  naturally  occur- 
red in  the  course  of  the  narrative.  Some  of  these  are 
at  variance  with  opinions  which  are  popular  in  the 
present  age  ;  but  it  does  not  follow  from  this  that  they 
are  false,  or  that  they  should  have  been  suppressed. 
:.  Jiiave  not  become  the  indiscriminate  panegyrist  of 
1^^  Keformer,  but  neither  have  I  been  deterred,  by 
the  apprehension  of  incurring  this  charge,  from  vin- 
dicating him  wherever  I  considered  his  conduct  to  be 
justifiable,  or  from  apologising  for  him  against  uncan 


X  PREFACE. 

did  aud  exaggerated  censures.  The  attaclis  >vliich 
have  been  made  on  his  character  from  so  many  quar- 
ters, and  the  attempts  to  wound  the  Reformation 
through  him,  must  be  my  excuse  for  having  so  often 
adopted  the  language  of  apology. 

In  the  Appendix  I  have  inserted  a  number  of 
Knox's  letters,  and  other  papers  relative  to  that  pe- 
riod, none  of  which,  as  far  as  I  know,  have  formerly 
been  published.  Several  others,  intended  for  inser- 
tion in  the  same  place,  have  been  kept  back,  as  the 
work  has  swelled  to  a  greater  size  than  was  expected. 
A  very  scarce  Poem,  written  in  commendation  of  the 
Keformer,  and  published  in  the  year  after  his  death, 
is  re-printed  in  the  Supplement.  It  confirms  several 
facts  contained  in  the  Life. 

The  portrait  prefixed  is  engraved  from  a  painting 
in  the  possession  of  the  Right  Honourable  Lord 
Torphichen,  with  the  use  of  which  his  Lordship,  in 
the  most  obliging  manner,  favoured  the  publishers. 
There  is  every  reason  to  think  that  it  is  a  genuine 
likeness,  as  it  strikingly  agrees  with  the  print  of  our 
Reformer,  Avhlch  Beza,  who  was  personally  acquaint- 
ed with  him,  published  in  his  Icones.  I  have  now 
before  me  a  small  brass  medal  struck  in  memory  of 
Knox.  On  the  one  side  of  it  is  a  bust  of  him;  on  the 
other  side  is  the  following  inscription  in  Roman  cap- 
itals: JOANNES  KNOXUS  SCOTUS  THEOLOGUS  ECCLESIJE 
EDIM  BURGENSIS  PASTOR.    OBIIT  EDIMBURGI  AX.  157S, 


FREFAGE.  XI 

^T.  57-  It  appears  to  have  been  executed  at  a  period 
much  later  than  the  Reformer's  death.  There  is  an 
error  of  ten  years  as  to  his  age;  and  as  Beza  has 
fallen  into  the  same  mistake,  it  is  not  improbable  that 
the  inscription  was  copied  from  his  IconeSy  and  that 
the  medal  was  struck  on  the  continent. 

When  the  printing  of  the  following  Life  was  fin- 
ished, and  I  was  employed  in  correcting  the  Notes 
at  the  end,  a  History  of  the  Heformation  in  Scotland, 
by  Dr.  Cook  of  Laurencekirk,  was  puplished.  After 
what  I  have  already  said,  I  need  scarcely  add,  that 
the  appearance  of  such  a  work  gave  me  great  satis- 
faction. The  author  is  a  friend  to  civil  and  religious 
liberty ;  he  has  done  justice  to  the  talents  and  char- 
acter of  the  Reformers,  and  evinced  much  industry 
and  impartiality  in  examining  the  authorities  from 
which  he  has  taken  his  materials.  Had  he  had  more 
full  access  to  the  sources  of  information,  he  would 
no  doubt  have  done  greater  justice  to  the  subject,  and 
rendered  his  work  still  more  worthy  of  public  favour  5 
but  I  trust  that  it  will  be  useful  in  correcting  mis- 
takes and  prejudices  which  are  extremely  common, 
and  in  exciting  attention  to  a  branch  of  our  national 
history  which  has  been  long  neglected.  Where  our 
isubject  coincides,  I  have  in  general  observed  an 
agreement  in  the  narrative,  and  sometimes  in  the  re- 
flections: in  several  instances,  however,  we  differ 
materially  in  the  statement  of  facts,  in  the  judgment 


Xll  PREFACE. 

which  we  have  expressed  about  them,  and  in  the  de- 
lineation of  character.  The  judicious  reader  will 
decide  on  which  side  the  truth  lies,  by  comparing  the 
reasons  which  we  have  advanced,  and  the  authorities 
to  which  we  have  appealed. 


CONTENTS. 


PERIOD  FIRST. 

BIRTH  and  parentage  of  Knox — his  education — state  of  litera- 
ture in  Scotland — introduction  of  the  study  of  the  Greek  lan- 
guage— opinions  of  John  Major — Buchanan — Knox  addicted 
to  scholastic  philosophy — teaches  it  at  St.  Andrews — is  or- 
dained a  Priest — change  in  his  sentiments — state  of  religion  in 
Scotland  at  the  commencement  of  the  Refonnation — urgent  ne- 
cessity of  a  reformation — gratitude  due  to  the  Reformers — in- 
troduction of  the  reformed  doctrines  into  Scotland — means  by 
which  they  were  diffused — persons  of  rank  among  their  con- 
verts-^number  of  the   reformed   at  the  death  of  James    V. 

Page  1. 

PERIOD  SECOM). 

Knox  joins  the  reformed — is  persecuted  by  Cardinal  Beatoun — - 
preachers  to  whose  instructions  he  w  as  indebted — Guillaume — 
Rough — Wishart — character  of  the  last — Knox  enters  as  tu- 
tor into  the  family  of  Langniddrie — obliged  to  conceal  him- 
self— takes  refuge  in  the  castle  of  St.  Andrew's — his  opinion  of 
the  assassination  of  Cardinal  Beatour. — Henry  Baluaves— • 
Knox  called  to  the  ministry — his  first  sermon — disputes  before 
a  convention  of  the  clergy — his  success  at  St.  Andrews— is 
taken  prisoner — his  rigorous  treatment  and  sickness  in  the 
French  galleys — his  fortitude  of  mind — transmits  a  Confession 
of  his  Faith  to  Scotland — extract  from  his  dedication  of  Bal- 
naves's  Confession — his  humane  advice  to  his  fellow  prisoners 
respecting  their  escape — is  liberated    .         .         .         Page  30. 

PERIOD  THIRD. 

He  repairs  to  England — state  of  the  English  Reformation — is 
employed  as  a  preacher  by  the  Privy  Council — stationed  at 
Berwick — his  exertions  and  success — character  of  Bishop  Ton- 
stal — Knox  delivers  a  defence  of  his  doctrine  before  him — is 
removed  to  Newcastle — appointed  one  of  King  Edward's  chap- 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

lain?- — consulted  in  the  review  of  the  Common  Prayer-book — 
important  alteration  made  on  it  thro'.igh  his  influence — em- 
ployed in  revising  the  Articles — makes  proposals  of  marriage 
to  Miss  Marjory  Bowes — Privy  Council  confer  upon  him  sev- 
eral marks  of  their  approbation — he  incurs  the  displeasure  of 
the  Di'.ke  of  Northumberland — is  accused  by  the  Papists — 
honourably  acquitted  by  the  Privy  Council — called  up  to  Lon- 
don— d3Ciines  accepting  a  benefice — appears  before  the  Privy 
Council — refuses  a  bishopric — statement  of  his  sentiments  res- 
pecting the  Church  of  England — disapproves  of  many  things 
in  her  worship  and  government — sentiments  of  the  Engiisli  Re- 
formers nearly  coincide  with  his — plan  of  Edward  V'l.  for  im- 
proving the  Reformation  of  England — advantages  which  would 

have  accrued  from  this — slate  of  English  Court ^Ijoldness  of 

the  royal  chaplains — of  Knox — his  distress  at  the  death  of  Ed- 
ward— proclamation  of  Mary — he  returns  to  the  north  of  Eng- 
land— returns  to  the  South — his  prayer  for  the  queen — the  re- 
lations of  Miss  Bowes  displeased  at  his  marriage  with  her — 
extracts  from  his  letters  concerning  this  affair — Parliament  re- 
store the  Roman  Catholic  religion — he  continues  to  preach — 
his  letters  seized — he  is  forced  to  abscond — and  retires  to 
Dieppe  in  France.         ......         Page  61 

PERIOD  FOURTH. 

Bis  uneasy  reflections  on  his  flight — his  solemn  review  of  his  eon- 
duet  since  the  commencement  of  his  ministry — letters  to  his 
friends  in  England — visits  Switzerland — returns  to  Dieppe.... 
relinouishes  his  design  of  proceeding  to  England — visits  Gen- 
eva— returns  to  Dieppe — receives  distressing  tidings  from 
England — his  Admonition  to  England — apology  for  the  sever- 
ity of  its  language — fixes  his  residence  at  Geneva — friendship 
between  him  and  Calvin — his  means  of  subsistence — called  to 
he  pastor  to  the  English  refugees  at  Frankfort — dissentions 
among  them  respecting tlie  English  liturgy — his  moderation  in 
these — they  are  accomodated — disorderly  and  violent  meas- 
ures of  the  sticklers  for  the  liturgy — they  accuse  Knox  of  High 
Treason — magistrates  highly  disapprove  of  this — reflections 
on  this  controversy — he  retires  to  Geneva — state  of  tlie  Prot- 
estants in  Scotland  since  the  surrender  of  the  eastle  of  St.  And- 
rew's— William  Harlow — John  Willock — Knox  visits  his  wife 


CONTENTS.  XV 

at  Berwick — repairs  to  Edinburgh,  and  preaelies  privately 
there — letter  to  Mrs.  Bowes — persuades  the  Protestants  to  de- 
sist tVom  iiearing  mass — preaches  and  dispenses  the  sacrament 
of  the  Supper  in  diSereut  parts  of  the  kingdom — clergy  endea- 
vour to  procure  his  apprehension — summon  him — he  appears, 
and  the  diet  is  deserted — preaches  more  publicly — letter  to 
Mrs.  Bowes — writes  to  the  queen  regent — receives  a  call  from 
the  English  congregation  at  Geneva — leaves  Scotland  with  his 
family — clergy  condemn  him  as  a  heretic  and  burn  hii>  effigy — 
his  appellation  from  the  sentence — summary  of  the  doctrine 
which  he  had  preached — estimate  of  the  advantages  which  the 
Reformation  derived  from  this  visit — important  instructions 
v.hich  he  left  behind  him  for  conducting  the  religious  exercises 
of  the  Protestants — happiness  which  he  felt  at  Geneva — he 
cherishes  an  unabating  desire  to  preach  the  gospel  in  his  na- 
tive country — receives  an  invitation  from  the  Protestant  no- 
bility to  return  to  Scotland Page  96. 

PERIOD  FIFTH. 

He  arrives  at  Dieppe  on  his  way  to  Scotland. ...is  informed  that 
the  nobility  began  to  repent  of  their  invitation. ...his  animated 
letter  to  tliem... .spends  some  time  in  France. ...severe  persecu- 
tion of  the  Protestants  in  that  kingdom. ...he  preaches  at 
Rochelle.. ..resolves  to  return  to  Geneva.. ..his  motives  for 
this. ...his  letter  to  his  brethren  in  Scotland... .warning 
against  tlie  principles  of  the  anabaptists. ...his  sentiments 
respecting  predestination. ...his  letter  to  the  Protestant  no- 
bility....prudent  advice  as  to  resistance  of  the  government.... 
engaged  in  the  Geneva  Bible. ...publishes  his  It^tter  to  the  queen 
regent... .Appellation. ...First  Blast  of  the  Trumpet. ...reasons 
which  led  to  his  publication  against  female  government.... 
oftence  which  it  gave....Aylmer"s  answer  to  it. ...He  receives  a 
second  invitation  from  the  nobles. ...advancement  of  the  Refor- 
mation in  Scotland. ...formation  of  congregations. ...preachers.... 
jiiartyrdom  of  Walter  !Milne.... queen  regent  flatters  the  Pro- 
testants with  promises  of  support. ...accession  of  Elizabeth.... 
Knox  leaves  Geneva.. ..is  refused  a  passage  through  England.... 
impolicy  of  this....reasons  of  his  request. ...convinced  at  an 
early  period  that  the  Scottish  Protestants  would  need  the  as- 
sistance of  England  against  France.. ..writes  to  Seeretary 
iCeeil... .arrives  in  Scotland. ...critical  situation  in  which  he 


XVI  CONTENTS. 

found  the  affairs  of  the  Protestants....queen  regent  had  thrown 
off"  the  mask,  and  avowed  her  determination  to  suppress  the 
Reformation. ...he  joins  his  brethren  who  were  summoned  to 
stand  trial.. ..preaches  at  Perth....demolition  of  the  monaster- 
ies in  that  city. ...not  justly  imputed  to  him. ...he  holds  an  in- 
terview with  Argyle  and  the  prior  of  St.  Andrew's Treaty 

between  the  Regent  and  Congregation  violated  by  the  former.... 
lords  of  the  Congregation  resolve  on  more  decisive  measures.... 
Kuox  invited  to  preach  at  St.  Andrew *s..,.threatened  by  the 
Archbishop. ...his  intrepidity  and  firmness. ...preaches.. ..magis- 
trates and  inhabitants  agree  to  demolish  the  monasteries  and 
idols. ...their  example  followed  in  different  parts  of  the  coun- 
try....reflections  on  these  proceedings. ...Protestants  in  Edin- 
burgh fix  on  Knox  as  their  minister.. ..he  itinerates  through 
the  kindom.... effects  of  his  preaching  ...state  of  his  mind.... 
his  family  arrives  in  Scotland.. ..settlement  of  protestant  min- 
isters in  the  principal  towns. ...French  troops  come  to  the  as- 
sistance of  the  queen  regent.. ..Knox  prevails  on  his  brethren 
to  solicit  the  assistance  of  England. ...writes  to  Cecil. ...apolo- 
gises to  Elizabeth  for  his  Blast. ...is  invited  to  England.. ..un- 
dertakes a  journey  to  Berwic....is  successful  in  the  negoeia- 
tion.... reasons  for  his  taking  so  active  apart  in  this  affair.... 
court  of  England  wish  to  confine  themselves  to  secret  supplies 
of  money.. ..embarrassment  in  which  Knox  was  involved  by 
this....]iis  political  casuistry. ...reprehended  by  Croft....confi- 
dence  which  the  English  court  reposed  in  his  honesty. ...his 
jietivity  and  imminent  danger... .lords  of  the  Congregation  de- 
mand his  advice  as  to  the  deposition  of  the  queen  regent.. ..he 
advises  her  suspension. ...influence  of  the  Reformation  upon 
civil  liberty.. ..particularly  in  Scotland. ...political  principles 
of  Knox. ...essentially  those  on  which  British  liberty  rests.... 
the  congregation  meet  v.ith  disasters. ...their  courage  revived 
by  the  eloquence  of  Knox. ...his  exertions  in  Fife. ...English 
army  join  the  forces  of  the  Congregation. ...Mar  ended  by  a 
treaty. ...contrast  between  the  conduct  of  the  popish  clergy  and 
protestant  preachers  during  the  civil  war.. ..the  reformed 
religion  is  established  by  Parliament. ...retrospect  of  the  prin- 
cipal causes  which  contributed  to  its  success.  Page  14<4( 
PERIOD  SIXTH. 
Kuox  employed  in  composing  the  Protestant  Confession  of 
Faith... .the  First  Book  of  Discipline. ...outline  of  the  primi- 


CONTEisfTS.  Xvii 

live  goveraiaent  and  order  of  the  reformed  eliurcli  in  Scot- 
land— laudable  and  enlightened  attention  to  public  education — . 
literary  hours  in  a  Seottish  minister's  family — Hebrew  lan- 
guage introduced-:— nobility  averse  to  the  Book  of  Discipline — ■ 
JFirst  General  Assembly — Knox  loses  his  wife — his  corres- 
pondence with  Calvin — critical  state  of  the  reformed  church — 
queen  Mary  arrives  in  Scotland — her  fixed  prepossessions 
against  the  reformed  religion,  and  determination  to  restor«3 
popery — alarm  produced  by  her  setting  up  mass  in  her  chap- 
el— conduct  of  Knox  on  that  occasion — examination  of  the 
grounds  of  this  alarm — hostile  intentions  of  the  queen  against 
Knox — singular  conversation  between  them — opinion  w  hich  he 
formed  of  her  character — his  austerity  and  vehemence  useful- 
zeal  of  the  Protestant  nobility  abates — he  vindicates  the  free- 
dom of  the  ecclesiastical  assemblies — inveighs  against  the  in- 
adequate provision  made  for  the  protestant  ministry — attention 
of  the  Town  Council  of  Edinburgh  to  his  support — admits 
two  superintendants — employed  in  reconciling  the  nobilitj- — 
queen  offended  at  one  of  his  sermons — another  interview  be- 
tween them — his  labours  in  Edinburgh — obtains  John  Craig 
for  a  colleague — exerts  himself  in  defeating  a  scheme  of  the 
Papists  to  embroil  the  country — Quintin  Kennedy,  abbot  of 
Grossraguel — challenges  Knox  to  a  disputation — curious  cor- 
respondence between  them — account  of  their  dispute — Ninian 
Wingate — excommunication  of  Paul  Methven — strictness  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline — conference  between  the  queen  and 
Knox  at  Lochlevin — artifice  of  Mary — she  prevails  on  the 
Parliament  not  to  ratify  the  proceedings  in  favour  of  the  Re- 
formation— indignation  of  Knox  at  this — breach  between  hiut 
and  the  Earl  of  Murray — his  sermon  before  the  dissolution  of 
Parliament — the  queen  incensed  at  it — he  vindicates  it  in  her 
presence — she  bursts  into  tears — apology  for  the  severity  of 
his  behaviour — slander  agaiust  him — he  writes  a  circular  let- 
ter— queen  determines  to  accuse  him  of  Higii  Treason — influ- 
ence used  to  intimidate  him  into  a  submissioii — his  trial — in- 
dignation of  the  queen  at  his  acquittal         .         .         Page  22^ 

PERIOD  SEVENTH. 

New  attempts  to  induce  him  to  make  a  submission  to  tljo  queen-^ 
Ocacral  Assembly  approve  oTiUs  conrlnet — he  marries  a  daiigh^ 


xviii  «ONTENT§r 

iev  of  Lord  Ochiltree — differences  between  the  courtiers  and 
the  ministers — apology  for  the  liberty  of  the  pulpit — disputa- 
tion between  Knox  and  Secretary  Maitland — queen  amuses 
the  protestauts  at  the  time  of  her  marriage  with  Darnly— - 
friendship  renewed  between  Murray  and  Knox— he  does  not 
take  part  in  Murray's  insurrection — the  king  takes  oflFence  at 
one  of  his  sermons — the  privy  council  inhibit  him  from  preach- 
ing in  Edinburgh  for  a  season — remonstrance  of  the  town 
council  against  this — Christopher  Goodman— General  Assem- 
bly refuse  to  translate  Knox  to  St.  Andrew's — appoint  a  Fast 
for  the  dangers  which  threatened  the  Protestant  interest — pre- 
parations for  restoring  the  popish  religion  in  Scotland — de- 
feated— Knox  banished  from  Edinburgh — resolves  to  visit  his 
sons  in  England — General  Assembly  give  him  a  large  recom- 
mendation— he  carries  a  letter  to  the  bishops  of  England — 
spirited  letter  written  by  him  on  occasion  of  the  restoration  of 
the  archbishop  of  St.  Andrew's  to  his  ancient  jurisdiction — 
the  king  is  murdered  by  the  Earl  of  Bothwell — the  queen's 
participation  in  this  deed — she  marries  Bothwell — indepen- 
dent behaviour  of  John  Craig  on  this  occasion — Knox  employ- 
ed in  persuading  the  protestant  nobility  to  unite  in  support  of 
the  infant  prince — preaches  at  the  corronation  of  James  VI— 
Lis  opinion  concerning  the  punishment  of  Mary — is  a  member 
of  a  committee  for  preparing  overtures  to  the  Parliament — acts 
passed  l)y  the  Parliament  in  favor  of  the  protestant  religion — 
state  of  the  cliureh  daring  the  regency  of  Murray — Knox  cher- 
ishes tlie  desire  of  retiring  from  his  public  situation — the  king- 
dom embroiled  by  the  escape  of  the  queen — the  regent  assas- 
sinated by  Hamilton  of  BofbMellhaugh — national  grief  pro- 
dueed  by  this — character  of  Murray — justice  not  done  to  him 
bv  historians — Knox  deplores  his  loss — fai>ricated  conference 
between  him  and  the  regent — his  denunciation  against  Thomas 
Maitland  for  exulting  over  his  death — preaches  a  pathetic 
sermou  before  his  funeral — is  struck  with  apoplexy.  Page  29B 

PERIOD  EIGHTH. 

He  recovers  from  the  apoplectic  stroke — is  involved  in  a  quarrel 
with  Kucaldy  of  Grange — the  gjutlenien  of  the  west  alarmed 
for  his  safety — anonymous  libels  against  bim  by  the  queen's 
adhcreuts — his  siiirited  iiuswers — Edinburgh  occupied  by  thft 


CONTENTS.  XIX 

queen's  party — ^his  critical  situation — his  friends  prevail  on 
him  to  leave  the  city — he  retires  to  St.  Andrew's — proofs  of 
hostility  against  him — is  opposed  by  Robert  Hamilton — Ar- 
chibald Hamilton — scheme  of  the  courtiers  for  altering  the 
polity  of  the  Churcli — Tulchau  bishops — opposed  by  him — 
refuses  to  instal  Douglas  in  the  archbishopric  of  St.  Andrew's— 
vindicates  himself  against  an  invidious  charge  on  this  head — 
gradual  decay  of  his  health — interesting  account  of  his  ap- 
pearance and  pulpit  eloquence — publishes  an  answer  to  Ty- 
rie — longs  for  his  dissolution — his  last  letter  to  the  General 
Assembly — is  invited  back  to  Edinburgh — returns — his  voice 
so  enfeebled  that  he  could  not  make  himself  heard  in  St.  Giles's — 
a  new  place  of  worship  fitted  up  for  him — his  colleague,  Cmig, 
removed  from  Edinburgh — his  anxiety  to  have  a  successor  ad- 
mitted before  his  death — his  letter  of  invitation  to  Lawson — 
Bartholomew  massacre  in  France — inflicts  a  deep  wound  on 
his  exhausted  spirit — his  denunciation  against  the  French 
king — preaches  for  the  last  time  at  the  admission  of  his  suc- 
cessor— sickens — interesting  interview  with  his  session — sends 
a  message  to  Kircaldy  of  Grange — his  religious  advices,  me- 
ditations and  comfort — his  death — funeral — opinions  enter- 
tained respecting  him — by  the  Papists — foreign  reformers — 
Scottish  protestants — contemporary  divines  of  the  church  of 
England — their  successors — the  abettors  of  arbitrary  govern- 
ment and  champions  of  queen  Mary — moderns — skeleh  of  his 
character — prophecies  ascribed  to  him — account  of  his  fami- 
ly— singular  conversation  between  one  of  his  daughters  and 
James  Y I. — character  of  his  writings — conclusion.     Page  336 

Notes.          .  ........  401 

Appendix.  .           ........  529 

Supplement.  :.......  563 

Index. 


THE  LIFE 


OF 


JOHN    KNOX. 


PERIOD  I. 


FR©M   HIS    BIRTH,  ANNO    1505,  TO   HIS    EMBRACING   OF 
THE   REFORMED    RELIGION,   ANNO    1543. 

John  Knox  was  born  in  the  year  one  thousantl,  five 
hundred,  and  five.  The  place  of  liis  nativity  has  been 
disputed.  That  he  was  born  at  Gilford,  a  village  in 
East  Lothian,  has  been  the  most  prevailing  opinion  ;* 
but  the  tradition  of  the  country  fixes  his  birtli  at  Had- 
dington, the  principal  town  of  the  county.  The  house 
in  which  he  is  said  to  have  been  born  is  still  shewn 

*Beza,  wlio  was  contemporary,  and  personally  acquainted 
with  our  Reformer^  designs  him  'Joannes  Cuoxus,  Scotus,  Gifford- 
iensis,''  Icones  Viroruin  Illustriuni,  Ee.  iij.  Anno  1580.  Spottis- 
wood  says  he  was  'born  in  GitFord,  within  Lothian,"  History,  p. 
265.  Anno  1677.  David  Buchanan,  in  the  account  of  Knex,  pre- 
fixed to  the  edition  of  his  History  of  the  Reformation,  published 
Anno  1614,  gives  the  same  account;  A-ihicli  has  been  adopted  in 
all  the  sketches  of  his  life,  that  have  accompanied  his  history,  even 
in  the  edition  printed  from  authentic  MSS.  x\niio  1732.  In  a 
♦'Genealogical  account  of  the  Knoxes,"  (a  MS.  in  the  possession 
of  the  family  of  the  late  Mr.  James  Knox,  Minister  of  Seoon^ 


S  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

by  the  inhabitants,  in  oue  of  the  suburbs  of  the  townj, 
called  the  Gifford-gate.  This  house,  with  some  ad- 
joining acres  of.  land,  continued  to  be  possessed  by 
(be  family  until  about  50  years  ago,  when  it  was  par- 
chased  from  tiiem  by  the  Earl  of  Wemyss  * 

The  name  of  his  mother  was  Sinclair.\  His  fa- 
ther was  descended  from  an  ancient  and  respectable 
family,  who  possessed  the  lands  of  Knock,  Ranferly, 
and  Craigcnds,  in  the  shire  of  Renfrew.  The  de- 
scendants of  this  family  have  been  accustomed  to 
claim  him  as  a  cadet,  and  to  enumerate  among  the 
honours  of  their  house,  that  it  gave  birth  to  th« 
Scottish  Reformer,  a  bishop  of  Raphoe,  and  of  the 
Isles4  At  what  particular  period  his  ancestors  re- 
moved from  their  original  seat,  and  settled  in  Lo- 
thian, I  have  not  been  able  exactly  to  ascertain.^ 

4he  reformer's  father  is  said  to  have  been  proprietor  of  the  estate 
of  Giiford.     Scott's  History  of  the  Reformers  in  Scotland,  p.  94<. 

*  Transactions  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  in  Scotland,  p.  69» 
To.  Archibald  Hamilton,  a  contemporary  and  a  countryman  of 
Kuox,  gives  the  same  account  of  the  place  of  his  birth.  "  Obscuris 
iiatus  parent ibus  in  Hadiutona,  oppido  in  Laudoiiia."  De  Confu- 
sione  Calvinianse  Sectae  apud  Seotos,  Dialogus,  p.  6 1.  Parisiis, 
1577.  Hamilton,  indeed;  is  a  writer  entitled  to  no  credit,  when  he 
had  any  temptation  to  lie;  but  as  to  such  a  circumstance  as  this> 
there  is  no  reason  to  suspect  him  of  intentional  falsification.  Ano* 
ther  writer  of  the  same  kidney  says,  that  he  was  born  "  projye  Ha- 
dintonam,"  Laingaeus  (Scotus)  De  Vita,  et  Mori  bus,  atque  rebus 
gestis  Haereticorum  nostri  temporis.     Parisiis,  1.581. 

t  In  letters  written  by  the  reformer,  in  times  of  persecution  or 
wjvr,  when  there  was  a  risk  of  their  being  intercepted,  he  was  ac- 
f  uslomed  to  subscribe, ''  John  Sinclair."  Under  this  signature  at 
one  of  them,  in  the  collection  of  his  letters  in  my  possession,  is 
the  following  note  :  "  yis  was  his  mothers  surname,  wlk  he  wrait 
in  time  of  trubill."    MS,  Letters,  p.3  4S. 

I  Nisbet's  Heraldry,  p.  180.  C'rawfurd's  Renfrew,  by  Semple, 
part  II.  p.  30,  139.  Account  of  Knox,  prefixed  to  his  History, 
Anno  1/32.  page  ii.    Keith's  Scotlish  Bishops,  p.  177. 

§  David  Buchanan,  ut  supra,  says  that  "  his  father  was  a  brother 
son  of  the  house  of  Ranferlie."  The  account  which  the  Reformer 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  S 

Obscurity  of  parentage  can  reflect  no  tlislionour 
upon  him  who  has  raised  himself  to  distinction ^ 
by  his  virtues  and  talents.  But  the  assertion  of  some 
writers,  that  our  Reformer's  parents  were  in  poor 
circumstances,  is  contradicted  by  facts.  They  v/crc 
able  to  give  their  son  a  liberal  education,  wliich,  in 
that  age,  was  far  from  being  common.  In  his  youth 
he  was  put  to  the  grammar-school  of  Haddington: 
and,  after  acquiring  the  principles  of  the  Latiii 
language  there,  was  sent,  by  his  father,  to  the  uni- 
versity of  St.  Andrew's,  at  that  time  the  most  cele- 
brated seminary  in  the  kingdom.*     This  was  about 

iiimself  gave  of  his  ancestors,  in  a  conversation  with  the  Ear!  of 
Bothwell,  implies  that  they  had  settled  in  East  Lothian,  a.s  earlj 
as  the  days  of  his  great-grandfather:  "  My  Lord,  (says  h?)  my 
great-grandfather,  gudesehir,  and  father,  have  served  yourLnrd- 
ohip's  predecessours,  and  some  of  them  liave  dyed  under  their 
standards  ;  and  this  is  a  palrt  of  the  obligatioun  of  our  Scottish 
kindness." — Knox,  Historic  of  the  Reformatioim.  p.  306. 

*  Dr.  Mackenzie  says,  the  reformer  was  "the  son  of  a  poor 
countryman,  as  we  are  informed  by  those  who  knew  him  very  well : 
his  parents,  though  in  a  mean  condition,  put  their  son  to  the 
grammar-school  of  Haddington ;  where,  after  he  had  learned  his 
grammar,  he  served  for  some  time  the  laird  of  Langniddrie's  chil- 
dren, who  being  sent  by  their  parents  to  the  university  of  8t.  An- 
drews, he  thereby  had  occasion  of  learning  his  philosophy."" 
Lives  of  Scottish  Writers,  Part  iii.  p.  ill.  As  his  authoriiies  for 
these  assertions,  the  Doctor  has  printed  on  the  margin,  "  Dr.  Ha- 
milton, Dr.  Baillie,  and  many  others:"  popish  writers,  who,  re- 
gardless of  their  own  character,  fabricated  or  retailed  such  tales 
as  they  thought  most  discreditable  to  the  reformer,  many  of  which 
Mackenzie  himself  is  obliged  to  pronounce  "  ridiculous  storie* 
that  are  altogether  improbable,"  p.  132.  Dr.  Baillie  was  Alex 
ander  Baillie,  a  Benedictine  Monk  in  the  Scottish  monastery  of 
Wirt«burgh ;  and,  as  he  wrote  in  the  year  1638,  it  is  ridiculous 
to  ti(k  of  his  being  well  acquainted  either  with  the  reformer  or  his 
fatiser.  Hamilton,  (the  earliest  authority)  instead  of  supporting 
Mackenzie's  assertions,  informs  uj,  so  far  as  his  language  is  in- 
telligible, that  he  was  in  priests  oraers  before  he  undertook  the 
c^re  01  cbildren  :    '•  quo  victam  sibi  pararet  magis,  <[iiam  vA  dew 


4  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

the  year  1524;*  at  which  time  George  BuchanaB 
commenced  his  studies,  uuder  the  same  masters,  and 
in  the  same  college  of  St.  Salvador. 

The  state  of  learning  in  Scotland  at  this  period^ 
and  the  progress  which  it  made  in  the  subsequent 
part  of  the  century,  have  not  been  examined  with 
the  attention  which  they  deserve,  and  which  has  been 
bestowed  on  contemporaneous  subjects  of  inferi- 
or importance.  There  were  unquestionably  learned 
Scotsmen  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century « 
but  the  most  of  them  owed  their  chief  acquirements 
to  the  advantage  of  a  foreign  education.  Those 
improvements,  which  the  revival  of  literature  had 
introduced  into  the  schools  of  Italy  and  France, 
were  long  in  reaching  the  universities  of  Scot- 
land, originally  formed  upon  their  model,  and,  when 
they  did  arrive,  were  regarded  with  a  suspicious 
eye.  The  principal  branches  cultivated  in  our  uni- 
versities were  the  Aristotelian  philosophy,  scholastic 
theology,  with  canon  and  civil  law.f      The  schools 

serviret  (Simonis  illius  magi  hue  usque  sequutus  vestigia)  presby* 
ter  primum  fieri  de  more  quamvis  illiteratus  turn  in  privatis  aedi- 
bus  puerorum  in  vulgaribus  literis  formandorum  euram  capere 
coactus  est.*'  De  Confusione  Calv.  Seetae,  p.  64.  The  fact  is, 
that  Knox  entered  into  the  family  of  Langniddrie  as  tutor,  after 
he  had  finished  liis  education  at  St.  Andrews ;  and  as  late  as 
Anno  1547,  he  was  employed  in  teaching  the  young  men  their 
grammar.    Historic,  p.  67. 

*  I  have  not  received  the  inforraatlou  which  enables  me  to  as- 
certain the  particularyear  in  which  Knox  entered  the  university, 
but  expect  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  insert  it  in  the  Appendix. 

t  Boetii  Vitse  Episcopor.  Murthlac.  et  Aberdon.  fol.  xxix.  coll. 
cum  fol.  xxvi. — xxviii.  Impress.  Anno  1522.  This  little  work  is 
of  great  value,  and  contains  almost  the  only  authentic  notice* 
which  we  possess,  as  to  the  state  of  learning  in  Scotland,  about  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Mackenzie,  the  copiator  of  the 
fabulous  l)onn)ster,(who  gives  an  account  of  learned  men  that  never 
existed,  and  of  books  that  no  man  ever  saw  or  could  see.)  talks  of 
a•^D^o^t  cverv  v.  riler  w'uoai  ha  mentions,  as  finishing  the  coursa  of 


1.IFE  OF  JOHN  KNeX.  §• 

erected  in  the  principal  towns  of  tlie  kingdom  af- 
forded the  means  of  instruction  in  the  Latin  tongue^, 
the  knowledge  of  which,  in  some  degree,  was  requi- 
site for  enabling  the  clergy  to  perform  the  religious 
service.*  But  the  Greek  language,  long  after  it  had 
been  enthusiastically  studied   on   the  continent,  and 

his  studies  in  the  Belles  Lettres  and  Philosophy"  in  one  of  the  Seoti* 
Universities.  These  are  merely  words  of  course.  Some  of  the  Ari- 
stotelian rules  concerning  rhetoric  might  be  delivered  by  the  pro- 
fessor of  scholastic  philosophy;  but  until  the  Reformation-  there 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  any  course  of  this  kind.  At  that  pe- 
riod, a  course  of  rhetoric  was  appointed  to  be  taugiit  in  the  col- 
leges.    First  Book  of  Discipline,  p.  40,  42.     Edit.  Anno  1621. 

*  Among  the  gi'ammar-schools  in  Scotland,  those  of  *36^rrfee?i 
and  Perth  seem  to  have  been  distinguished,  during  the  first  half  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  John  Fozts  was  Rector  of  the  former,  about 
the  year  1520,  and  is  celebrated  by  Boece,  at  that  time  Principal 
»f  the  University  of  Aberdeen,  for  his  knowledge  of  the  Latiu 
tongue,  and  success  in  the  education  of  youth.  From  Boece's  ac- 
count, a  very  close  connection  seems  to  have  been  established  be- 
tween his  school  and  the  university.  Boetii  Vitae,  ?if  supra,  fol. 
XXX.  Vans  was  the  author  of  a  Latin  Grammar,  printed  at  Edin- 
burgh, by  R.  Lepreuik,  Anno  1566,  which  is  now  exceedingly  rare. 

Andrew  Simso7i  was  master  of  the  school  of  Perth,  although  at 
a  period  somewhat  later  than  the  former,  and  taught  Latin  with 
much  success.  A  greater  number  of  learned  men  proceeded  from 
his  school  than  from  any  other  in  the  kingdom.  He  had  sometimes 
under  his  charge  300  boys,  many  of  them  sons  of  the  prilicipal 
nobility  and  gentry  in  the  kingdom.  Row's  MS.  Historic,  p.  a,  4. 
He  left  Perth  at  the  establishment  of  the  Reformation  1560,  and 
became  minister  of  Dunning  and  Cargill,  from  which  he  was 
frauslated.  Anno  1564,  to  Dunbar,  where  he  sustained  the  double 
office  of  master  of  the  grammar-school,  and  minister  of  the  parish. 
He  was  the  author  of  Latiu  Rudiments,  which  continued  to  be 
faught  in  the  schools  until  the  time  of  liuddiman,  and  were  much 
esteemed  by  that  excellent  scholar.  Row,  ut  supra,  Keith,  p.  534. 
Chalmer's  Life  of  Ruddiman,  p.  21,  22.  63.  At  the  Reformation, 
the  Protestant  clergy  recommended  and  earnestly  pressed  the 
erectiou  of  a  school  iu  every  poaish.  First  Book  of  Discipline 
p.  40.  In  many  instances  this  was  complied  with :  but  it  wa% 
Tint  enacted  by  Parliament,  until  Anno  16.33- 


0  LIFE  OP  JOHN  KNOX. 

after  it  had  become  a  fixed  braDch  of  education  is 
the  neighbouring  kingdom,  continued  to  be  almost 
unknown  in  Scotland.  Individuals  acquired  the 
knowledge  of  it  abroad ;  but  the  first  attempts  to 
teach  it  in  this  country  were  of  a  private  nature,  and 
exposed  their  patrons  to  the  suspicion  of  heresy. 
The  town  of  Montrose  is  distinguished  by  being 
the  first  place,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discov- 
er, in  which  Greek  was  taught  in  Scotland ;  and 
John  Erskine  of  Dun  is  entitled  to  the  honour  of 
being  regarded  as  the  first  of  his  countrymen  who 
patronized  the  study  of  that  polite  and  useful  lan- 
guage. As  early  as  the  year  1534,  that  enlightened 
and  public-spirited  baron,  on  returning  from  his  travr 
els,  brought  with  him  a  Frenchman,  skilled  in  thft 
Grreek  tongue,  whom  he  settlefl  in  Montrose ;  and, 
upon  his  removal,  he  liberally  encouraged  others  to 
come  from  France  and  succeed  to  his  place.  From 
this  private  seminary,  many  Greek  scholars  proceed- 
ed, and  the  knowledge  of  the  language  was  gradu- 
ally diifused  through  the  kingdom.*  After  this 
statement,  1  need  scarcely  add,  that  the  Oriental 
tongues  were  at  this  time  utterly  unknown  in  this 
country.  It  was  not  until  the  establishment  of  the 
Reformation,  that  Hebrew  began  to  be  studied;  and 
John  Row  was  the  first  who  taught  it,  having  open- 
ed a  class  for  this  purpose  in  the  year  1560,  imme- 
diately upon  his  settlement  as  minister  in  Perth. f 
From  that  time,  the  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  the 
Eastern  languages  advanced  among  our  countrymea 
with  a  rapid  pace.f 

*Lite  of  John  Erskine  of  Dun,  p.  2.  apud  Wodrow  MSS.  iv 
Glas.  Coll.  Lib.  The  industrious  collector  had  access  to  some 
ol'Erskine's  papers,  when  employed  in  compiling  his  life. 

t  Row's  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  MS.  (Mihi,)  p.Srs, 
3f3.  ISceXeteA. 


I,IPB   OF  JOHN   KNOX.  jjf 

Knox  acquired  the  Greek  language  before  ho 
reached  middle  age;  but  we  find  him  acknowledging^ 
as  late  as  the  year  1550,  that  he  was  ignorant  of  He- 
brew, a  defect  in  his  education  which  he  exceeding- 
ly lamented,  and  which  he  afterwards  got  supplied 
during  his  exile  on  the  continent.* 

John  Mair,  better  known  by  his  Latin  name,  Ma-v 
JOR,  was  professor  of  philosophy  and  theology  at  St. 
Andrews,  when  Knox  attended  the  university.  The 
minds  of  young  men,  and  their  future  train  of  think- 
ing, often  receive  an  important  direction  from  the 
master  under  whom  they  were  first  trained  to  study, 
especially  if  his  reputation  be  high.  Major  was  at 
that  time  deemed  an  oracle  in  the  sciences  which  he 
taught;  and  as  he  was  the  preceptor  of  Knox  and 
the  celebrated  scholar  Buchanan,  it  may  be  proper 
to  advert  to  some  of  his  opinions.  He  had  received 
the  greater  part  of  his  education  in  France,  and  act- 
ed for  some  time  as  professor  in  the  university  of  Pa- 
ris. In  that  situation,  he  had  acquired  a  habit  of 
thinking  and  expressing  himself  on  certain  subjects, 
more  liberal  than  was  adopted  in  his  native  country 
and  other  parts  of  Europe.  He  had  imbibed  the 
sentiments  concerning  ecclesiastical  polity,  main- 
tained by  John  Gerson,  Peter  D'Ailly,  and  others 
who  defended  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance, and  liberties  of  the  Gallican  church,  against 
those  who  asserted  the  incontroulable  authority  of 
the  Sovereign  Pontiff.  He  taught  that  a  General 
Council  was  superior  to  the  Pope,  might  judge,  re- 
buke, restrain,  and  even  depose  him  from  his  digni- 
ty;  denied  the  temporal  supremacy  of  the  Bisliop 
of  Rome,  and   his  right  to  inaugurate  or  dethrone 

*  "In  the  Hebrew  toung,  (says  he,  in  his  defence  before  the 
Bishop  of  Durham)  I  confess  myself  ignorant,  but  have,  as  God 
knaweth,  fervent  thirst  to  have  snm  entraHce  tliairin.;'  M^i. 
Letters,  p.  16. 


S  LIFE  OF    JOHN  KNOX. 

princes  ;  maintained  tliat  ecclesiastical  censures  and 
even  papal  exeomraiinications  had  no  force,  if  pro- 
nounced on  invalid  or  irrelevant  grounds  ;  he  held 
that  tithes  were  merely  of  human  appointment,  not 
divine  right ;  censured  the  avarice,  amhition,  and 
secular  pomp  of  the  court  of  Rome  and  the  episco- 
pal order ;  was  no  warm  friend  of  the  regular  cler- 
gy ;  and  advised  the  reduction  of  monasteries  and 
liolidays.* 

His  opinions  respecting  civil  government  were  an- 
alogous to  those  which  he  held  as  to  ecclesiastical 
policy.  He  taught  that  the  authority  of  kings  and 
princes  was  originally  derived  from  the  people ;  that 
the  former  arc  not  superior  to  the  latter  collectively 
considered  ;  that  if  rulers  become  tyrannical,  or  em- 
ploy their  power  for  the  destruction  of  their  subjects, 
ihey  may  lawfully  be  controuled  by  thein,  and,  prov- 
ing incorrigible,  may  be  deposed  by  the  community 
as  the  superior  power;  and  that  tyrants  may  be  ju- 
dicially proceeded  against,  even  to  capital  punish- 
ment.  y 

The  affinity  between  these,  and  the  political  prin- 
ciples afterwards  avowed  by  Knox,  and  defended  by 
the  classic  pen  of  Buchanan,  is  too  striking  to  require 
illustration.  Tliougli  Major  was  not  the  iirst  Scot- 
tish writer  vvho  had  expressed  some  of  these  senti- 
ments, it  is  highly  probable,  that  the  oral  iustrue- 
xions  and  wriiings  of  their  teacher  first  suggested  to 
them  those  principles,  whieli  were  confirmed  by  sub- 
sequent reading  and  reflection ;  and  consequently 
conti'ibutcd  to  ])ring  about  those  great  changes  which 
were   afterward?   effected  by  means  of  them.     Nor 

■'  Tliese  sentiments  are eoliceUd  from  lii.s  Commentary  on  tho. 
TliiUl  Book  of  {]).,;  J[ct<!lc>'  of  Senfence^^,  and  i'romhis  E^x'iwsiiion  of 
Malthevv's  Gosju'l :  printed  in  Latin  at  Paris.,  the  former  Anno 
(.■iir,  and  the  latter  Anno  iTtV^. 

t  'rco  Xolc  B. 


M 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  9 

would  his  ecclesiastical  opinions  fail  to  have  their 
share  of  influence  upon  the  train  of  their  thouglits. 

But  though,  in  these  respects,  the  opinions  of 
Major  were  more  free  and  rational  than  those  gene- 
rally entertained  at  that  time :  it  must  he  confessed, 
that  the  portion  of  instruction  which  his  scholars 
could  derive  from  him  was  extremely  small,  if  we  al- 
low his  publications  to  he  a  fair  specimen  of  his  acade- 
mical prelections.  Many  of  the  questions  which  he 
discusses  are  utterly  useless  and  trifling ;  the  rest  are 
rendered  disgusting  by  the  most  servile  adherence  to 
all  the  minutise  of  the  scholastic  mode  of  reasoning. 
The  reader  of  his  works  must  be  content  with  pain- 
fully picking  a  grain  of  truth  from  the  rubbish  of 
many  pages  ;  nor  will  the  drudgery  be  compensated 
by  those  discoveries  of  inventive  genius  and  acute 
discrimination,  for  which  the  writings  of  Aquinas, 
and  some  others  of  that  subtle  school,  may  still  dcr 
serve  to  be  consulted.  Major  is  entitled  to  pnilse, 
for  exposing  to  his  countrymen  several  of  the  more 
glaring  errors  and  abuses  of  his  time ;  but  his  mind 
was  deeply  tinctured  with  superstition,  and  lie  de- 
fended some  of  the  absurdest  tenets  of  popery  by 
the  most  ridiculous  and  puerile  arguments.-  His 
talents  were  moderate  ;  with  the  writings  of  tiie  an- 
cients, he  appears  to  have  been  acquainted  only 
through  the  medium  of  the  collectors  of  the  middle 

*  Lord  Hailes,  having  given  an  example  of  this,  adds,  "  After 
this,  can  Buchanan  be  censured  for  saying  that  he  was  '•  solo  cog- 
Eomine  M(jor?^'  Provincial  Councils  of  the  Scottish  Clergy,  p. 
11.  By  the  bye,  it  was  ]Major  who  first  said  this  of  himself.  It  was 
the  sight  of  these  \vords, "  Joannes,  solo  cognomine.  Major,''  in  the 
dedicatory  epistle  to  his  writings,  tliat  drew  from  Buchanan  tliC 
satirical  lines,  which  have  been  so  often  appealed  to  by  his  ene- 
mies, as  infallible  proof  of  the  badness  of  his  heart.  If  fault  there 
was  in  this,  we  may  certainly  make  the  apology  which  his  learn- 
ed editor  produces  for  him  in  another  case,  ^'nontamhominis\i- 
tium,  quam  poetoeP  Poets  and  wits  cannot  always  spare  thtir 
best  friend?. 


10  I.IFE    eP   JOHN    KNOX. 

ages ;  nor  does  he  ever  hazard  an  opinion,  or  pur- 
sue a  speculation,  beyond  what  he  found  marked 
out  by  some  approved  doctor  of  the  church.  Add 
to  this,  that  his  style  is,  to  an  uncommon  degree, 
harsh  and  forbidding ;  "  exile,  aridum,  conseissum, 
acminutum.'^ 

Knox  and  Buchanan  soon  became  disgusted  with 
such  studies,  and  began  to  seek  entertainment  more 
gratifying    to    their    ardent    and    inquisitive    minds. 
Having  set  out  in  search  of  knowledge,  they  releas- 
ed themselves  from  the  trammels,  and  overleaped  thft 
boundaries,  prescribed  to  them  by  their  timid  conduc- 
tor.    Each  following  the  native  bent  of  his  genius  and 
iuclination,  they  separated  in  the  prosecution  of  their 
studies ;    Buchanan,  indulging   in  a  more  excursive 
range,  explored  the  extensive  fields  of  literature,  and 
wandered  in  the  flowery  mead  of  poesy;  while  Knox, 
passing  through  the  avenues  of  secular  learning,  de- 
voted himself  to  the  study  of  divine  truth,  and   the 
labours  of  the  sacred  ministry.     Both,  however  kept 
uniformly  in  view  the  advancement  of  true  religion 
and  liberty,  with  the  love  of  which  they  were  equally 
smitten ;    and  as  they   suffered  a  long   and    painful 
exile,    and  were    exposed  to  many  dangers    during 
their  lives,  for  adherence  to  this  kindred  cause,  so 
their  memories  have  not  been  divided,  in  the  profuse 
but  honourable  obloquy  with  which  they  have  been 
aspersed  by  its  enemies,   or  in  the  deserved  grateful 
recollections  of  its  genuine  friends.* 

^  Biichauan  always  mentions  Knox  in  terms  of  high  respect, 
dpcr.  Rudiliman,  p.  313.  321,  3G6.  And  the  Reformer,  in  his  his- 
tory, has  l.'orne  testimony  to  the  virtues  as  well  as  splendid  ta- 
lents of  Buchanan  ;  "  That  notable  man,  Mr.  George  Bucquhan- 
ane — remauis  alyve  to  this  day,  in  tlie  yeir  of  God  1366  years,  to 
the  glory  of  God,  to  thegret  lionour  of  this  natioun,andto  the  com- 
fort of  thamc  that  delyte  in  letters  and  vertew.  That  singulare 
Avark  of  David's  Psalmes,  in  Latin  meetere  and  poesie,  hesyde 
mony  uthcr,  caji  witness  the  rare  graices  of  God  gevin  to  t^»a*t 
man."'  p.  2?t. 


^ 


LIFE    OP   JOHN    SNOX.  11 

iBut  we  must  not  suppose,  that  Knox  was  able  at 
once  to  divest  himself  of  the  prejudices  of  his  educa- 
tion and  of  the  times.  Barren  and  repulsive  as  the 
scholastic  studies  appear  to  our  minds,  there  was 
something  in  the  intricate  and  subtle  sophistry  then 
in  vogue,  calculated  to  fascinate  the  youthful  and 
ingenious  mind  It  had  a  shew  of  wisdom  ;  ii;  exer- 
cised, although  it  did  not  feed  the  understanding; 
it  even  gave  play  to  the  imagination,  while  it  ex- 
ceedingly flattered  the  pride  of  the  adept  Nor  was 
it  easy  for  the  person  who  had  suffered  himself  to  be 
drawn  in,  to  break  through  or  extricate  himself  from 
the  mazy  labyrinth.  Accordingly,  Knox  continued 
for  some  time  captivated  with  these  studies,  and  pro- 
secuted them  with  great  success.  After  he  was 
created  Master  of  Arts,  he  taught  philosophy,  most 
probably  as  an  assistant,  or  private  lecturer  in  the 
university.*  His  class  became  celebrated  ;  and  he 
was  considered  as  equalling,  if  not  excelling,  his 
master,  in  the  subtleties  of  the  dialectic  art.f  About 
the  same  time,  he  was  advanced  to  clerical  orders, 
and  ordained  a  priest,  before  he  reached  the  age  fix- 
ed by  the  canons  of  the  church ;  J  although  he  had 

*  It  was  not  unusual  in  the  universities,  at  that  period,  to  select 
some  of  the  students  who  had  been  hiureated,  and  made  the  great- 
est proficiency ;  and  to  employ  them  as  assistants  to  the  profess- 
ors.   Boetii  Vitae  Episcop.  Aberd.  fol.  xxix,  xxx. 

t  "  In  hac  igitur  Anthropotheologia  egregie  versatus  Cnoxus, 
eandem  et  magna  autoritate  docuit:  visusque  fuit  magistro  suo  (si 
qua  in  subtilitate  felicitas,)  in  quibusdam  feHcior."  Verheiden, 
Effigies  et  Elogia  Prgestant.  Theolog.  p.  92.  Hagseconiit.  Anno 
1602,  and  p.  69.  of  edit.  Anno  1725.  Melch.  Adami  Yifcs  The- 
olog. Exter.  p.  137.  Franeofurti,  Anno  16^18. 

\  Some  have  hesitated  to  admit  that  Knox  was  in  priests  orders 
in  the  church  of  Rome  :  I  think  it  unquestionable.  The  fact  is 
attested  both  by  Protestant  and  Popish  writers.  Eeza  says, 
"Cnoxus,  igitur  (ut  mauifeste  appareat  totum  hoe  admirabilc 
Domini  opus  esse)  ad  Joannis  illius  Jlujoj-is,  celeberrimi  inter  So- 
fhistas  atAisis,  velati  pedes  in  ^anetandrex  oppido  edi'catus^at- 


IS  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

110  otlier  interest,  except  what  was  procured  by  his 
own  merit,  or  tlie  recommendations  of  his  teachers. 
This  must  have  taken  place  previous  to  the  year  1 530, 
at  which  time  he  was  twenty-iive  years  of  age. 

It  was  not  long,  however,  till  his  studies  received 
a  new  direction,  which  led  to  a  complete  revolution 
in  his  religious  sentiments,  and  had  an  important  in- 
fluence on  the  whole  of  his  future  life.  Not  satisfied 
^vith  the  cxcernts  from  ancient  authors,  which  he 
found  in  the  writings  of  the  scholastic  divines  and 
canonists,  he  resolved  to  have  recourse  to  the  origi- 
nal works.  In  them  he  found  a  method  of  investi- 
gating and  communicating  truth,  to  which  he  had 
hitherto  been  a  stranger ;  the  simplicity  of  which 
recommended  itself  to  his  mind,  in  spite  of  the  pre- 
judices  of  education,  and  the  pride  of  superior  at- 

que  atleo  Sacercos  factus,  appertaque  celebri  schola,  quum 
jam  viderctur  illo  suo  prseeeptorc  nihil  inferior  Sophistafiiturus, 
lueem  tamen  in  tenebris  et  sibi  et  aliis  accendit,  "Icones  lUustr. 
Viror.  Ee.  iij.  Comp.  Spottisvvood's  History,  p.  265.  Lond.  1677. 
J\^inian  Winv^^t,  in  certain  letters  sent  by  him  to  Knox  in  theyeai' 
1501,  says,  •  Ye  renunce  and  estemis  that  ordinatioun  null  or  erar 
wikit,  be  tlie  quhilk  sumtyme  ye  war  callit  Schir  Johne/^  And 
again ;  "  V/e  can  pcrsavc,  be  your  awin  allegiance,  na  power  that 
ever  ye  had,  except  it  qniiilk  was  geviu  to  you  in  the  sacrament 
of  ordinalioini,  be  auctoritie  of  pricstlied.  Quhilk  auctoritie  give 
ye  estcme  as  noehtis,  be  reason  it  was  gevin  to  you  (as  ye  spcik) 
by  anc  Papist  Bishope,''  &c.  Wiazet's  Letteris  and  Tractatis, 
apr.d  Keitli,  Append,  p.  212,  213.  Winget's  drift  Avas  to  prove, 
'that Knox  liad  no  lawful  call  to  the  ministry;  consequently,  he 
•would  never  have  mentioned  his  popish  ordination,  if  the  fact  had 
not  been  notour  and  undeniable.  JVicol  Burne,  arguing  on  the 
same  pol»it,  urges  that,  though  lie  had  received  tlie  power  of  or- 
de.rs,  he  wanted  that  oi' JiiriscUction.  Disputation  concerning  the 
Controversil  Ileaddis  of  Religion,  p.  12S.  Paris  1j81.  And  in  a 
scurrilous  poem  against  the  ministers  of  Scotland,  printed  at  th** 
^iid  oi'  ilsat  book,  lie  calls  him, 

that  fals  aposlat  priest. 

Encmic  to  Clirist,  and  mannis  salratjonn. 

Ycnr  Mais'.er  Kii9,v. 


1,IFB  OF  JOHN  KNOX,  13 

taiumcnts  in  his  own  favourite  art.  Among  the  fa- 
thers of  the  Christian  church,  Jerom  and  Augustine 
attracted  his  particular  attention.  By  the  writings 
of  the  former,  he  was  led  to  the  scriptures  as  the 
only  pure  fountain  of  divine  truth,  and  instructed  in 
the  utility  of  studying  them  in  the  original  languages, 
in  the  works  of  the  latter^  he  found  religions  senti- 
ments very  opposite  to  those  taught  in  the  Romish 
church,  who,  while  she  retained  his  name  as  a  saint 
in  her  calendar,  had  banished  his  doctrine,  as  hereti- 
cal, from  her  pulpits.  From  this  time,  he  renounc- 
ed the  study  of  scholastic  theology ;  and,  although 
not  yet  completely  emancipated  from  superstition, 
his  mind  was  fitted  for  improving  the  means  which 
Providence  had  prepared,  for  leading  him  to  a 
fuller  and  more  comprehensive  view  of  the  system 
of  evangelical  religion.  It  was  about  the  year  1535, 
when  this  favourable  change  of  his  sentimerits  com- 
menced ;*  but,  until  1543,  it  does  not  appear  that 
lie  professed  himself  a  protestant. 

As  I  am  now  to  enter  upon  that  period  of  Knox's 
fife,  in  which  he  renounced  the  Roman  Catholi© 
communion,  and  commenced  reformer,  it  may  not 
fee  improper  to  take  a  survey  of  the  state  of  the 
dburch  and  of  religion  at  that  time  in  Scotland. 
Without  an  adequate  knowledge  of  this,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  form  a  just  estimate  of  the  necessity  and  im- 
portance of  that  Reformation,  in  the  advancement  of 
which  he  laboured  with  so  great  zeal ;  and  nothing 
has  contributed  so  much  to  give  currency,  among 
Protestants,  to  prejudices  against  his  character  and 
actions,  than  ignorance  and  a  superficial  considera- 
tion'of  the  enormous  and  almost  incredible  abuses 
Which  reigned  in  the  church.     This  must  be  my  apo- 

*  Bezae  Icones.  Verlieidenii  Effigies.   M?»loJii«r,  Adam.  Sjpotttis'^ 

'.v6t)#.     Ubisiiprfr. 


l-i?  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

logy,  fur  what  otherwise  might  be  deemed  a  super- 
fluous and  disproportioned  digression. 

The  corruptions  by  which  the  Christian  religion 
was  universally  depraved,  before  the  Reformation, 
had  grown  to  a  greater  height  in  Scotland,  than  in  any 
other  nation  within  the  pale  of  the  Western  church. 
Superstition  and  religious  imposture,  in  their  gross- 
est forms,  gained  an  easy  admission  among  a  rude 
and  ignoraut  people.  By  means  of  these,  the  clergy 
attained  to  an  exorbitant  degree  of  opulence  and 
power;  which  were  accompanied,  as  they  always 
have  been,  with  the  corruption  of  their  order,  and 
of  the  Avhole  system  of  religion. 

The  full  half  of  the  wealth  of  the  nation  belonged 
to  the  clergy  5  and  the  greater  part  of  this  was  in  the 
bands  of  a  few  of  their  number,  who  had  the  com- 
mand of  the  whole  body.  Avarice,  ambition,  and 
the  love  of  secular  pomp,  reigned  among  the  superi- 
or orders.  Bishops  and  Abbots  rivalled  the  first  no- 
bility in  magnificence,  and  preceded  them  in  ho- 
nours ;  they  were  Privy-Counsellors  and  Lords  of 
Session,  as  well  as  of  Parliament,  and  had  long  en- 
grossed the  principal  offices  of  state.  A  vacant  bi- 
shopric or  abbacy  called  forth  powerful  competi- 
tors, Vv'ho  contended  for  it  as  for  a  principality  or 
petty  kingdom  ;  it  was  obtained  by  similar  arts,  and 
not  unfrequently  taken  possession  of  by  the  same 
weapons.-'     Inferior   benefices   were   openly  put  to 

•  During  the  minority  of  James  V.  the  celebrated  Gawin  Doitg- 
ias  was  recommended  by  the  Queen  to  the  Archbishopric  of  St. 
Andrews ;  but  Jolm  Hepburn,  prior  of  the  regular  canons,  op- 
posed the  nomination,  an^  took  the  Archiepiscopal  palace  by 
storm.  Douglas  afterwards  laid  siege  to  the  cathedral  of  Dun- 
keld,  and  carried  it,  more  by  the  thunder  of  his  cannon,  than  the 
dread  of  the  excommunication  which  he  threatened  to  fulmiQalf) 
atain'?!  his  antat^onist.  B^ch,  Hi!;t.ziii.4:4»  SpottiS.  61. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  10 

sale,  or  bestowed  on  the  illiterate  and  unwovlliy  mi- 
nions of  courtiers ;  on  dice-players,  strolling  bards, 
and  the  bastards  of  bishops.*  Pluralities  were  mul- 
tiplied without  bounds,  and  benefices  given  in  com- 
mendam  were  kept  vacant,  during  the  life  of  the 
commendatory,  sometimes  during  several  lives,t  to 
the  deprivation  of  extensive  parishes  of  all  provision 
of  religious  service ;  if  a  deprivation  it  could  be 
called,  at  a  time  when  the  cure  of  souls  was  no  long- 
ex  regarded  as  attached  to  livings,  originally  endow- 
ed for  this  purpose.  There  was  not  such  a  thing 
known  as  for  a  bishop  to  preach ;  indeed,  I  scarce 
recollect  a  single  instance  of  it,  mentioned  iji  history, 
from  the  erection  of  the  regular  Scottish  episcopate, 
down  to  the  period  of  the  Reformation. :j;  The  practice  ^^ 
was  even  gone  into  dissuetude  among  all  the  seculai'  \ 

*  Sir  Dayid  Lindsay's  Works,  by  Chalmers,  I.  Uh  H-  ^37, 
238. 

t  The  Popes  were  accustomed  to  grant  liberty  to  the  commend- 
atories  to  dispose  of  benefices  whieh  they  held  by  this  tenure,  to 
others  who  should  succeed  to  them  after  their  death.  Introduc- 
tion to  Scot's  Biography,  apud  Wodrow  MSS.  vol.  9.  p.  171 ;  in 
Bibl.  Coll.  Glas.  As  late  as  Anno  1534',  Clement  VII.  granted, 
in  commendam,  to  his  nephew  Hypolitus  Cardinal  de  Medici.,  all 
the  benefices  in  the  world,  secular  and  regular,  dignities  and  par- 
sonages, simple  and  with  cure,  being  vacant,  for  six  months  ;  with 
power  to  dispose  of  all  their  fruits,  and  convert  them  to  his  own 
use.  Father  Paul's  History  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  lib.  i.  p. 
251.     Lond.  Anno  1620. 

I  One  exception  occurs,  and  must  not  be  omitted.  When  George 
Wishart  was  preaching  in  Ayr,  Dunbar,  Archbishop  of  Glasgo^r, 
took  possession  of  the  pulpit,  in  order  to  exclude  the  reformer. 
Some  of  Wishart's  more  zealous  hearers  would  have  dispossess- 
ed the  bishop,  but  the  reformer  would  not  suffer  them.  "  The 
bischope  preiehit  to  his  jackraen,  and  to  sum  auld  boisses  of  the 
toun.  The  scum  of  all  his  sermone  was.  They  sey,  we  sould 
preiche:  Quhy  not  ?  Better  lait  thryve  nor  nevirthryve.  Had  us 
still  for  your  bischope,  and  we  sail  provyde  better  the  nixt  tyme.;' 
Kno^j  Historic,  p.  M. 


•£6  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

clergy,  and  was  wholly  devolved  on  the  mendicant 
monks,  who  employed  it  for  the  most  mercenary  pur- 
poses.* 

The  lives  of  the  clergy,  exempted  from  secular  ju- 
risdiction, and  corrupted  by  wealth  and  idleness 
were  become  a  scandal  to  religion,  and  an  outrage 
on  decency.  While  they  professed  chastity,  and 
prohibited,  under  the  severest  penalties,  any  of  the 
ecclesiastical  order  from  contracting  lawful  wedlock, 
the  bishops  set  the  example  of  the  most  shameless 
profligacy  before  the  inferior  clergy ;  avowedly  kept 
their  harlots  ;  provided  their  natural  sons  with  bene- 
fices ;  and  gave  their  daughters  in  marriage  to  the 
sons  of  the  nobility  and  principal  gentry ;  many  of 
whom  were  so  mean  as  to  contaminate  the  blood  of 
their  families  by  such  base  alliances,  for  the  sake  of 
the  rich  dowries  which  they  brought,  f 

Through  the  blind  devotion  and  munificence  of 
princes  and  nobles,  monasteries,  those  nurseries  of 
superstition  and  idleness,  liad  greatly  multiplied  in 
the  nation ;  and  though  they  had  universally  dege- 
nerated, and  were  notoriously  become  the  haunts  of 

"  War  not  the  preiehiug  of  the  begging  freiris, 
Tint  war  the  faith  amang  the  seeuleiris. 

Lindsay,  lit  supra,  i.  343.  comp.  ii.  101. 
t  Lord  Haile's  Notes  on  Ancient  Scottish  Poems,  p.  249,  250f 
297, 309.  "We  need  not  to  appeal  to  the  testimony  of  the  reform- 
ers, or  to  satirical  poems  published  at  the  time,  in  proof  of  the 
extreme  profligacy  of  the  popish  clergy.  The  truth  is  registered 
in  the  acts  of  Parliament,  in  the  decrees  of  their  own  councils, 
(Wilkin.  Concil.  tom.4.  p.  46 — fiO.  Keith's  Hist.  pref.  11.)  in  the 
records  of  legitimation,  (Lord  Hailes,  ut  supra,  p.  249, 250.)  and 
in  the  confessions  of  their  own  writers,  (Kennedy  and  Winget, 
apud  Keith,  Apend.  202,  205 — 7.  Lesley  Hist.  232.  Father 
Alexander  Baillie's  True  Information  of  the  Unhallowed  Off- 
.spiiiit;,  &i'.  of  our  Sool(i«h-Calviuian  Gospel,  p.  10,  16.  WirtZt 
Tuir-h.  Vnno  JG^.S.. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  if 

Jewdneas  and  debauchery,  it  was  deemed  impious 
^nd  sacrilegious  to  reduce  their  number,  abridge 
their  privileges,  or  alienate  their  funds.*  The 
kingdom  swarmed  with  ignorant,  idle,  luxurious 
monks,  who,  like  locusts,  devoured  the  fruits  of  th6 
earth,  and  filled  the  air  with  pestilential  infection : 
friars,  white,  black,  and  grey ;  canons  regular,  and 
of  St.  Anthony,  Carmelites,  Carthusians,  Cordeli- 
ers, Dominicans,  Franciscan  Conventuals,  and  Ob- 
servantines,  Jacobines,  Premonstratensians,  monks 
of  Tyrone,  and  of  Vallis  Caulium,  Hospitallers,  or 
Holy  Knights  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem ;  nuns  of  St. 
Austin,  St.  Clare,  St.  Scholastica,  and  St.  Catharine 
of  Sienna,  with  canonesses  of  various  clans. f 

The  ignorance  of  the  clergy  respecting  religion 
was  as  gross  as  the  dissoluteness  of  their  morals.  Even 
bishops  were  not  ashamed  to  confess  that  they  were 
unacquainted  with  the  canon  of  their  faith,  and  had 
sever  read  any  part  of  the  sacred  scriptures,  except 
^hat  they  met  with  in  their  missals. J     Under  such 

*  In  consequence  of  a  very  powerful  confederacy  against  the 
religious  knights,  called  Templars,  and  upon  charges  of  the  most 
flagitious  crimes,  that  order  was  suppressed  hy  a  General  Coun- 
cil, Anno  1812  J  but  their  possessions  were  conferred  upon  an- 
other order  of  sacred  knights.  The  plenitude  of  papal  power  was 
stretched  to  the  very  utmost,  in  this  dread  attempt.  "  Qnanquam 
(says  his  holiness  in  the  Bull)  de  jure  non  possumus,  tamen  ad  ple- 
Bitudinem  potestatis  dictum  ordiuem  reprobamus."  Walsingliam, 
Histor.  Angl.  p.  99.  When  the  Gilbertine  monks  retired  from 
Scotland,  because  the  air  of  the  country  did  not  agree  with  them, 
their  revenues  were,  upon  their  resignation,  transferred  to  the  mo- 
nastery of  Paisley.     Keith's  Scottish  Bishops,  p.  266. 

t  See  Note  C. 

i  Fox,  p.  1153,  printed  Anno  1596.  Chalmers's  Lindsay,  ii.  62, 
63,  64.  Lord  Haile's  Provincial  Councils  of  the  Scottish  Clergy, 
p.  30.  Sir  Ralph  Sadler's  testimony  to  the  clergy  as  the  only  men 
of  learning  about  the  court  of  James  V.  may  seem  to  contradict 
what  I  have  asserted.  But  Sadler  speaks  merely  of  their  talents 
for  political  management,  and  in  the  same  letters  gives  a  proof  of 


18  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

pastors  the  people  perished  for  lack  of  knowledge.^ 
That  book  which  was  able  to  make  them  wise  unto 
salvation,  and  intended  to  be  equally  accessible  by 
"Jew  and  Greek,  Barbarian  and  Scythian,  bond 
and  free,''  was  locked  up  from  them,  and  the  use  of 
it,  in  their  own  tongue,  prohibited  under  the  heavi- 
est penalties.  The  religious  service  was  mumbled 
over  in  a  dead  language,  which  many  of  the  priests 
did  not  understand,  and  some  of  them  could  scarce 
read;  and  the  greatest  care  was  taken  to  prevent 
even  catechisms,  composed  and  approved  by  the  cler- 
gy, from  coming  into  the  hands  of  the  laity.* 

Scotland,  from  her  local  situation,  had  been  less 
exposed  to  distur])ance  from  the  encroaching  ambi- 
tion, vexatious  exactions,  and  fulminating  anathe- 
mas of  the  Vatican  court,  than  the  countries  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  Rome.  But  from  the  same 
cause,  it  was  more  easy  for  the  domestic  clergy  to 
keep  up  on  the  minds  of  the  people  that  excessive 
veneration  for  the  Holy  See,  which  could  not  be  long 
felt  by  those  who  had  the  opportunity  of  witnessing 
its  vices  and  worldly  politics. f     The  burdens  which 

their  ignorance  in  other  respects.  The  clergy  at  that  time  made 
law  their  principal  study,  and  endeavoured  to  qualify  themselves 
for  offices  of  state.  This,  however,  engaged  their  whole  attention* 
and  they  m  ere  grossly  ignorant  in  their  own  profession.  Sadler's 
State  Papers,  i.  4T,  48.  Edin.  1S09.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  18. 

Andrew  Forman,  bishop  of  Murray,  and  papal  legate  for  Scot- 
land, being  obliged  to  say  grace  at  an  entertainment  which  he  gave 
to  the  Pope  and  Cardinals  in  Rome,  blundered  so  in  his  latinity, 
that  his  Holiness  and  their  Eminences  lost  their  gravity,  which  so 
disconcerted  the  bishop,  that  he  concluded  the  blessing,  by  giving 
all  the  false  carills  to  the  devil,  in  nomine  jiatris,  jilii,  et  sancti 
spiritus ;  to  which  the  company,  not  understanding  his  Seoto-La- 
lin,  said  Amen.  *' The  holy  bishop  (says  Pitscottie)  was  not  a 
good  scholar,  and  had  not  good  Latin."     History,  p.  106. 

*  Lord  Haile's  Provincial  Councils  of  the  Scottish  Clergy,  p.  36. 

t  Luther  often  mentioned  to  his  familiar  acquaintances  the  ad- 
vantage which  he  derived  from  a  visit  f  o  Rome  in  liJlO ;  and  used 


I.TFE    OF   JOHN    KKOX.  10 

attended  a  state  of  dependance  upon  a  remote  fo- 
reign jurisdiction,  were  severely  felt.  Though  the 
popes  did  not  enjoy  the  power  of  presenting  to  the 
Scottish  prelacies,  they  wanted  not  numerous  pre- 
texts for  interfering  with  them.  The  most  import- 
ant causes  of  a  civil  nature,  which  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  had  contrived  to  bring  within  their  jurisdic- 
tion, were  frequently  carried  to  Rome.  Large  sums 
of  money  were  annually  exported  out  of  the  kingdom, 
for  the  purchasing  of  palls,  the  confirmation  of  bene- 
fices, the  conducting  of  appeals,  and  for  many  other 
purposes ;  in  exchange  for  which,  were  received 
leaden  bulls,  woollen  palls,  wooden  images,  plenty 
of  old  bones,  with  similar  articles  of  precious  conse- 
crated mummery.* 

Of  the  doctrine  of  Christianity,  scarce  any  thing 
remained  but  the  name.  Instead  of  being  directed 
to  offer  up  their  adorations  to  one  God,  the  people 
were  taught  to  divide  them  among  an  innumerable 
company  of  inferior  objects.     A  plurality  of  media- 

to  say  that  he  would  not  exchange  that  journey  for  1000  florins ; 
so  much  (lid  it  contribute  to  open  his  eyes  to  the  corruptions  of  the 
Jiomish  court,  and  to  weaken  his  prejudices.  Melehior.  Adanii 
\  itse  Germ.  Theol.  p.  104.  Erasmus  had  a  sensation  of  the  same 
kind,  although  weaker.  John  Rough,  one  of  the  Scottish  Re- 
formers, felt  in  a  similar  way,  after  visiting  Rome.    Fox,  1841. 

*  Notwithstanding  laws  repeatedly  made  to  restrain  persons 
from  going  to  Rome,  to  obtain  benefices,  the  practice  was  greatly 
fin  the  increase  about  the  time  of  the  Reformation. 
It  is  sehort  tynie  sen  ony  benefice 
\\  as  sped  in  Rome,  except  great  bishoprics ; 
But  now,  for  ane  unworthie  vickarage, 
A  priest  will  rin  to  Rome  in  pilgrimage. 
Ane  cavill  was  never  at  the  scule 
\\  ell  rin  to  Rome,  and  keep  aue  bischopis  muU: 
\nd  syne  euui  hamc  with  mony  colorit  crack, 
>Vith  ane  btirj?in  of  beuefieis  on  his  back. 

Chalmers's  Lindsar.  li;  6p', 


so  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KKOX. 

tors  shared  the  honour  of  procuring  the  divine  fa- 
vour, with  the  ^'  One  Mediator  between  God  and 
Inan ;"  and  more  petitions  were  presented  to  the 
Virgin  Mary  and  other  saints,  than  to  ^*  Him  whom 
the  Father  heareth  always."  The  sacrifice  of  the 
mass  was  represented  as  procuring  forgiveness  of  sins 
to  the  living  and  the  dead,  to  the  infinite  disparage- 
ment  of  the  sacrifice  by  which  Jesus  Christ  expiated 
sin  and  procured  everlasting  redemption ;  and  the 
consciences  of  men  were  withdrawn  from  faith  in  the 
merits  of  their  Saviour,  to  a  delusive  reliance  upon 
priestly  absolutions,  papal  pardons,  and  voluntary 
penances.  Instead  of  being  instructed  to  demon- 
strate the  sincerity  of  their  faith  and  repentance,  by 
forsaking  their  sins,  and  to  testify  their  love  to  God 
and  man,  by  observing  the  ordinances  of  worship 
authorised  by  scripture,  and  practising  the  duties  of 
morality ;  they  were  taught,  that,  if  they  regularly 
said  their  Aves  and  Credos,  confessed  themselves  t» 
a  priest,  purchased  a  mass,  went  in  pilgrimage  tt 
the  shrine  of  some  celebrated  saint,  or  perform- 
ed some  prescribed  act  of  bodily  mortification — 
if  they  refrained  from  flesh  on  Fridays,  and  punc- 
tually paid  their  tithes  and  other  church  dues^ 
their  salvation  was  infallibly  secured  in  due  time : 
while  those  who  were  so  rich  and  pious  as  to  build 
a  chapel  or  an  altar,  and  to  endow  it  for  the  sup- 
port of  a  priest,  to  perform  masses,  obits,  and  diri- 
ges,  procured  a  relaxation  of  the  pains  of  purgatory 
for  themselves  or  their  relations,  according  to  the 
extent  of  their  mortifications.  It  is  difficult  for  us  to 
conceive  how  empty,  ridiculous,  and  wretched  those 
harangues  ware,  which  the  monks  delivered  for  ser- 
mons. Legendary  tales  concerning  the  founder  of 
some  religious  order,  his  wonderful  sanctity,  the  mi- 
racles which  he  performed,  his  combats  with  the  de- 
vil,   his  \T  atchings,  fastings,  flagellations  5   the  vir- 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  gl 

mes  of  holy  water,  chrism,  crossing,  and  exorcism ; 
the  horrors  of  purgatory,  with  the  numbers  released 
from  it  by  the  intercession  of  some  powerful  saint ; 
these,  with  low  jests,  table-talk,  and  fireside  scan- 
dal, formed  the  favourite  topics  of  these  preachers,  and 
were  served  up  to  the  people  instead  of  the  pure,  solid. 
and  sublime  doctrines  of  the  Bible.* 

The  beds  of  the  dying  were  besieged,  and  their 
last  moments  disturbed  by  avaricious  priests,  who 
laboured  to  extort  bequests  to  themselves  or  to 
the  church.  Not  satisfied  with  the  exacting  of 
tithes  from  the  living,  a  demand  was  made  upon  the 
dead  :  no  sooner  had  a  poor  husbandman  breathed 
his  last,  thau  the  rapacious  vicar  came  aud  carried 
off  his  corps-present,!  which  he  repeated  as  often  ii< 
death  visited  the  family.  Ecclesiastical  censures 
were  fulminated  against  those  who  were  reluctant  in 
making  these  payments,  or  who  shewed  themselves 
disobedient  to  the  clergy ;  and,  for  a  little  money 
they  wei«  prostituted  on  the  most  trifling  occa- 
sions. J  Divine  service  was  neglected ;  the  churcheg 
were  deserted  (especially  after  tlie  light  of  the  Re- 
formation had  discovered  abuses,  and  pointed  out 
a  more  excellent  way) ;  so  that,  except  on  a  fcAV  fes- 
tival days,  the  places  of  worship,  in  many  parts  of 
the  country,  served  only  as  sanctuaries  for  malefac- 
tors, places  of  traffic,  or  resorts  for  pastime.  || 

Persecution,  and  the  suppression  of  free  inquiry, 
were  the  only  weapons  by  which  its  interested  sup- 
porters were  able  to  defend  this  system  of  corruption 
and  imposture.  Every  avenue  by  which  truth  might 
enter  was  carefully  guarded.  Learning  was  branded 
as  the  parent  of  heresy.     The  most   frightful  pic- 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  1-1-6.  Spoltiswoofl,  64,  69.  Winget,  apiid 
Keith,  Append.  205.  Dalyell's  Cursoiy  Remarks,  profived  ta 
Scottish  Poems  of  the  16th  Century,  J.  13-18. 

t  See  Note  D.  |  Knox,  liisiorie,  p.  14. 

!,  Daljeli's  Cursory  Remarks,  ut  supra,  i.  28. 

F 


3S  LIFE  OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

lures  were  drawn  of  those  who  had  separated  from 
the  Romish  church,  and  held  up  before  the  eyes  of 
the  people,  to  deter  them  from  imitating  their  ex- 
ample. If  any  person  attained  a  degree  of  illumi- 
nation amidst  the  general  darkness,  began  to  hint  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  conduct  of  the  clergy,  and  to 
propose  the  correction  of  abuses,  he  was  immediately 
stigmatized  as  a  heretic,  and,  if  he  did  not  secure  his 
safety  by  flight,  was  immured  in  a  dungeon,  or  com- 
mitted to  the  flames.  When  at  last,  in  spite  of  all 
their  precautions,  the  light  which  was  shining  around 
did  break  in  and  spread  through  the  nation,  they  pre- 
pared to  adopt  the  most  desperate  and  bloody  mea- 
sures for  its  suppression. 

From  this  imperfect  sketch  of  the  state  of  religion 
in  this  country,  we  may  see  how  false  the  represen- 
tation is  which  some  persons  would  impose  on  us  ;  as 
if  popery  were  a  system,  erroneous  indeed,  but 
purely  speculative  ;  superstitious,  but  harmless  ;  pro- 
vided it  had  not  been  accidentally  accompanied  with 
intolerance  and  cruelty.  The  very  reverse  is  the 
fvuth.  It  may  be  safely  said,  that  there  is  not  one 
of  its  erroneous  tenets,  or  of  its  superstitious  prac- 
tices, which  was  not  either  originally  contrived,  or 
artfully  accommodated,  to  advance  and  support  some 
practical  abuse  ;  to  aggrandize  the  ecclesiastical  or- 
der, secure  to  them  immunity  from  civil  jurisdiction, 
sanctify  their  encroachments  upon  secular  authori- 
ties, vindicate  their  usurpations  upon  the  consciences 
of  men,  cherish  implicit  f)bedience  to  the  decisions 
of  the  church,  and  extinguish  free  inquiry  and  liberal 
science. 

It  was  a  system  not  more  repugnant  to  the  religion 
of  the  Bible,  than  incompatible  with  the  legitimate 
rights  of  princes,  the  independence,  liberty,  and 
prosperity  of  kingdoms  ;  a  system  not  more  destruc- 
tive to  the  souls  of  men.  than  to  social  and  domestic 


tiFE    OF   JOHN    KNOJ:.  ^^ 

iiappiness,  and  the  principles  of  sound  morality.  Con- 
siderations from  every  quarter  combined  in  callina; 
aloud  for  a  radical  and  complete  reform.  The  ex- 
ertions of  all  descriptions  of  persons,  of  the  man  of 
letters,  the  patriot,  the  prince,  as  well  as  the  Chris- 
tian, each  acting  in  his  own  sphere  for  his  own  inte- 
rests, with  a  joint  concurrence  of  all  as  in  a  common 
cause,  were  urgently  required  for  the  extirpation  of 
abuses,  of  which  all  had  reason  to  complain,  and  ef- 
fectuating a  revolution,  in  the  advantages  of  which 
all_would  participate.  There  was,  however,  no  rea- 
sonable prospect  of  accomplishing  this,  without  ex- 
posing, in  the  first  place,  the  falsehood  of  those  no- 
tions which  have  been  called  speculative.  It  was 
principally  by  means  of  these  that  superstition  had 
established  its  empire  over  the  minds  of  men ;  be- 
hind them  the  Romish  ecclesiastics  had  entrenched 
themselves,  and  defended  their  usurped  prerogatives 
and  possessions  ;  and  had  any  prince  or  legislature 
endeavoured  to  deprive  them  of  these,  Avhilc  the 
body  of  the  people  remained  unenlightened,  they 
would  soon  have  found  reason  to  repent  the  hazar- 
dous attempt.  To  the  revival  of  the  primitive  doc- 
trines and  institutions  of  Christianity,  by  the  preach- 
ing and  writings  of  the  reformers,  and  to  those  con- 
troversies by  which  the  popish  errors  were  confuted 
from  scripture,  (for  which  many  modern  philosophers 
seem  to  have  so  thorough  a  contempt,)  we  are  chiefly 
indebted  for  the  overthrow  of  superstition,  igno- 
rance, and  despotism  ;  and  for  the  blessings,  politi- 
cal and  religious,  which  we  enjoy^  all  of  vfhich  may 
be  traced  to  the  Reformation  from  popery. 

How  gratefaL^hauld3re„.be„tQ.divlii4i  J^ro 
for  this  happy  revolution  !    For,  those  persons  do  but 
"  sport   with  their   own  imnglnations,"   who    flatter 
themselves  that  it  must  have   tal^en  place  in  the  or- 
iKnarv  course   of  hnmaii    affairs,   and   overlook   the 


.^■i  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

mauy  convincing  proofs  of  the  superintending  dirce. 
tion  of  superior  wisdom,  in  the  whole  combina- 
tion of  circumstances  which  contributed  to  bring 
about  the  Reformation  in  this  country,  as  well  as 
throughout  Europe.  How  much  are  we  indebted  to 
those  men,  who,  under  God,  were  the  instruments 
in  effecting  it ;  who  cheerfully  jeoparded  their  lives, 
to  achieve  a  design  which  involved  the  felicity  of  mil- 
lions unborn  ;  boldly  attacked  the  system  of  error 
and  corruption,  fortified  by  popular  credulity,  cus- 
tom, and  laws,  fenced  with  the  most  dreadful  penal- 
ties;  and  having  forced  the  strong  hold  of  supersti- 
tion, and  penetrated  the  recesses  of  its  temple,  tore 
aside  the  veil  aa  hich  concealed  that  monstrous  idol 
which  the  whole  world  had  so  long  worshipped,  and, 
dissolving  the  magic  spell  by  which  the  human  mind 
was  bound,  restored  it  to  liberty!  How  criminal  must 
those  be,  who,  sitting  at  ease  under  their  vines  and  fig- 
trees,  planted  by  the  unwearied  labours,  and  watered  by 
the  blood  of  these  patriots,  discover  their  disesteem  of 
the  invaluable  privileges  which  they  inherit,  or  their 
ignorance  of  the  expence  at  which  they  were  pur- 
chased, by  the  most  unworthy  treatment  of  those  to 
whom  they  owe  tliem;  misrepresent  their  actions, 
calumniate  their  motives,  and  cruelly  lacerate  their 
memories ! 

Patriots  have  toil'd,  and  in  their  country's  cause 
Bled  nobly :  and  their  deeds,  as  they  deserve, 

Ucceive  proud  rcconipenec. 

But  fairer  \vieaths  are  due,  tho'  never  paid, 
To  those  who,  posti'd  at  the  slirine  of  truth, 
Have  fallen  in  her  ilefeiiee. 


Their  blood  is  shed. 


In  confiraialion  of  ilie  noblest  claim, 
Our  claim  to  i'acil  upon  immortal  truth, 
To  walk  w  ith  God,  to  be  divinely  free, 
To  soar,  and  to  anticipate  the  skies. 

Vet  few  remcmlicr  thera, ■ cr- 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  2$ 

— . •  With  their  names 

No  bard  embalms  aud  sanctifies  his  song : 
And  history,  so  uarm  on  meaner  themes. 
Is  cold  on  this.     She  execrates  indeed 
The  tyranny  that  doom'd  them  to  the  fire. 
But  gives  the  glorious  suflferers  little  praise. 

Cowper,  Task,  Book  T.* 

The  reformed  doctrine  had  made  considerable  pro- 
gress  in  Sco'land,  before  it  was  embraced  by  Knox. 
Patrick  Hamilton,  a  youth  of  noble  descent,  f  ob- 
tained the  honour,  not  conferred  upon  many  of  his 
rank,  of  first  announcing  its  glad  tidings  to  his  coun- 
trymen, and  sealing  them  with  his  blood.  As  early 
as  the  year  15S6,  previous  to  the  breach  of  Henry 
VITI.  with  the  Romish  See,  a  gleam  of  light  was,  by 
some  unknown  means^J  imparted  to  the  mind  of  that 
noble  youth,  amidst  the  darkness  wliich  brooded 
around  him.  Guided  by  this,  he  directed  his  course 
to  Wittemberg  ;  and,  after  conferring  with  the    Ger- 

*  In  the  margin,  Cowper  names  Hume  as  chargeable  with  the 
Injustice  which  he  so  feelingly  upbraids.  While  it  is  painful  to 
think  that  other  historians,  since  Hume,  have  exposed  themselves 
to  the  same  censure,  it  is  pleasing  to  reflect,  that  Cowper  is  not 
the  only  poet  who  has  "  sanctified,"  and  I  trust,  "  embalmed  his 
jsong"  with  the  praises  of  these  patriots. 

t  His  father,  Sir  Patrick  Hamilton  of  Kiucavil,  was  a  son  of 
liord  Hamilton,  who  married  a  sister  of  King  James  III.  His 
mother  was  a  daughter  of  John,  Duke  of  Albany,  brother  to  the 
same  monarch.^ — The  author,  some  years  ago,  drew  up  a  brief 
memoir  of  Patrick  Hamilton,  which  was  published  in  the  Chris- 
tian Magazine  for  January  1806;  to  which  he  begs  leave  to  refer 
the  reader,  who,  wishes  more  particular  information  respecting 
the  Scottish  proto-martyr.  There  are  some  interesting  particulars^ 
respecting  his  trial,  in  Pitscottie's  History  ;  but  that  author  is 
mistaken  as  to  the  year  of  his  martyrdom,  p.  133—135. 

I  There  was  an  act  of  Parliament,  as  early  as  l7th  July,  1525, 
prohibiting  ships  from  bringing  any  books  of  Luther  into  Scot- 
land, which  had  always  " bene  clene  of  all  sic  filth  aud  vice.-' 
Robertson's  Records  of  Parliament,  p.  552.  This  renders  it  high- 
ly probable,  that  such  books  had  ftlready  been  iijtroduced  into 
this  country. 


so  LlJfi   OF  JOHX   KXOX. 

mau  Reformer,  went  to  prosecute  the  study  of  the 
scriptures  in  the  protestant  university  of  Marpurg, 
under  the  direction  of  Francis  Lambert  of  Avignon. 
In  that  retreat,  he  was  seized  with  such  an  iri'esisti- 
blc  desire  to  communicate  to  his  countrymen  the 
knowledge  which  he  had  received,  that  he  left  Mar- 
purg,  contrary  to  the  remonstrances  of  his  acquaint- 
ances, and  returned  to  Scotland.  His  freedom  ia 
exposing  the  reigning  corruptions,  soon  drew  upon 
him  the  jealousy  of  the  popish  clergy,  who  decoyed 
him  to  St.  Andrews  ;  where,  on  the  last  day  of  Fe- 
bruary, 1528,  he  obtained  the  crown  of  martyrdom, 
by  the  hands  of  Archbishop  Beatoun.  The  mur- 
der of  Hamilton  was  afterwards  avenged  in  the  blood 
of  tlie  nephev/  and  successor  of  his  persecutor ;  and 
the  flames  in  which  he  expired  were,  "  in  the  course 
of  one  generation,  to  enlighten  all  Scotland  :  and  to 
consume,  "with  avenging  fury,  the  catholic  supersti- 
tion,  the  papal  power,  and  the  prelacy  itself."*^ 

The  cruel  death  of  a  person  of  rank,  and  the  suf- 
ferings which  he  bore  with  the  most  undaunted  for- 
titude and  Christian  patience,  excited  a  general  in- 
quiry into  his  opinions  among  the  learned,  as  well  as 
the  vulgar,  in  St.  Andrews.  Under  the  connivance 
of  John  lVinra7n,-\  the  Sub-prior,  they  secretly  spread 
among  the  noviciates  of  the  abbey.  Gawin  Logie, 
Hector  of  St.  Leonard's  college,  was  so  successful  in 
instilling  them  into  the  minds  of  the  students,  that  it 
became  proverbial  to  say  of  any  one  suspected  of 
Luthcrauism,  that  "  he  had  drunk  of  St.  Leonard's 
well.  J."     The  clergy,  alarmed  at  the  progress  of  th« 

*  Pinkerton. 

t  In  1346,  Winram  having  spoken  to  the  bishops  in  favour  of 
George  Wisliart,  Cardinal  Beatoun  upbraided  him,  saying, 
'•  Well,  Sir,  and  you,  we  know  what  a  mau  you  are.  scvcu  j'tars 
ago."     Pitscottie,  189. 

t  Cald.  MS.  i.  6«, 


LIFE   OF   JOHN   KN05J:,  S7 

new  opinions,  adopted  the  most  rigorous  measures 
for  their  extirpation.  Strict  inquisition  was  made 
after  heretics ;  the  flames  of  persecution  were  kind- 
led in  all  quarters  of  the  country ;  and,  from  1530 
to  1540,  many  innocent  and  excellent  men  suffered 
the  most  cruel  death.*  Several  purchased  their  lives 
by  recantation.  Numbers  made  their  escape  to  Eng- 
land and  the  continent ;  among  whom  were  the  fol- 
lowing learned  men,  Gawiu  Logic,  Alexander  Sea- 
toun,  Alexander  Aless,  John  M'^Bee,  John  Fife, 
John  Macdowal,  John  Mackbray,  George  Buchan- 
an, James  Harrison,  and  Robert  Richardson. f 

These  violent  proceedings  could  not  arrest  the 
progress  of  truth.  By  means  of  merchants,  especi- 
ally those  of  Dundee,  Leith,  and  Montrose,  who 
carried  on  trade  Avith  England  and  the  continent, 
Tindall's  Translations  of  the  Scriptures,  and  ma- 
ny protestant  books,  were  imported,  and  circu- 
lated through  the  nation. J  Poetry  lent  her  aid  to 
the  opposers  of  ignorance  and  superstition,  and  con- 
tributed greatly  to  the  advancement  of  the  Refor- 
mation, in  this  as  well  as  other  countries.^  Sir 
David  Lindsay  of  the  Mount,  a  favourite  of  James 
V.  and  an  excellent  poet,  lashed  the  vices  of  the 
clergy,  and  exposed  to  ridicule  many  of  the  absur- 
dities and  superstitious  of  popery,  in  the  most  popu- 
lar and  poignant  satires.  His  satirical  play,  which, 
though  professing  to  correct  the  abuses  of  all  estates, 
was  principally  levelled  against  those  of  the  church, 
v.'as  repeatedly  acted  before  the  Royal  Family,  the 
court,  and  vast  assemblies  of  people,  to  the  great 
mortification,  and  still  greater  damage  of  the  clergy: 
and  copies  of  it  were  in  the  hands  of  ploughmen, 

*  See  Note  E.  t  See  Note  F. 

4  Wodrow  MSS.  Bibl.  Coll.  Glas.  vol.  1,  2.     Cald.  MS.  I  85. 
Knox,  Hist.  22. 
9  Row,  HistoT^ie,  MS.  p.  3,  4.  Cald.  MS.  J.  10?. 


S8  LIFE  OP  JOHN  KNOX. 

artizans,  and  children.  The  royal  poet  was  follow^ 
ed  by  others  who  wrote  in  the  same  strain,  but  more 
avowedly  asserting  the  protestant  doctrines  ;  and  me- 
trical epistles,  moralities,  and  psalms,  in  the  Scot- 
tish language,  were  every  where  disseminated  and 
read  with  avidity,  notwithstanding  prohibitory  sta^ 
tutes  and  prosecutions.*  In  the  year  1540,  the  re- 
formed doctrine  could  number  among  its  converts, 
besides  a  multitude  of  the  common  people,  many 
persons  of  rankaud  external  respectability ;  as  Wil- 
liam, Earl  of  Glcncairn,  Alexander,  Lord  Kilmaurs, 
William,  Earl  of  Errol,  William,  Lord  Ruthven,  his 
daughter  Lillias,  married  to  the  Master  of  Urura- 
moud,  John  Stewart,  son  of  Lord  Methven,  Sir  James 
Sandilands,  with  his  whole  family.  Sir  David  Lind- 
say, Erskine  of  Dun,  Melville  of  llaith,  Balnaves  of 
Halhill,  the  laird  of  Lauristou,  with  William  John- 
ston, and  Robert  Alexander,  Advocates.!  These 
names  deserve  more  consideration  from  the  early 
period  at  which  they  were  enrolled  as  friends  of  the 
reformed  religion.  It  has  often  been  alleged,  that 
the  desire  of  sharing  in  the  rich  spoils  of  the 
popish  church  together  with  the  intrigues  of  the 
court  of  England,  engaged  the  Scottish  nobles  on 
the  side  of  the  Reformation.  It  is  reasonable  to 
think,  that,  at  a  later  period,  this  was  in  so  far  true. 
But  at  the  time  of  which  we  now  speak,  the  prospect 
of  overturning  the  established  churcli  was  too  dis- 
tant and  uncertain,  to  induce  persons,  merely  from 
cupidity,  to  take  a  step  by  which  they  exposed  their 
lives  and  fortunes  to  the  most  imminent  hazard ; 
nor  had  the  English  monarch  then  extended  his  in- 
fluence in  Scotland,  by  the  arts  which  he  afterwards 
employed. 

*  See  Note  G. 

t  Cald.  MS.  i.  p.  103,  119.    Siidlcr,  i.  17,    Knox.  21, 24. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  29 

From  the  year  1540,  to  the  end  of  1542,  the  num- 
bers of  the  reformed  rapidly  increased.  Twice  did  the 
clergy  attempt  to  cut  them  off  by  one  desperate  blow. 
They  presented  to  the  King  a  list,  containing  the 
names  of  some  hundreds,  possessed  of  property  and 
wealth,  whom  they  denounced  as  heretics  ;  and  en- 
deavoured to  procure  his  consent  to  their  condem- 
nation, by  flattering  him  with  the  immense  riches 
which  would  accrue  to  him  from  their  forfeiture. 
The  first  time  the  proposal  was  made,  James  reject- 
ed it,  with  strong  marks  of  displeasure  ;  but  so  vio- 
lent was  the  antipathy  which  he  at  last  conceived 
against  his  nobility,  and  so  much  had  he  fallen  under 
the  influence  of  the  clergy,  that  it  is  highly  probable 
he  would  have  yielded  to  their  solicitations,  had  not 
that  disaster  happened,  which  put  an  end  to  his  un- 
happy life.* 

*  Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  94.  Knox,  27.  3S.  Pitscottie,  p.  164. 
Knox  says,  that  the  roll  contained  "  mo  than  ane  hundreth  landit 
men,  besides  utheris  of  meener  degre,  amongis  quhome  was  the 
Lord  Hamiltoun,  then  second  persouii  of  the  reahne."  Sadler  says, 
"  eighteen  score  noblemen  and  gentlemen  all  well  minded  to  God's 
word,  which  then  they  durst  not  avow :"  among  whom  \\  ere  the 
Earl  of  Arran,  the  Earl  of  Cassils,  and  the  Earl  Marishal.  Pit- 
scottie says,  "  seventeen  score  ;"  but  he  includes,  in  his  account, 
not  only  "  Earls,  Lords,  Barons,  Cienth^meu,"  but  also  "honest, 
burgesses  and  craftsmen."' 


Bt 


30  LITE    or   JOHN    KNOX. 


PERIOD  II. 

IFROM  HIS  EMBRACING  THE  REFORMED  RELIGION  ANNO 
1543,  TO  HIS  RELEASE  FROM  THE  FRENgH  GALLEYS, 
ANNO  1549. 

While  this  fermentation  of  opinion  Was  spreading 
through  the  nation,  Knox,  from  the  state  in  which 
his  mind  was,  could  not  remain  long  unaffected. 
The  reformed  doctrines  had  heen  imbibed  by  seve- 
ral of  his  acquaintances,  and  they  were  the  topic  of 
common  conversation  and  dispute  among  the  learn- 
ed and  inquisitive  at  the  university,*  His  change 
of  views  first  discovered  itself  in  his  philosophical 
lectures,  in  which  he  began  to  forsake  the  scholastic 
path,  and  to  recommend  to  his  pupils  a  more  ration- 
al and  useful  method  of  study.  Even  this  innova- 
tion excited  against  him  violent  suspicions  of  heresy, 
which  were  confirmed,  when  he  proceeded  to  re- 
prehend the  corruptions  which  prevailed  in  the 
church.  It  Avas  impossible  for  him,  after  this,  to 
remain  in  safety  at  St.  Andrews,  which  was  wholly  uu^ 
der  the  power  of  Cardinal  Beatoun,  the  most  deter- 
mined supporter  of  the  Romish  church,  and  enemy 

*  In  tlie  actof  Parliament,  A)uio  15S5,  renewed  1535,  prohib- 
iting the  importation  of  books,  containing  heretical  opinions,  or 
the  rehearsing  and  disputing  about  them,  an  exception  was  made 
as  to  "clerks  in  the  schools,"  that  they  might  confute  them. 
Robertson's  Records  of  Parliament,  p.  552.  595 — 6.  In  this  de- 
vice, the  patrons  of  the  Romish  church  were  outwitted;  for  a 
number  of  tliese  clerks  were,  by  the  ]>erusal  of  the  books,  and  by 
jiispHtation,  indu<;ed  t«  embrace  the;  protestant  tenets. 


■I 


liIPE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  3j, 

of  all  reform.  He  left  that  place,  and  retired  to  the 
souths  where,  within  a  short  time,  he  avowed  his 
full  belief  of  the  protestant  doctrine.  Provoked  by 
his  defection,  and  alarmed  lest  he  should  draw  others 
after  him,  the  clergy  were  anxious  to  rid  themselves 
of  such  an  adversary.  Having  passed  sentence  a- 
gainst  him  as  a  heretic,  and  degraded  him  from  the 
priesthood,  (says  Beza)  the  Cardinal  employed  assas- 
sins to  way-lay  him,  by  whose  hands  he  must  have 
fallen,  had  not  providence  placed  him  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  laird  of  Langniddrie.* 

Thomas  Guillaume,  or  W^lliams,\  was  very  use- 
ful to  Knox,  in  leading  him  to  a  more  perfect  ac- 
quaintance with  the  truth.  He  was  a  friar  of  emi- 
nence, and,  along  with  John  Rough,|  acted  as  chap- 

*  Beza,  in  mentioning  the  sentence  of  condemnation  and  degra- 
dation here,  may  have  confounded  the  transactions  in  the  Cardi- 
nal's lifetime,  with  what  happened  Anno  1556.  But  there  is  no 
reason  for  questioning  the  main  fact  as  related  by  him.  The  fol- 
lowing are  his  words  :  "  Siquidem  Hieronymi  et  Augustini  libros 
ibi  nactus,  ex  eorum  scriptis,  non  fastidire  modo,  sed  etiam  re- 
darguere  multa  usque  adeo  libere  cepit,  Edinburgum  praesertim 
regiara  civitatem  evoeatus,  Hamestonum,  [what  place  is  here 
meant  ?]  unicum  tunc  piorum  asylum  perfugere  cogeretur.  Ibi 
rero  tandem  Uberrima  cdita  confessioue  praemium  iilud  aDavide 
Betono  Archiepiscopo  Sanctandreano,  et  quidom  Cardinal! 
Scotiae  primate  tulit,  quale  ab  hoc  homiuum  genere  piis  persolvi 
solet,  haereseos  damnatus  absens,  saccrdoto  exutus,  per  insidias 
etiara,  appositis  percussoribus,  trucidandus,  nisi  Dei  providentia 
commendatum  ilium  langudrio  praecipuae  nobilitatis  viro  conser- 
▼asset."    leones,  Ee.  iij. 

t  He  was  born  in  Athelstoneford,  a  village  of  East  Lothian. 
Calderwood  says  that  he  was  provincial  of  the  order  of  Domin- 
icans, or  Blaekfriars,  in  Scotland.  MS,  vol.  i.  118.  But  a  late 
author  informs  us,  that  the  chartulary  of  the  Blaekfriars  monas- 
tery at  Perth,  mentions  John  Grierson  as  having  been  provincial 
from  the  year  1525,  to  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  Scott's  His- 
tory of  the  Reformers,  p.  96. 

^  He  was  born  about  Anno  1510;  and,  having  been  deprived, 
•f  some  property,  to  which  he  considered  himself  as  entitled,  heiB 


^2  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX 

lain  to  the  Earl  of  Arran,  during  the  short  time  that 
he  favoured  the  Reformation,  at  the  beginning  of  his 
regency,  by  whom  he  was  employed  in  preaching  in 
different  parts  of  the  kingdom.*  But  the  person  to 
whom  our  Reformer  was  most  indebted,  was  George 
Wishart,  a  gentleman  of  the  house  of  Pittarow,  in 
Mearns.  Being  driven  into  banishment  by  Cardinal 
Beatoun,  for  teaching  the  Greek  New  Testament  in 
Montrose,  he  had  resided  for  some  years  at  the  uni- 
versity of  Cambridge.  In  the  year  154fl,  he  return- 
ed to  his  native  country,  in  the  company  of  the  com- 
missioners, who  had  been  sent  to  negociate  a  treaty 
with  Henry  VIII.  of  England.  Seldom  do  we  meet, 
in  ecclesiastical  history,  with  a  character  so  amiable 
and  interesting,  as  that  of  George  Wishart.  Excel- 
ling the  rest  of  his  countrymen  at  that  period  in  learn- 
ing, of  the  most  persuasive  eloquence,  irreproach- 
able in  life,  courteous  and  affable  in  manners ;  his 
fervent  piety,  zeal,  and  courage  in  the  cause  of  truth, 
were  tempered  with  uncommon  meekness,  modesty, 
patience,  prudence,  and   charity.f     In  his  tour   of 

disgust  left  his  relations,  anil  entered  a  monastery  in  Stirling, 
when  he  was  only  seventeen  years  of  age.  The  GoA^ernor  procur. 
ed  a  dispensation  for  him  to  leave  the  monastery,  and  become  one 
of  his  chaplains.  He  visited  Rome  twice,  and  was  very  much 
shocked  with  what  he  witnessed  in  that  city,  which  he  had  been 
taught  to  regard  as  the  fountain  of  sanctity.     Fox,  1840. 

*It  was  at  this  time,  (I9th  March,  1543)  that  the  important 
act  was  passed  by  the  Scottish  Parliament,  declaring,  '•  That  it 
shall  be  lawful  to  all  men  to  read  the  Bible  and  Testament  in  the 
mother-tongue  ;"  an  act  wliich  must  have  had  great  influence  on 
the  Reformation.  Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  83.  At  this  period, 
several  treatises  were  printed  iu  the  Scottish  language,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  church  of  Rome,  besides  those  brought  from  England, 
Knox,  Si. 

t  The  following  very  interesting  account  of  him  is  given  by  one 
»f  his  scholars  at  Cambridge.  "  About  the  yeare  of  our  Lord,  a 
thousand,  hvc  liuudreth,  fortic  and  three,  there  was,  in  the  univer- 


XIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  33 

preaching  through  Scotland,  he  was  usually  accom- 
panied by  some  of  the  principal  gentry ;  and  the  peo- 
ple, who  flocked  to  hear  him,  were  ravished  with 
his  discourses.  To  this  teacher  Knox  attached  him- 
self, and  profited  greatly  by  his  sermons,  and  private 
instructions.  During  his  last  visit  to  Lothian,  he 
waited  constantly  on  his  person,  and  bore  the  sword, 
which  was  carried  before  him,  from  the  time  that  an 
attempt  was  made  to  assassinate  him  at  Duudee. 
Wishart  was  highly  pleased  with  the  zeal  and  talents 
of  Knox,  and  seems  to  have  presaged  his  future  use- 
fulness, at  the  same  time  that  he  laboured  under  a 
strong  presentiment  of  his  own  approaching  martyr- 
dom. On  the  night  in  which  he  was  apprehended  by 
Bothwell,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Cardinal,  he  di- 
rected the  sword  to  be  taken  from  him,  and  while  he 
insisted  for  liberty  to  accompany  him  to  Ormiston, 

sity  of  Cambridge,  one  Maister  George  Wischart,  commonly  cal- 
led Maister  George  of  Benncf  s  Colledge,  was  a  tall  man.  polde 
headed,  and  on  the  same  a  round  French  cap  of  the  best.  Judged 
of  melancholye  complexion  by  his  physiognomie,  black  haired, 
long  bearded,  comely  of  personage,  Aveli  spoken  after  his  country 
of  Scotland,  courteous,  lowly,  lovely,  glad  to  teach,  desirous  to 
leame,  and  was  well  travailed.  Having  on  him  for  his  habit  or 
clothing  never  but  a  mautell  frieze  gowne  to  the  shoes,  a  black 
Millianfustain  dublet,and  plain  black  hosen,  course  new  canvass?. 
for  his  shirtes,and  white  falling  bandes  and  cuffes  at  the  hands. 
All  the  which  apparell  he  gave  to  the  poore,  some  weekly,  some 
monethly,  some  quarterly,  as  he  liked  :  saving  his  Frenehe  cappc. 
which  he  kept  the  whole  yeare  of  my  being  with  him.  He  was 
a  man  modest,  temperate,  fearing  God,  haling  covetousnesse :  for 
Lis  charitie  had  never  ende,  niglit,  nooue,  nor  daye.  He  forbare 
one  meale,  one  day  in  four  for  the  most  part,  except  something  to 
comfort  nature.  [When  accused,  at  his  trial,  of  eontemuing  fast- 
ing, he  replied,  "  My  Lordis,  I  find  that  fasting  is  commendit  in 
the  scriptur. — i\.nd  not  so  only ;  bot  I  have  leiruit  by  expe- 
rience, that  fasting  is  gude  for  the  healthe  and  conservatioun 
of  the  body."  Knox,  60.]  Hee  lay  hard  upon  a  poufie  of  straw. 
cx>urse  new  canva^se  sheetes,  which,   when  he  changed,  he  gave 


3^  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

dismissed  liim  with  this  reply,  "  ^ay,  retiirne  to 
your  bainics,  (meaning  his  pupils,)  and  God  blis  you  ; 
ane  is  sufficient  for  a  sacrifice." 

Having  relinquished  all  thoughts  of  officiating  in 
that  church  which  had  invested  him  with  clerical  or- 
ders, Knox  had  entered  as  tutor  into  the  family  of 
Hugh  Douglas  of  Long  Niddrie,  a  gentleman  in  East 
Lothian,  who  had  embraced  the  reformed  doctrines. 
John  Cocliburn  of  Ormiston,  a  neighbouring  gentle- 
man of  the  same  persuasion,  also  put  his  son  under 
his  tuition.  These  young  men  were  instructed  by 
him  in  the  principles  of  religion,  as  well  as  of  the 
learned  languages.  He  managed  their  religious  in- 
struction in  such  a  ^vay  as  to  allow  the  rest  of  the  fa- 
mily, and  the  people  of  the  neighbourhood?  to  reap 
advantage  from  it.  He  catechised  them  publicly  in 
a  chapel  at  Long  Niddrie,  in  which  he  also  read  to 
them  at  stated  times,  a  chapter  of  the  Bible,  accom- 
panied with  explanatory  remarks.     The  memory  of 

away.  He  had  commonly  by  liis  bedside  a  tiibbe  of  water,  in  the 
which  (his  people  being  in  bed,  tlie  candle  put  out,  and  all  quiet) 
hee  used  to  bathe  liiniself. — Ho  taugiit  with  great  modestie  and 
gravitie,so  that  some  of  his  people  thought  him  severe,  and  would 
have  slain  liim  ;  but  the  Lord  was  his  defence.  And  hee,  after 
due  correctioiin  for  their  malice,  by  good  exhortation  amended 
them  and  lie  went  his  way.  O  that  the  Lord  had  left  him  to  me  his 
poore  boy,  that  he  might  have  finished  that  he  had  begunne  !  His 
learning  no  less  sufficient  than  his  desire,  alwayes  prest  and  readie 
to  do  good  in  that  he  was  able,  both  in  the  house  privately,  and  in 
the  school  piiblikely,  professing  and  reading  diverse  authors.*' 
Letter  of  Emery  Tylney,  apud  Fox,  1155. 

Wishart  travelled  on  the  continent,  but  w  hether  previous  to  his 
banishment,  anno  15.38,  or  after  it,  does  not  appear.  Knox,  5''. 
Buchanan  calls  him  Sophocardiua,  supposing  his  name  to  be 
Wiseheart,  a  mistake  which  has  been  corrected  by  an  intelligent 
foreign  historian,  who  says  that  the  original  name  was  Guiscard, 
a  name  common  in  France,  from  which  country  the  If'ischards 
(for  so  Knox  writes  it)  originally  came  to  Scotland.  Gerdesii 
Hist.  Reformat,  torn.  iv.  p.  31*. 


LIFE  OF  JOHX  KNOX.  85 

this  has  been  preserved  by  tradition,  and  the  chapel, 
the  rnins  of  which  are  still  apparent,  is  popularly 
called  John  Knox's  Icirk.^ 

It  was  not  to  be  expected,  that  he  would  long  be 
suffered  to  continue  this  employment,  under  a  govern- 
ment  which  was  now  entirely  at  the  devotion  of  Car- 
dinal Beatoun,  who  had  gained  over  to  his  measures 
the  timid  and  irresolute  regent.  But  in  the  midst  of 
his  cruelties,  and  while  he  was  planning  still  more 
desperate  deeds,t  the  Cardinal  was  himself  suddenly 
cut  off.  A  conspiracy  was  formed  against  his  life ; 
and  a  small,  but  determined  band,  (some  of  whom 
seem  to  have  been  instigated  by  resentment  for  pri- 
vate injuries,  and  the  influence  of  the  English  court, 
others  animated  by  a  desire  to  revenge  his  cruelties, 
and  deliver  their  country  from  his  oppression,)  on 
the29tli  of  May,  1546,  seized  upon  the  Castle  of  St. 
Andrews,   in  which  he  resided,  and  put  him  to  death. 

The  death  of  Beatoun  did  not,  however,  free  Knox 
from  persecution.  John  Hamilton,  an  illegitimate 
brother  of  the  Regent,  who  was  nominated  to  the 
vacant  bishopric,  sought  his  life  with  as  great  eager- 
ness as  his  predecessor.  He  was  obliged  to  conceal 
himself,  and  to  remove  from  place  to  place,  to  pro- 
vide for  his  safety.  Wearied  with  this  mode  of 
living,  and  apprehensive  that  he  would  some  day 
fall  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  he  came  to  the 

*  Chalmers's  Caledonia,  ii.  52G.  comp.  Knox,  Historie,  67. 

t  In  his  progress  through  the  kingdom  with  the  Governor,  he 
instigated  him, "  to  hang  (at  Pertli)  four  honest  men,  for  eating 
of  a  goose  on  Friday;  and  drowned  a  young  woman,  because  she 
refused  to  pray  to  our  lady  in  her  birth."  Pitscottie,  188.  Knox 
says,  that  the  woman  <•  having  a  soueking  babe  upon  hir  briest, 
was  drounit."  Historie,  40.  Petrie's  History  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  part  ii.  p.  183.  He  had  planned  the  destruction  of  the 
principal  gentleman  of  Fife,  as  appeared  by  docaments  found  af^ 
tcr  his  death,  Knox.  63,  64. 


36  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

resolution  of  leaving  Scotland.  He  had  no  desire  to 
go  to  England,  because,  altliougli  "the  Pope's  name 
was  suppressed"  in  that  kingdom,  "his  laws  and 
corruptions  remained  in  full  vigour."*  His  deter- 
mination was  to  visit  Germany,  and  prosecute  his! 
studies  in  some  of  the  Protestant  universities,  until 
he  should  see  a  favourable  change  in  the  state  of  his 
native  country.  The  lairds  of  Long  Niddrie  and 
Ormiston  were  extremely  reluctant  to  part  with  him, 
and,  by  their  importunities,  prevailed  with  him  to 
take  refuge,  along  v/ith  their  sons,  in  the  Castle  of 
St.  Andrews,  which  continued  to  be  held  by  the  con- 
spirator s.f 

Writers  unfriendly  to  our  Reformer  have  endea- 
voured to  fix  an  accusation  upon  him,  respecting  the 
assassination  of  Cardinal  Beatoun.  Some  have  igno- 
rantly  asserted,  that  he  was  one  of  the  conspirators. 

*  All  the  Scottish  Protestants  were  displeased  with  the  half-re- 
form introduced  by  Henry  VIII.  This  circumstance  contributed 
not  a  little  to  cool  their  zeal  for  the  alliance  with  England.  His 
ambassador,  Sir  Ralph  Sadler,  found  himself  in  a  very  awkward 
predicament  on  this  as  well  as  on  other  accounts  ;  for  the  papists 
were  displeased  that  Henry  had  gone  so  far,  the  protestants  that 
lie  did  not  go  farther.  The  latter  disrelished,  in  particular,  the 
restrictions  which  lie  had  imposed  upon  the  reading  and  interpre- 
tation of  the  scrijitures,  and  which  he  urged  the  Regent  to  imi- 
tate in  Scotland.  They  had  no  desire  for  the  K'ing^s  Book,  which 
lay  as  a  drug  in  the  ambassador's  hands.  Sadler's  State  Papers, 
i.  264 — 5.  comp.  p.  128.  Sir  John  Borthwick,  (who  fled  to  Eng- 
land, Anuo  1539  or  1540,)  ridicules  tlie  Scottish  clergy  for  mak- 
ing it  an  article  of  accusation  against  him,  that  he  had  approved 
of"  all  those  heresies,  commonly  called  the  heresies  of  England ;" 
because,  (says  he,)  "  what  religion  at  that  time  was  used  in  Eng- 
land, the  like  the  whole  realm  of  Scotland  did  embrace  ;  in  this 
point  only,  the  Englishmen  differed  from  the  Scottes,  that  they  had 
castoff  the  yoke  of  Antichrist,  the  other  not.  Idols  were  wor- 
shipped of  both  nations ;  the  prophanating  of  the  supper  and 
haptisme  was  like  unto  them  both. — Truely,  it  is  most  false, 
that  1  had  subscribed  unto  such  kinde  of  heresies."  Fox,  1149, 
1130.  t  Knox,  Historie,  p.  67. 


JLIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX.  37 

Others,  better  informed,  have  argued  that  he  made 
himself  accessory  to  their  crime,  by  taking  shelter 
among  them.*  With  more  plausibility,  others  have 
appealed  to  his  writings,  as  a  proof  that  he  vindicat- 
ed the  deed  of  the  conspirators  as  laudable,  or  at 
least  innocent.  I  knovv^  that  some  of  Knox's  vindi- 
cators have  denied  this  charge,  and  maintain  that  he 
justified  it  only  in  as  far  as  it  was  the  work  of  God, 
or  a  just  retribution  in  Providence  for  the  crimes  of 
which  the  Cardinal  had  been  guilty,  without  ap- 
proving the  conduct  of  those  who  were  the  instru- 
ments of  punishing  him.f  The  just  judgment  of 
heaven  is,  I  acknowledge,  the  chief  thing  to  which 
he  directs  the  attention  of  his  reader ;  at  the  same 
time,  I  think  no  one  who  carefully  reads  what  he 
has  written  on  this  subjcct,|  can  doubt  that  he  justi- 
fied the  action  of  the  conspirators.  The  truth  is,  he 
held  the  opinion,  that  persons  who,  by  the  commis- 
sion of  flagrant  crimes,  had  forfeited  their  lives,  ac- 
cording to  the  law  of  God,  and  the  just  laws  of  so- 
ciety, such  as  notorious  murderers  and  tyrants,  might 
warrantably  be  put  to  death  by  private  individuals : 
provided  all  redress,  in  the  ordinary  course  of  jus- 
tice, was  rendered  impossible,  in  consequence  of 
the  offenders  having  usurped  the  executive  authori- 
ty, or  being  systematically  protected  by  oppressive 

*  "  Quorum  se  societate,  non  multo  post,  implicarat  Joannes 
Knoxus,  Calvinistarum  minister,  qui  se  evangelicae  perfeetionis 
cumulum  assecutum  non  arbitrabatur  nisi  in  Cardinalis  ac  saeer- 
dotis  sanguine  aecaede  triumphasset."  Leslaeus  de  rebus  gestis 
Seotorum.  lib.  x.  The  bishop  should  have  recollected,  that  the 
violence  of  his  friends  drove  "  the  Calvinistic  minister"  to  this 
"  pinnacle  of  evangelical  perfection." 

t  Principal  Baillie's  Historical  Vindication  of  the  Government 
of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  p.  42. 

t  Historic,  86,. 

R 


38  LIFE  OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

rulers.  This  was  an  opinion  of  the  same  kind  witR 
that  of  tyrannocidp,  held  by  so  many  of  the  ancients> 
and  defended  by  Buchanan  in  his  dialogue,  J) e  jure 
regni  apud  Scotos.  It  is  a  principle,  1  confess,  of 
dangerous  application,  extremely  liable  to  be  abused 
by  factious,  fanatical,  and  desperate  men,  as  a  pre- 
text  for  perpetrating  the  most  nefarious  deeds.  It 
would  be  unjust,  however,  on  this  account,  to  con- 
found it  v.ith  the  principle,  which,  by  giving  to  in- 
dividuals a  liberty  to  revenge  their  own  quarrels,  le- 
gitimates assassination,  a  practice  which  was  exceed- 
ingly common  in  that  age.  I  may  add,  that  there 
have  been  instances  of  persons,  not  invested  with 
public  authority,  executing  punishment  upon  flagi- 
tious oifenders,  as  to  which  we  may  scruple  to  load 
the  memory  of  the  actors  with  an  aggravated  charge 
of  murder,  although  we  cannot  approve  of  their  con- 
duct.* 

Knox  entered  the  Castle  of  St.  Andrews,  at  the 
time  of  Easter,  15^7?  and  conducted   the  education 

*  It  is  surprising  how  imich  prejudice  Mill  blind  and  distort  the 
judgment,  even  of  :neii  of  learning.  A  modern  author,  speaking 
of  the  assassination  of  Cardinal  Beatoun,  calls  it  "  the  f oldest 
crime  v.hieh  ever  stained  a  country,  except  j>erhaps  the  similar 
murder  of  Archbishop  Sharpe,  within  the  same  shire,  in  the  sub- 
sequent eeiilury,  by  similar  miscreants.'^''  Chalmers's  Lindsay,  vol* 
i.  p.  o4,  3  J.  What  must  the  reader  think  who  hears  the  assassi- 
nation of  two  bloody  persecutors,  aggravated  above  the  murder  of 
the  brave  Coligni,  the  generous  Ilenrij  IV.  of  France,  and  the  pa- 
triotic Prince  of  Orange .'  There  are  some  authors  who  can  nar- 
rate in  cold  blood  the  murder  of  multitudes  of  innocent  persons, 
under  the  consecrated  cloak  of  authority,  who  ''burst  into  indig- 
nation," at  the  mention  of  the  rare  fact  of  a  person,  who  goaded 
by  oppression,  and  reduced  to  despair,  has  been  driven  to  the  ex- 
tremity of  taking  vengeance  on  the  proud  and  tyrannical  author 
of  his  wrongs. 

Mr.  Hume's  remark  on  Knox's  Narrative  of  the  Cardinal's  as- 
sassination, is  considered  in  Ncle  H. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  30 

of  his  pupils  after  his  accustomed  manner.  In  the 
chapel  within  the  Castle,  he  read  to  them  his  lec- 
tures upon  the  scriptures,  beginning  at  the  place  in 
the  gospel  according  to  John,  where  he  had  left  off 
at  Long  Niddrie.  He  catechised  them  in  the  parish 
church  belonging  to  the  city.  A  number  of  persons 
attended  both  these  exercises.  Among  those  who 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  Castle,  (though  not  engag- 
ed in  the  conspiracy  against  the  Cardinal.)  were 
John  Hough,  who,  since  his  dismissal  by  the  Regent 
had  lurked  in  Kyle,  Sir  David  Lindsay  of  the  Mount, 
and  Henry  Balnaves  of  Hal  hill.*  These  persons 
were  so  much  pleased  with  Knox's  doctrine  and  mode 
of  teaching,  that  they  urged  him  to  preach  public- 
ly to  the  people,  and  to  become  colleague  to  Rou;^^h, 
who  acted  as  chaplain  to  the  garrison.  But  he  re- 
sisted all  their  solicitations,  assigning  as  a  reason  that 
he  did  not  consider  himself  as  Imving  a  call  to  this 
employment,  and  would  not  be  guilty  of  intrusion. f 
They  did  not,  however,  desist  from  their  purpose  ; 
hutj  having  consulted  with  their  brethren,  came  to 

*  Henry  Baliiayes  had  raised  himself,  by  his  tulents  and  probi- 
ty, from  an  obscure  station  to  tlie  first  honours  of  the  state,  and 
was  justly  regarded  as  one  of  tlie  prineipoJ  supporters  of  tJie  re- 
formed cause  in  Scotland.  Born  of  poor  parents  in  the  town  of 
Kircaldy,  when  yet  a  boy  he  travelled  to  the  continent,  and  hear- 
ing of  a  free  school  in  Cologne,  procured  admission  to  it.  and  re- 
ceived a  liberal  education  together  with  instruction  in  Protestant 
principles.  Returning  to  his  native  country,  he  aj>p]ied  himself 
to  the  study  of  law,  and  acted  for  some  time  as  a  procurator  at  St. 
x\ndrews.  Notwithstanding  the  jealousy  of  the  clergj>  who  hated 
him  on  account  of  his  religious  sentiments,  his  reputation  intro- 
duced him  to  the  court;  and  he  was  employed  on  important  em- 
bassies, both  by  James  V.  and  the  Earl  of  x\rran,  during  the  first 
part  of  whose  regency  he  was  Secretary  of  State.  Cald.  MS.  i. 
119.  Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  83.     Knox,  35. 

t  His  words  were,  that  he  icald  not  r'ln  quliair  God  had  not  cal- 
lit  him. 


40  WFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

a  resolutton  without  his  knowledge,  that  a  call  should 
t)e  publicly  given  him,  in  the  name  of  the  whole,  to 
become  one  of  their  ministers. 

Accordingly,  on  a  day  fixed  for  the  purpose,  Rough 
preached  a  sermon  on  the    election  of  ministers,  in 
which  he  declared  the  power  which  a  congregration, 
however  small,  had  over  any  one  in  whom  they  per- 
ceived gifts  suited  to  the  office,  and  how   dangerous 
it  was  for  such  a  person  to  reject  the   call  of  those 
who  desired  instruction.     Sermon  being  ended,   the 
preacher  turned  to  Knox,   who  was  present,  and  ad- 
dressed  him  in  these  words  :  "  Brother,   you  shall 
not  be  offended,    although  I   speak  unto   you    that 
which  I  have  in  charge,  even  from  all  those  that  are 
here  present,    which  is  this  :    In  the   name  of  God, 
and  of  his  Son  Jesus  Christ,  and  in  the  name  of  all 
that  presently  call  you  by  my  mouth,  I  charge  you 
that  you  refuse  not  this  holy  vocation,  but  as  you 
tender  the  glory  of  God,    the  increase   of  Christ's 
kingdom,  the  edification  of  your  brethren,  and   the 
comfort  of  me,  whom  you  understand  well  enough 
to  be  oppressed   by   the  multitude   of  labours,  that 
you  take  upon  you  the  public  office   and  charge  of 
preaching,  even  as  you  look  to    avoid  God's    heavy 
flispleasure,    and   desire  that  he   shall  multiply  his 
graces  unto  you."     Then   addressing  himself  to  tjie 
congregation,  he  said,   '^  Was  not  this  your  charge 
unto  me  ?    and   do  ye  not  approve  this   vocation  ?" 
Tliey  all  answered,  "  It  was  ;  and  we  approve  it.'^ 
Abashed  and  overwhelmed  by  this  unexpected  and  so- 
lemn charge,  Knox  was  unable  to  speak,  but  bursting, 
into  tears,  retired  from  the  assembly,  and  shut  him- 
self up  in  his  chamber.     "  His  countenance  and  be- 
haviour  from  that  day.  till  the  day  that  he  was  com- 
pelled   to    present   himself  in   the  public   place   of 
jpreaehing,    did    sufficiently   declare   the   grief  ant) 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  4i 

trouble  of  liis  heart;  for  no  man  saw  any  sign  of 
mirth  from  him,  neither  had  lie  pleasure  to  accom- 
pany any  man  for  many  days  together.*'' 

This  scene  cannot  fail  to  interest  such  as  are  im- 
pressed with  the  weight  of  the  ministerial  function, 
and  will  awaken  a  train  of  feelings  in  the  breasts  of 
those  who  have  been  intrusted  with  the  gospel.  It 
revives  the  memory  of  those  early  days  of  the  church, 
when  persons  did  not  rush  forward  to  the  altar,  nor 
beg  to  •'  be  put  into  one  of  the  priests'  of&ces,  to  eat  a 
piece  of  bread;"  when  men  of  piety  and  talents, 
deeply  impressed  with  the  awful  responsibility  of  the 
office,  and  their  own  insufficiency,  were,  with  great 
difficulty,  induced  to  take  on  them  those  orders,  which 
they  had  long  desired,  and  for  which  they  had  la- 
boured to  qualify  themselves.  What  a  glaring  con- 
trast to  this  was  exhibited  in  the  conduct  of  the 
herd,  which  at  this  time  tilled  the  stalls  of  the  popish 
church  !  The  behaviour  of  Knox  also  reproves  those 
who  become  preachers  of  their  own  accord  ;  who, 
from  vague  and  enthusiastic  desires  of  doing  good, 
or  a  fond  conceit  of  their  own  gifts,  trample  upon 
good  order,  and  thrust  themselves  into  a  sacred  pub- 
lic employment,  without  any  regular  call. 

We  are  not,  however,  to  imagine  that  his  distress 
of  mind,  and  the  reluctance  which  he  discovered  in 
complying  with  the  call  which  he  had  now  received, 
proceeded  from  consciousness  of  its  invalidity,  by 
the  defect  of  certain  external  formalities  which  had 
been  usual  in  the  church,  or  which,  in  ordinary 
cases,  might  be  observed  with  propriety,  in  the  in- 
stallation of  persons  into  sacred  offices.  These  as  far 
as  warranted  by  scripture,  or  conducive  to  the  pre- 
servation of  decent  order,  he  did  not  contemn :  his 
judgment  respecting  them  may  be  learned  from  the 
early  practice  of  the  Scottish  reformed  church,  in 
*  Knox  Historic,  p.  68« 


4S  LIFE  OF    JOHX   KXOX. 

(lie  organization  of  wiiich  he  had  so  active  a  share. 
In  common  witli  all  the  original  reformers,  he  re- 
jected the  necessity  of  episcopal  ordination,  as  to- 
tally unauthorised  by  the  laws  of  Christ ;  nor  did  he 
regard  the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  presbyters  as  a 
rite  essential  to  the  validity  of  orders,  or  of  neces- 
sary observance  in  all  circumstances  of  the  church. 
The  papists,  indeed,  did  not  fail  to  declaim  on  this 
topic,  representing  Knox,*  and  other  reformed 
ministers,  as  destitute  of  all  lawful  vocation.  In  the 
same  strain  did  many  hierarchical  writers  of  the  Eng- 
lish church  afterwards  learn  to  talk,  not  scrupling, 
by  their  extravagant  doctrine,  of  the  absolute  neces- 
sity of  ordination  by  the  hands  of  a  bishop,  who  de- 
rived his  powers  by  uninterrupted  succession  from 
the  apostles,  to  invalidate  and  nullify  the  orders  of 
all  the  reformed  churches,  except  their  own  ;  a  doc- 
trine which  has  been  revived  in  the  present  enlight- 
ened age,  and  unblushingly  avowed  and  defended, 
with  the  greater  part  of  its  absurd,  illiberal,  and  hor- 
rid consequences. t     I  will  not  say  that  Knox  paid 

*  The  objection  of  the  Roman  Catholics  to  the  legality  of  our 
Reformers  vocation  Avas,  that  althongh  he  had  received  the 
power  of  order,  he  wanted  tliat  oi' jurisdiction  ;  tliese  two  being 
distinct,  according  to  ihe  canon  law.  "  The  power  of  ordere  is 
not  sufficient  to  ane  man  to  preaehe.  hot  he  man  have  also  juris- 
dictionc  over  thauielo  Avlsom  he  preaches.  Johann  ICmnoa;  resa- 
vit  never  sie  jurisdictioue  fra  the  Roman  kirk  to  preaehe  in  the 
rcalme  of  Scotland:  thairfoir  suppoisc  he  receavit  from  it  the 
ordere  of  priestheade,  yet  he  had  na  pouar  to  preaehe,  nor  to 
lauchfnllie  administrat  the  Sacramentes.''  jVicoI  Burners  Dispn- 
liition  coneerning  the  Coutroversit  Ileaddis  of  Religion,  p.  1:^8. 
Paris,  Anno  1581. 

t  The  fathers  of  the  Englisli  Reformation  were  very  far  from 
entertaining  sueli  ridiculous  and  illiberal  sentiments.  Knox's 
call  to  the  ministry  was  never  questioned,  but  his  services  readily 
accepted,  when  he  afterwards  went  to  England.  Archbishop 
Cranracr,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  and  all  the  bishops  in  the 
beginning  of  Elizabeth's  reigo,  corresponded  with,  and  cheerfully 


LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX.  43 

HO  respect  whatever  to  his  early  ordination  in  the 
popish  church,  (altlioiigh,  if  we  credit  the  testimony 
of  his  adversaries,  this  was  his  opinion;*)  but  I  have 
little  doubt  that  he  looked  upon  the  charge  which  he 
received  at  St.  Andrews  as  principally  constituting 
his  call  to  the  ministry. 

His  distress  of  mind  on  the  present  occasion 
proceeded  from  a  higher  source  than  the  defi- 
ciency of  some  external  formalities  in  his  call. 
He  had  now  very  different  thoughts  as  to  the  im- 
portance of  the  ministerial  office,  from  what  he  had 
entertained  when  ceremoniously  invested  with  or- 
ders. The  care  of  immortal  souls,  of  whom  he 
must  give  an  account  to  the  Chief  Bishop  ;  the 
charge  of  declaring  "•  the  whole  counsel  of  Grod, 
keeping  nothing  back,'^  however  ungrateful  to  his 
hearers,  and  of  '"  preaching  in  season  and  out  of 
season  ;"  the  manner  of  life,  afflictions,  persecutions^ 

owned  the  foreign  reformed  divines  as  brethren,  and  fellow- 
labourers  in  the  ministry  of  the  gospel.  In  the  year,  1582,  Arch- 
bishop Grindal,  by  a  formal  deed,  declared  the  validity  of  the 
orders  of  Mr.  John  Morrison,  wlio  had  been  ordained  by  the  Sy- 
nod of  Lothian,  "  according  to  the  laudable  form  and  rite  of  the 
reformed  Church  of  Scotland,"  (says  the  instrument.)  per  gene- 
ralem  Synodum  sive  Congregationera  illiiis  comitatus  juxta  lau- 
dabilem  Ecclesiae  Scotise  reformatse  forman  et  ritum  ad  sacros 
erdines  et  sacrosanctum  ministerium  per  manuum  impositioneni 
admissus  et  ordinatus.' — Nos  igitur  formam  ordinationis  et  prsc- 
fectionis  tuse  kujusmodi,  modo  prscraisso  factum,  quantum  in  nos 
est,  et  jure  possumus,  approbantes  et  vatificantes,  &c.  Strype's 
Life  of  Grindal.  Append,  book  ii.  Numb.  xvii.  p.  101.  Whit- 
tingham.  Dean  of  Durham,  was  ordained  in  the  English  church 
at  Geneva,  of  which  Knox  was  pastor;  and  Travors,  the  oppo- 
nent of  Hooker,  was  ordained  by  a  presbytery  at  Antwerp.  At- 
tempts were  made  by  some  highflyers  to  invalidate  their  orders. 
and  induce  them  to  submit  to  re-oidination,  bat  they  did  not  suc- 
ceed.    Strype's  Annals,  vol.  ii.  520 — i. 

*  Ninian  V/inzet,  apud  Keith's  History,  App.  p.  212,  213. 
Burne's  Disputation,  p.  13S, 


V 


4-4  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX, 

imprisoniueiit,  exile,  and  violent  death,  to  which  the 
preachers  of  the  protestant  doctrine  were  exposed  ; 
the  hazard  of  his  sinking  under  these  hardships, 
and  "  making  shipwreck  of  faith  and  a  good  con- 
science ;"  these,  with  similar  considerations,  rushed 
into  his  mind,  and  filled  it  with  agitation  and  grief. 
At  length,  satisfied  that  he  had  the  call  of  Grod  to 
engage  in  this  work,  he  composed  his  mind  to  a 
reliance  on  Him  who  had  engaged  to  make  his 
"  strength  perfect  in  the  weakness"  of  his  servants, 
and  resolved,  with  the  apostle,  "  not  to  count  his 
life  dear,  that  he  might  finish  with  joy  the  ministry 
which  he  received  of  the  Lord,  to  testify  the  gospel 
of  the  grace  of  God."  Often  did  he  afterwards  re- 
flect with  lively  emotion  upon  this  very  interesting 
step  of  his  life,  and  never,  in  the  midst  of  his  great- 
est sufferings,  did  he  see  reason  to  repent  the  choice 
which  he  had  so  deliberately  made. 

An  occurrence  w  hich  took  place  about  this  time 
contributed  to  fix  his  wavering  resolution,  and  in- 
duced an  earlier  compliance  with  the  call  of  the  con- 
sre nation  than  he  might  otherwise  have  been  dispos- 
ed  to  yield.  Though  sound  in  doctrine.  Rough's 
literary  acquirements  were  moderate.  Of  this  cir- 
cumstance, the  patrons  of  the  established  religion  in 
the  university  and  abbey  took  advantage  ;  among 
others,  one  called  Dean  John  Annan,*  had  long 
proved  vexatious  to  him,  by  stating  objections  to 
the  doctrine  which  he  preached,  and  entangling  him 

*  The  friars  were  accustomed  about  this  time  to  assume  the 
dignified  title  of  Bean,  althoush  they  did  not  hold  that  place  in 
the  church  which  entitled  them  to  the  name. 
"  All  monk'ry,  ye  may  hear  and  sie. 
Are  eallit  Denis  for  di^nite  ; 
Howbcit  his  mother  milk  the  kow, 
He  mon  be  eallit  Dene  Andrew. 

Chalmers's  Lindsav,  iii,  100. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  45 

with  sophisms,  or  garbled  quotations  from  the  fa* 
thers.  Knox  had  assisted  the  preacher  with  his  pen, 
and  by  his  superior  skill  in  logic  and  the  writings 
of  the  fathers,  exposed  Annan's  fallacies,  and 
confuted  the  popish  errors.  One  day,  at  a  pub- 
lic disputation  in  the  parish  church,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  a  great  number  of  people,  Annan  being 
beat  from  all  his  defences,  fled,  as  his  last  re- 
fuge, to  the  infallible  authority  of  the  church,  by 
which  the  tenets  of  the  Lutherans  being  condemn- 
ed as  heretical,  all  further  disputation,  he  alleged,  was 
unnecessary.  To  this  Knox's  reply  was,  that  be- 
fore they  could  submit  to  this  summary  determina- 
tion of  the  matiei's  of  controversy,  it  was  previ- 
ously requisite  to  ascct^tain  the  true  church  by  the 
marks  given  in  scripture,  lest  they  should  blindly 
receive,  as  their  spiritual  mother,  a  harlot  instead 
of  the  immaculate  spouse  of  Jesus  Christ.  ^*  For, 
(continued  he,)  as  for  your  Roman  church  as  it  is 
now  corrupted,  wherein  stands  the  hope  of  your 
victory,  I  no  more  doubt  that  it  is  the  synagogue 
of  Satan,  and  the  head  thereof,  called  the  Pope, 
to  be  that  man  of  sin,  of  whom  the  apostle  speaks, 
than  I  doubt  that  Jesus  Christ  suffered  by  the  pro- 
curement of  the  visible  church  of  Jerusalem.  Yea, 
I  offer  myself,  by  word  or  writing,  to  prove  the 
Roman  church  this  day  farther  degenerate  from 
the  purity  which  was  in  the  days  of  the  apostles, 
than  were  the  church  of  the  Jews  from  the  ordi- 
nances  given  by  Moses,  when  they  consented  to 
the  innocent  death  of  Jesus  Christ.*'  This  was  a 
bold  charge  ;  but  the  minds  of  the  people  were  pre- 
pared to  listen  to  the  proof.  They  exclaimed,  that 
if  this  was  true,  they  had  been  miserably  deceived, 
and  insisted,  as  they  could  not  all  read  his  writings, 
that  he  should  ascend  the  pulpit,  and  give  them  ai^ 

1 


46  LITE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

opportunity  of  bearing  the  probation  of  what  he  had  so 
confidently  affirmed.  The  challenge  was  not  to  be  re- 
tracted, and  the  request  was  reasonable.  The  follow- 
ing Sunday  was  fixed  for  making  good  his  promise. 

On  the  day  appointed,  he  appeared  in  the  pulpit 
of  the  parish  church,  and  gave  out  Daniel  vii.  24, 
25.  as  his  text.  After  an  introduction,  in  which  he 
explained  the  vision,  and  shewed  that  the  four  em- 
pires, emblematically  represented  by  four  different 
animals,  were  the  Babylonian,  Persian,  Grecian, 
and  Roman,  out  of  the  ruins  of  the  last  of  which  em- 
pires, the  power  described  in  his  text  arose,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  show  that  this  was  applicable  to  no  other 
power  but  that  of  the  degenerate  Romish  church. 
He  compared  the  parallel  passages  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, and  shewed  that  the  king  mentioned  in  his  text 
was  the  same  elsewere  called  the  man  of  Sin,  the  An- 
tichrist, the  Babylonian  harlot;  and  that  this  did  not 
meat!  any  single  person,  but  a  body  or  multitude  of 
people  under  a  wicked  head,  including  a  succession  of 
persons,  occupying  the  same  station.  In  support  of  his 
assertion  that  the  papal  power  was  antichristian,  he  de- 
scribed it  under  the  three  heads  of  life,  doctrine,  and 
lavvs.  He  depicted  the  lives  of  the  popes  from  eccle- 
siastical history,  contrasted  their  doctrine  with  that  of 
the  New  Testament,  particularly  in  the  article  of  jus- 
tification, and  their  laws  enjoining  holidays,  absti- 
nence from  meats,  from  marriage,  &.e.  with  the  laws  of 
Christ  He  quoted  from  the  canon  law  the  blasphem- 
ous titles  and  prerogatives  ascribed  to  the  Pope,  as  an 
additional  proof  that  he  was  described  in  his  text.*  In 
conclusion,   he   signified,   that  if  any  present  thought 

*  The  doctrine  uliicli  the  preacher  delivered  at  this  time  m  as 
afterwards  put  iiilo  •'  ornate  u)ectt'i-,*'  by  one  of  his  hearers,  Sir 
D.  Lindsay,  who.  in  his  "  ^Monarelile."  finislied  Anno  1533,  has 
^iveu  a  particular  acuouat  of  the  rise  and  corruplioua  oi' popery^ 


L.IYE  OF    TOWNT   KINJOX.  4^ 

that  he  had  misquoted,  or  misinterpreted  the  testimo- 
iiies  which  he  had  produced  from  the  scriptures,  hig. 
tory,  or  writings  of  the  doctors  of  the  church,  he 
was  ready  upon  there  coming  to  him,  in  the  presence 
of  witnesses,  to  give  them  satisfaction.  There  were 
among  the  audience,  his  former  preceptor,  Major, 
the  members  of  the  university,  the  Sub-prior  of  the 
abbey,  and  a  great  number  of  canons  and  friars  of 
different  orders. 

This  sermon,  delivered  with  a  great  portion  of 
that  popular  eloquence  for  which  Knox  was  after- 
wards so  celebrated,  made  great  noise,  and  excited 
much  speculation  among  all  classes  *  The  former 
reformed  preachers,  not  excepting  Wishart,  had  con- 
tented themselves  Avith  refusing  some  of  the  grosser 
errors  of  the  established  religion.  Knox  struck  at 
the  root  of  popery,  by  boldly  pronouncing  the  Pope 
to  be  Antichrist,  and  the  whole  system  erroneous 
and  antiscriptural.  The  report  of  the  sermon,  and 
the  effects  produced  by  it,  was  soon  conveyed  to  the 
elect  bishop  of  St.  Andrews,  who  wrote  to  Winrara, 
the  Sub-prior  and  Vicar-gcneral  during  the  vacancy 
of  the  See,  that  he  was  surprised  he  would   allow 

tinder  the  name  of  the  "  fifth  spiritual  and  papal  motiarehie." 
Chalmers's  Lindsay,  iii.  8fi — 116. 

*  "  Sum  said,  Utheris  iuied  the  branches  of  pa|iistry,  hot  he 
straiketh  at  the  rute,  to  destroyc  the  whole.  Utheris  said,  gif 
the  doctors  and  magistri  nostri  defend  not  now  ilie  Pope  and  his 
authoritie,  which  in  their  ovvin  presence  is  so  manifestlie  inipng- 
nit,  the  devill  have  my  part  of  him  and  his  lawes  bothe.  Utheris 
said,  Mr.  George  Wiseheart  spak  never  so  plainelie.  and  yet  he 
was  brnnt ;  even  so  will  he  be  in  the  end  :  T^thcris  said,  the  tyran- 
nic of  the  Cardinal  maid  not  his  caiise  the  better,  netlier  yet  the 
suffering  of  Godis  servand  maid  Ins  cause  the  wors — And  thair- 
foir  we  wald  counsail  yow  and  thame  to  provyde  better  defences 
than  fyre  and  sword ;  for  it  may  be  that  allis  ye  shall  be  diappoint- 
ed  :  men  now  have  uther  eyes  than  they  had  then.  This  answer 
gave  tke  laird  of  jVydrie.-'     Knox,  Historic,  p.  70.  , 


4$  LIFE    fiP   JOHN    KNOX. 

sucb  heretical  and  schismatieal  doctrine  to  l3e  taught 
without  opposition.  Winram  was  at  bottom  friendly 
to  the  reformed  tenets ;  but  he  durst  not  altogether 
disregard  this  admonition,  and  therefore  appointed  a 
convention  of  the  most  learned  men  to  be  held  in  St. 
Leonard's  Yards,  to  which  he  summoned  the  preachers. 
Nine  articles  drawn  from  their  sermons  were  exhibit- 
ed, "  the  strangeness  of  which  (the  Sub-prior  said)  had 
moved  him  to  call  for  them  to  hear  their  answers." 

Knox,  when  called,  expressed  his  satisfaction  at 
appearing  before  an  auditory  so  honourable,  and  ap- 
parently so  modest  and  grave.     As  he  was  not  a  stran- 
ger to  the  report  concerning  the  private  sentiments  of 
Winram,  and  nothing  was  more  abhorrent  to  his  mind 
than   dissimulation,  he,  before   commencing  his   de- 
fence,  obtested  him  to  deal  uprightly  in  a  matter  of 
such   magnitude  ;  if  he  advanced   any  thing  which 
was  contrary  to  scripture,  he  desired  the  Sub-prior  to 
oppose  it,  that  the  people  might  not  be  deceived,  but 
if  he  was  convinced  that  what  he  taught  was  true  and 
scriptural,  it  was  his  duty  to  give  it  the  sanction  of 
his  authority.     To  this  Winram  cautiously  replied, 
that  he  did  not  come  there  as  a  judge,  and  would 
neither  approve  nor   condemn ;    he   wished    a    free 
conference,  and,  if  Knox  pleased,  he  would  reason 
with  him  a  little.     Accordingly,    he    proceeded    to 
state    some    objections    to    one  of    the   propositions 
maintained    by    Knox,    "  that   in    the    worship    of 
God,  and    especially    in  the    administration   of  the 
sacraments,  the  rule  prescribed  in  the  scriptures  is 
to  be    observed    witiiont    addition    or    diminution ; 
and    that  the    church    has    no    risht   to  devise  re- 
ligious   ceremonies,    and   impose    significations  up- 
on  them."     After    maintaining    the    argument    for 
p.  short  time,  the  Sub-prior  devolved  it  on  a  grey, 
friar,    named    Arl>ugkillj     who   took   it   up    with 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  49 

great  confidence,  but  was   soon  forced  to  yield  with 
disgrace.     He    rashly   engaged  to  prove   the  divine 
institution  of  ceremonies  ;  and  being  pushed  by  his 
antagonist  from  the  gospels  and   acts  to  the  epistles, 
and  from  one  epistle  to   another,  he  was    driven  at 
last  to  affirm,   "  that  the  apostles  had  not  received 
the  Holy  Ghost  when  they  wrote  the  epistles,   but 
they  afterwards  received  him  and  ordained  ceremo- 
nies.      "  Father  !    (exclaimed  the  Sub-prior)  what 
say  ye  ?  God  forbid  that  ye  say  that :  for  then  fare- 
well  the  ground  of  our  faith  '/"  The   friar,  abashed 
and  confounded,   attempted  to  correct   his  error,  but 
in  vain.     Knox  could  not    afterwards   bring  him    to 
the  argument  upon  any  of  the  articles.     He  resolv- 
ed all  into  the  authority  of  the  church.     His  opponent 
urging  that  the  church  had  no  power,  to  act  contrary 
to  the  express  directions  of  scripture,  which  enjoin- 
ed an   exact   conformity   to  the  divine  laws   respect- 
ing worship  ;  ^'  if  so  (said  Arbugkill.)  you  will  leave 
us  no  church  "     *•  Yes,  (rejoined  Knox,  sarcastical- 
ly, in  David    T    read   of  the  church  of  malignants, 
Odi  ecclesiam  malignantium  ;  this   church  you  may 
have  without  the  word,  and  fighting  against  it.     Of 
this  church  if  you  will  be,  I  cannot  hinder  you  :  but 
as  for  me,   I  will  be  of  no    other   church    but  that 
which  has   Jesus  Christ  for  pastor,  hears   his  voice, 
and  will  not  hear  the  voice  of  a  stranger."     For  pur- 
gatory, the  friars  had    no  better   authority  than  that 
of  Virgil  in  the  sixth   ^neid  ;  and  the  pains  of  it  ac- 
cording to  him  were — a  bad  wife.^ 

'•  Solveiitur  risu  tabula^ :  tu  missus  aljibls." 
Instructed  by  the  issue  of  this  convention,   the  pa- 
pists  avoided  for  the  future  all  disputation,  which  tend- 
ed only  to  injure  their  cause.     Had  the  Castle  of  St. 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  To — 7A. 


BO  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

Audicws  been  in  their  power,  they  would  soon  have 
silenced  these   troublesome  preachers  ;  but  as  mat- 
ters stood,  more  moderate  and  crafty  measures  were 
necessary.     The  plan  adopted  for  counteracting  the 
popular  preaching  of  Knox   and  Rough  was  politic. 
Orders  were  issued,   that  all  the  learned  men  in  the 
abbey  and  university  should  preach  by  turns  every 
Sunday  in   the  parish  church.     By  this  means  the 
reformed  preachers   were   excluded   on   those   days, 
when  the  greatest   audiences  attended  ;  and  it  was 
expected  that  the  diligence  of  the  established  clergy 
would  conciliate  the    affections   of  the  people.     To 
avoid  offence  or  occasion  of  speculation,  they  were 
directed   not  to    touch    in  their   sermons   upon    any 
of  the  controverted  points.     Knox  easily  saw  through 
this    artifice,  but  contented  himself,  in  the  sermons 
which  he  still  delivered  on  week  days,  with  express- 
ing a  wish  that  they  would  shew  themselves  equally 
diligent  in  places  where  their  labours  were  more  ne- 
cessary.    At  the  same  time,  he  rejoiced  (he  said)  that 
Christ  was  preached,   and  nothing   publicly  spoken 
against  the  truth  :  if  any  thing  of  this  kind  should  be 
advanced,  he  requested   the  people  to  suspend  their 
judgment,  until  tliey  should  have  an  opportunity  of 
hearing  him. 

His  labours  were  so  successful  during  the  few 
months  that  he  preached  at  St.  Andrews,  that,  be- 
sides those  in  the  Castle,  a  great  number  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  town  renounced  popery,  and  made 
profession  of  the  protestant  faith,  by  participating 
of  the  Lord's  Supper,  which  he  administered  to 
them  in  the  manner  afterwards  practised  in  the  re- 
formed   church    of    Scotland.*       The    gratification 

*  This  was  llie  first  time  that  the  Sacrament  of  the  Supper  was 
dispensed  in  therelbrmedway  in  Scotland,  jinlesswc  except  the  in- 
stance by  Geoiije  Wishart,  in  the  same  castle,  inijuocliately  before 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  51 

which  he  felt  in  these  first  fruits  of  his  ministry,  was 
in  some  degree  abated  by  instances  of  vicious  con- 
duct in  those  under  his  charge,  some  of  whom  were 
guilty  of  those  acts  of  licentiousness  too  common 
among  soldiery  placed  in  similar  circumstances. 
From  the  time  that  he  was  chosen  to  be  their  preach- 
er, he  openly  rebuked  these  disorders,  and  when  he 
perceived  that  his  admonitions  failed  in  putting  a  stop 
to  them,  he  did  not  conceal  his  apprehensions  of  the 
issue  of  the  enterprise  in  which  they  were  engaged.* 

In  the  end  of  June  1547,  a  French  fleet,  with  a 
considerable  body  of  land  forces,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Leo  Strozzi,  appeared  before  St.  Andrews, 
to  assist  the  Governor  in  the  reduction  of  the  Castle. 
It  was  invested  both  by  sea  and  land  ;  and  being  dis- 
appointed of  the  expected  aid  from  England^  the  be- 
sieged, after  a  brave  and  vigorous  resistance,  were  un- 
der the  necessity  of  capitulating  to  the  French  com- 
mander on  the  last  day  of  July.  The  terms  of  the 
capitulation  were  honourable  ;  the  lives  of  all  that 
were  in  the  Castle  were  to  be  spared,  they  were  to 
be  transported  to  France,  and  if  they  did  not  choose 
to  enter  into  the  service  of  the  French  king,  were 
to  be  conveyed  to  any  country  which  they  might 
prefer,  except  Scotland.  John  Rough  had  left  the 
Castle  previous  to  the  commencement  of  the  siege, 
and   retired  to  England. f     Knox,  although  he  did 

his  death  ;  which  was  in  a  private  manner,  as  narrated  by  Bucha- 
nan, Hist.  lib.  XV.  Oper.  Riidd.  torn.  i.  293 — *.  Those  who 
preceded  Knox  appear  to  have  contented  themselves  with  preach- 
ing ;  and  such  as  embraced  their  doctrine  had  most  probably  con- 
tinued to  receive  the  sacraments  frum  tJie  popish  clergy,  or  at 
least  from  sisch  oi'lhem  as  were  most  friendly  to  a  reformation. 

*  Buch;Mi.  Hist.  lib.  xv.  p.  290.  ut  supra. 

t  Rough  continued  to  preach  in  England  until  the  death  of  Ed- 
ward VI.  when  he  retired  to  Norden  in  Friesland.  There  he  was 
obliged  to  support  I'.imself  and  hi*  wife  (whom  he  had  married  iu 
(England)  by  knitting  caps,  stockings,  &c.  Having  come  over  to 


9^  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

not  expect  that  the  garrison  would  be  able  to  hold 
out,  could  not  prevail  upon  himself  to  desert  his 
charge,  and  resolved  to  share  with  his  brethren  the 
hazard  of  the  siege.  He  was  conveyed  along  with 
the  rest  on  board  the  fleet,  which,  in  a  few  days, 
set  sail  for  France,  arrived  at  Fecamp,  and,  going 
up  the  Seine,  anchored  before  Rouen.  The  capitu- 
lation was  violated,  and  they  were  all  detained  pri- 
soners of  war,  at  the  solicitation  of  the  Pope  and 
Scottish  clergy.  The  principal  gentlemen  were  in- 
carcerated in  Rouen,  Cherburg,  Brest,  and  Mont 
St.  Michel.  Knox,  with  some  others,  was  confined 
on  board  the  galleys,  bound  with  chains,  and  treat- 
ed with  all  the  indignities  offered  to  heretics,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  rigours  of  ordinary  captivity.* 

From  Rouen  they  sailed  to  Nantes,  and  lay  upon 
the  Loire  during  the  following  winter.  Solicitations, 
threatenings,  and  violence,  were  all  employed  to 
make  the  prisoners  recant  their  religion,  and  coun- 
tenance the  popish  worship.  But  so  grrat  was  their 
abhorrence  of  its  idolatry,  that  not  a  single  indivi- 
dual of  the  whole  company,  on  land  or  water,  could 
be  induced  to  svmbolise  in  the  smallest  desiree. 
While  the  prison- ships  lay  on  the  Loire,  mass  was 
frequently  said,  and  Salve  Regina  sung  on  board,  or 
on  the  shore   within  their  hearing :    on  these  occa- 

London  in  the  coui'se  of  liis  trade,  he  heard  of  a  congregation  of 
protestants  uhieli  met  secretly  in  that  city ;  to  whom  he  joined  him- 
self, and  was  elected  llieir  pastor.  A  few  weeks  after  this,  the  con- 
venticle was  discovered  by  the  treachery  of  one  of  their  own  num- 
ber, and  Rongh  was  carried  before  Bishop  Bonner,  by  whose  or- 
ders he  was  committed  to  the  flames  on  the  22d  of  December  1357. 
An  account  of  his  examination,  and  two  of  his  letters,  breathing 
the  true  spirit  of  a  Christian  martyr,  may  be  seen  in  Fox,  p. 
184-0 — 1842. 

*  Archibald  Hamilton  says  that  he  was  condemned  to  work  at 
the  oar; — "  impellendis  longarum  navium  remis,cum  reliquis  ad- 
judicadir."'    Dial,  de  Confus.  Calv.  Sects*,  p.  64. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNX>X.  53 

i^ions  they  were  brought  out  and  threatened  with 
torture,  if  they  did  not  give  the  usual  signs  of  reve- 
rence ;  but  instead  of  complying,  they  covered  their 
heads  as  soon  as  the  service  began.  Knox  has  re- 
lated  a  humourous  incident  which  took  place  on  one 
of  these  occasions,  and  although  he  has  not  named, 
the  person  concerned  in  it,  most  probably  it  was 
himself.  One  day  a  fine  painted  image  of  tlie  Virgin 
was  brought  into  one  of  the  galleys,  and  presented 
to  a  Scots  prisoner  to  kiss.  He  desired  the  bearer 
not  to  trouble  him,  for  such  idols  were  accursed,  and 
he  would  not  touch  it.  The  officers  roughly  replied, 
that  he  should ;  put  it  to  his  face,  and  thrust  it  into 
his  hands.  Upon  this  he  took  hold  of  the  image, 
and  watching  his  opportuuify,  threw  it  into  the  river^ 
saying,  Lat  our  Ladie  now  save  birself:  sclie  is  lycht 
anouglie,  lat  Mr  leirne  to  sicyme.  After  this  they  were 
no  more  troubled  in  that  way.* 

The  galleys  returned  to  Scotland  in  summer  1548, 
as  near  as  I  can  collect,  and  continued  for  a  consid- 
erable time  on  the  east  coast,  to  watch  for  English 
vessels.  Knox's  health  was  now  greatly  impaired 
by  the  severity  of  his  confinement,  and  he  was  seiz- 
ed with  a  fever,  during  which  his  life  was  despaired 
of  by  all  in  the  ship.f  But  even  in  this  state,  his 
fortitude  of  mind  remained  uusubdued,|  and  he 
comforted  his  fellow-prisoners  with  hopes  of  release. 
To  their  anxious  desponding  inquiries  (natural  to 
men  in  their  situation),  "  if  he  thought  they  would 
ever  obtain  their  liberty,''  his  uniform  answer  was, 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  83.  f  MS.  Letters,  p.  53. 

40ne  of  his  most  bitter  adversaries  has  bonse  an  involuntary 
and  undesigned  testimony  to  his  magnanimity  at  this  time.  "  Ubi 
longo  maris  taedio,  et  laboris  molestia  extenuatiiniquidem,  et  Stib- 
actum  corpus  fuit ;  sed  animi  elatio  earn  subinde  rerum  magnonuu 
spe  extimulans,  nihilo  magis  tunc  qnam  priHs  quiesoere  ptttuit." 
Hamihonii  Dialogus.  nt  supra. 

K 


94i  LIFE  OP  JOHN  KS^OX.' 

^'  God  Mill  deliver  us  to  his  glory,  even  in  this  life.'^ 
While  tliey  lay  on  the  coast  between  Dundee  and  St, 
Andrews,  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  Jumes  Balfour,  who 
Was  confined  in  the  same  sliip,  desired  him  to  look 
to  the  land,  and  see  if  he  knew  it.  Though  at  that 
time  very  sick,  he  replied,  '•  Yes,  I  know  it  well ; 
for  I  see  the  steeple  of  that  place  where  God  first 
opened  my  mouth  in  public  to  his  glory ;  and  I  am 
fully  persuaded,  how  weak  soever  I  now  appear,  that 
I  shall  not  depart  this  life,  till  that  my  tongue  shall 
glorify  his  godly  name  in  tlie  same  place."  This 
striking  reply  Sir  James  repeated,  in  the  presence 
of  many  w^itnesses,  a  number  of  years  before  Knox 
returned  to  Scotland,  and  when  there  was  very  little 
prospect  of  his  words  being  verified.^ 

We  must  not,  however,  think  that  he  possessed 
this  elevation  and  tranquillity  of  mind,  during  the 
whole  time  of  his  imprisonment.  When  first  thrown 
into  cruel  bonds,  insulted  by  his  enemies,  and 
without  any  apparent  prospect  of  release,  he  was 
not  a  stranger  to  the  anguish  of  despondency,  so  pa- 
thetically described  by  the  Tloyal  Psalmist  of  Israel. f 
He  felt  that  conflict  in  his  spirit,  with  which  all 
good  men  are  acquainted  ;  and  which  becomes  pe- 
culiarly sharp  when  joined  with  corporal  affliction. 
But,  having  had  recourse  to  prayer,  the  never-fail- 
ing refuge  of  the  oppressed,  he  was  relieved  from 
all  his  fears,  and,  reposing  upon  the  promise  and 
providence  of  the  God  whom  he  served,  attained  to 
<•  the  confidence  and  rejoicing  of  hope."  Those 
who  Avl.sli  a  more  particular  account  of  tlic  state  of 
his  mind  at  this  time,  will  find  it  in  tlie  notes,  ex- 
tracted from  a  rare  work  on  prayer,  composed  bj'' 
him  cliicily  from  h-is  own  experience. | 

When  free  from  fever,  he  relieved  the  tedium  of 

*  Tli^torio.  ]i.  Ti.  J- rs:\]m  xlii'.  4- '"^'^'^  ^'otc  I. 


1.1FE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  55 

Ciaptivity,  by  committing  to  writing  a  Confessiou  of 
his  Faith,  containing  the  substance  of  what  lie  had 
taught  at  St.  Andrews,  with  a  particular  account  of 
the  disputation  which  lie  maintained  in  St.  Leonard's 
Yards.     This  he  found  means  to  convey  to  his  reli- 
gious acquaintances  in  Scotland,  accompanied  with 
an  earnest  exhortation  to  preserve  in  the  faith  which 
they  had  professed,  whatever  persecutions  they  might 
suffer  for  its   sake.*     To  this  confession  I  find  him 
afterwards  referring,  in  the  defence  of  his  doctrine  be- 
fore the  bishop  of  Durham.     "  Let  no  man  think,  that 
because  I  am  in  the  realm  of  England,    therefore  so 
boldly  I  speak.     No  :  God  hath  taken  that  suspicion 
from  me.     For  the  body  lying  in  most  painful  bands, 
in  the  midst  of  cruel  tyrants,  his  mercy  and  good- 
ness provided  that  the  hand  should  write  and  bear 
w  itness  to  the  confession  of  the  heart,  more  abund- 
antly than  ever  yet  the  tongue  spake. "f 

Notwithstanding  the  rigour  of  their  confinenient, 
the  prisoners  who  were  separated  found  opportuni- 
ties of  occasionally  corresponding  v/ith  one  another. 
Henry  Balnaves  of  Halhill  composed  in  his  prison 
a  treatise  on  Jiistijication,  and  the  iVorJcs  and  Con- 
versation of  a  justified  man.  This  being  conveyed  to 
Knox,  probably  after  his  second  return  in  the  galleys 
from  Scotland,  he  was  so  much  pleased  with  it,  that 
lie  divided  it  into  chapters,  added  some  marginal 
notes,  and  a  concise  epitome  of  its  contents :  to  the 
whole  he  prefixed  a  recommendatory  dedication,  in- 
tending that  it  should  be  published  for  the  use  of 
their  brethren  in  Scotland,  as  soon  as  an  opportuni- 
ty offered.  J     The  reader  will  not,  I  am  persuaded, 

*  KnoX;  Ilistorie,  p.  Ti.  This  confession  appears  to  have  been 
lost.  t  MS.  Letters,  p.  40. 

t  The  manuscript,  there  is  reason  to  think,  v.  as  con',  eyed  tu 
Scotlanf]  abo'ittiiis  time,  but  it  fell  aside,  and  was  long  consider- 


56  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

be  displeased  to  breath  a  little  the  spirit  which  ani- 
mated this  undaunted  confessor,  when  "  his  feet  lay 
fast  in  irons,"  as  expressed  by  him  in  this  dedica- 
tion ;  from  which  I  shall  quote  more  freely,  as  the 
book  is  rare. 

It  is  thus  inscribed  :*  "  John  Knox,  the  bound  ser- 
vant of  Jesus  Christ,  unto  his  best  beloved  brethren 
of  the  consjregatitm  of  the  castle  of  St.  Andrews, 
and  to  all  professors  of  Christ's  true  evangel,  desir- 
eth  grace,  mercy  and  peace,  from  God  the  Father, 
with  perpetual  consolation  of  the  Holy  Spirit. '* 
After  mentioning  a  number  of  instances  in  which 
the  name  of  God  was  magnified,  and  the  interests 
of  religion  advanced,  by  the  exile  of  those  who 
were  driven  from  their  native  countries  by  tyran- 
ny, as  in  the  examples  of  Joseph,  Moses,  Daniel, 
and  the  primitive  Christians ;  he  goes  on  thus : 
••  Which  thing  shall  openly  declare  this  godly 
work   snbsequeut.     The    council   of     Satan   in   the 


ml  as  lost.  AFter  Kuox's  death,  it  was  discovered  by  his  servant, 
Richard  Bauaatyue,  in  the  house  ol'Orinistou,  and  was  printed, 
Vimo  15St,  liv  Tlioniiis  Yaultrollier,  in  12nio.  Avith  the  title  of 
••  Coni'cssiou  of  Faith,  &,c.  hy  Henry  Bahiaves  of  HalhilKone  of  the 
Ijords  of  Council  and  Session  of  Scotland." — David  Buchanan, 
in  his  edition  of  Knox's  history,  Anno  1644',  among  his  other  alter- 
ations and  interpolations,  makes  Knox  to  say  that  this  work  was 
uublished  at  the  time  he  wrote  the  history ;  which  may  he  num- 
(jered  among  the  anachronisms  iu  that  edition,  which,  for  some 
time,  discreilited  tlie  autluMiticity  of  the  history,  and  led  many  to 
jieny  that  Kr.ux  was  its  aisthor.  But  in  the  genuine  editions,  Knox 
expresses  the  very  reverse.  "In  the  j)resoun,he  (Bahiaves)  wrait 
a  maist  profitahill  treatise  of  justificatioun,  and  of  the  warkis  and 
fonversaiioun  of  a  justifyed  nurii :  but  hniv  it  was  suppressit  we 
Imaw  not.'''  Hisiorie.  p.  83.  Ediu.  Anno  1732.  See  also  p.  181.  of 
the  first  edition,  8vo.  printed  at  London  about  the  year  1584. 

*  I  have  not  adhered  to  the  orthography  of  the  printed  work, 
ivliic-h  i«i  eviilent  !y  difteront  from  \\h\\i  it  must  have  been  in  the  MS, 


LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX.  ^7 

persecution*  of  us,  first,  was  to  stop  the  whole- 
some wind  of  Christ's  evangel  to  blow  upon  the 
parts  where  we  converse  and  dwell ;  and  second- 
ly, so  to  oppress  ourselves  by  corporal  affliction 
and  worldly  calamities,  that  no  place  should  we 
find  to  godly  study.  But  by  the  great  mercy  and 
infinite  goodness  of  God  our  Father,  shall  these  his 
counsels  be  frustrate  and  vain.  For,  in  despite  of 
him  and  all  his  wicked  members,  shall  yet  that  same 
word  (O  Lord !  this  I  speak,  confiding  in  thy  holy 
promise)  openly  be  proclaimed  in  that  same  coun- 
try. And  how  that  our  merciful  Father,  amongst 
these  tempestuous  storms,  by  f  all  men's  expecta- 
tion, hath  provided  some  rest  for  us,  this  present 
work  shall  testify,  which  was  sent  to  me  in  Roane, 
lying  in  irons,  and  sore  troubled  by  corporal  infir- 
mity, in  a  galley  named  Nostre  Dame,  by  an  ho- 
nourable brother,  Mr.  Henry  Balnaves,  of  Halhill, 
for  the  present  holden  as  prisoner,  (though  unjust- 
ly) in  the  old  palace  of  Roane.  J  Which  work  after  I 
had  once  again  read  to  the  great  comfort  and  con- 
solation of  my  spirit,  by  counsel  and  advice  of  the 
foresaid  noble  and  faithful  man,  author  of  the  said 
work,  I  thought  expedient  it  should  be  digested 
in  chapters,  &c.  Which  thing  I  have  done  as  imbe- 
cility of  ingine§  and  incommodity  of  place  Mould 
permit ;  not  so  much  to  illustrate  the  work  (which 
in  the  self  is  godly  and  perfect)  as,  together  witli  the 
foresaid  nobleman  and  faithful  brother,  to  give  my 
confession  of  the  article  of  justification  therein  con- 
tained. !|       And   I   beseech    you,    beloved   brethren. 


*  It  is  '•peri'eellor.-'  in  the  priiited  copy,  ulueh  is  plainly  a 
mistake. 
t  i.  e.  beyond.  \  Rouen,  not  Roanne,  is  the  place  meuct. 

§  i.  e.  genius  or  wit.       il  See  Xote  K. 


oS  Life  of  john  knox. 

earnestly  to  consider,  if  we  deny  any  thing  presently,' 
(or  yet  conceal  and  hide)  which  any  time  before  we 
professed  in  that  article.  And  now  we  have  not  the 
Castle  of  St.  Andrews  to  be  our  defence,  as  some  of 
our  enemies  falsely  accused  us,  saying,  If  we  wanted 
our  walls,  we  would  not  speak  so  boldly. — But  bless* 
ed  be  that  Lord  whose  infinite  goodness  and  wisdom 
bath  taken  from  us  the  occasion  of  that  slander,  and 
hath  shown  unto  us,  that  the  serpent  bath  power  on- 
ly to  sting  the  heel,  that  is^  to  molest  and  trouble 
the  flesh,  but  not  to  move  the  spirit  from  constant 
adhering  to  Christ  Jesus,  nor  public  professing  of 
liis  true  word.  O  blessed  be  thou,  Eternal  Father, 
w'hich,  by  thy  only  mercy,  hast  preserved  us  to  this 
day,  and  provided  that  the  confession  of  our  faith 
(which  ever  we  desired  all  men  to  have  known) 
should,  by  this  treatise,  come  plainly  to  light.  Con- 
tinue, O  Lord,  and  grant  unto  us,  that  as  now  with 
pen  and  ink,  so  shortly  we  may  confess  with  voice 
and  tongue  the  same  before  thy  congregation  ;  upon 
whom  look,  O  Lord  God,  with  the  eyes  of  thy  mer- 
cy, and  suffer  no  more  darkness  to  prevail.  I  pray 
you  pardon  me,  beloved  brethren,  that  on  this  man- 
ner I  digress :  vehemency  of  spirit  (the  Lord 
knowcth  I  lie  not)  compelleth  me  thereto." 

The  prisoners  in  Mont  St.  Michel  consulted  Knox, 
as  to  the  lawfulness  of  attempting  to  escape  by 
breaking  their  prison,  which  was  opposed  by  some 
of  their  number,  lest  their  escape  should  subject 
their  brethren  who  remained  in  confinement  to  more 
severe  treatment.  lie  returned  for  answer,  that 
such  fears  were  not  a  suilicient  reason  for  relinquish, 
iug  the  design,  and  that  they  might,  with  a  safe 
conscience,  effect  their  escape,  provided  it  could 
be  done  *•  without  the  idood  of  any  shed  or  spilt ; 
but  to  shed  anv  man's  blood,  fur  tlielt  fiecdora,   h^e 


LIFE   OF   :tOHN   KNOX.  59 

wotiltl  never  consent."*  The  attempt  was  accor- 
dingly made  hj  them,  and  successfully  executed, 
^•'  without  harm  done  to  the  person  of  any,  and  with- 
out touching  any  thing  that  appertained  to  the  kin^^ 
the  captain^  or  the  house. *'| 

At  length,  after  enduring  a  tedious  and  severe  im- 
prisonment of  nineteen  months,  Knox  ohtained  his 
liberty.  This  happened  in  the  month  of  February. 
IS'iy,  according  to  the  modem  computation. J  By 
what  means  his  liberation  was  procured,  I  cannot 
certainly  determine.  One  account  says,  that  th» 
galley  in  which  he  was  confined,  was  taken  in  the 
channel  by  the  English  .§  According  to  another  ac- 
count, he  was  liberated  by  order  of  the  King  of 
France,  because  it  appeared,  on  examination,  that 
he  was  not  concerned  in  the  murder  of  the  Cardinal, 
uor  accessory  to  other  crimes  committed  by  those  who 

*  This  is  the  man  whom  a  high  church  historian  has  represent- 
ed as  of  the  principles  of  the  ancient  Zealots  or  Siccarii,  and 
one  who  taught  that  any  person  who  met  a  papist  might  kill  hiraj 
Collier's  Eceles.  Hist.  ii.  5i5. 

t  Knox,  Historic,  p.  84,  85. 

^  In  one  of  his  letters,  preserved  by  Calderv.'ood,  Knox  says 
that  he  was  19  months  in  the  French  galleys.  Cald.  MS.  vol.  i. 
526.  In  the  printed  Calderwood,  the  period  of  his  confinement 
is  limited  to  nine  months,  a  mistake  which  has  been  copied  by  se- 
veral writers.  It  is  proper  that  the  reader  of  that  book  should 
be  aware,  that  it  consists  merely  of  excerpts  from  CaJderwood's 
History,  (which  still  remains  in  manuscript,)  and,  thougli  it  has 
been  useful,  is  not  always  accurate  inwhatit  contains.  Knox, in 
a  conference  with  Mary  of  Scotland,  told  the  Queen  that  he  was 
five  years  resident  in  England,  (Historic,  289.)  Now,  as  he  cam© 
to  England  immediately  after  lie  rshtained  his  liberty,  and  left  it 
(as  we  shall  afterwards  see)  in  the  end  of  January  or  beginning 
of  February,  1554-,  this  exactly  accords  with  the  date  of  his  libe- 
ration, which  is  given  above  from  Caldcrwood's  MS. 

§  This  is  mentioned  in  a  MS.  in  my  possession :  but  little 
weight  can  be  given  to  it,  as  it  is  wri!te?i  iu  a  modern  hand,  and 
no  authority  is  produced. 


60  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

iield  the  Castle  of  St.  Audrews.*  Others  say^  that 
his  acquaintances  purchased  his  liberty,  induced  by 
the  hopes  which  they  cherished  of  great  things  to  be 
accomplished  by  him-t  It  is  not  improbable,  how- 
ever, that  he  owed  his  liberty  to  the  circumstance  of 
the  French  Court  having  now  accomplished  their 
great  object  in  Scotland,  by  the  consent  of  the  Par- 
liament to  the  marriage  of  their  young  Queen  to  the 
Dauphin,  and  by  obtaining  possession  of  her  person ; 
after  which  they  felt  less  inclined  to  revenge  the  quar- 
rels of  the  Scottish  clergy. 

*  Petrie's  Church  History,  part.  ii.  p.  15*. 
^  Hamiltonii  Dialog,  ut  supra. 


WFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  61 


PERIOD  III. 

'BS.OM     HIS    RELEASE     FROM    THE    FRENCH    GALLEYS,     ANHO 
1549,  TO    HIS    DEPARTURE  OUT    OF   ENGLAND,  ANNO  155*. 

Upon  regaining  his  liberty,  Knox  immediately  re= 
paired  to  England.     The  objections  which  he  had 
formerly     entertained    against    a   residence    in   that 
kingdom  were  now    in   a   great   measure   removed. 
Henry  VIII.  died  in  tlie  year  1547;    and  Archbi- 
shop  Cranmer,  released   from    the    severe  restraint 
under  which  he   had  been  held   by  his   tyrannical 
and  capricious  master,   exerted    himself  with  much 
zeal  in  advancing  tbe  Reformation.     In  this  he  was 
cordially  supported  by  those  who  governed  the  king- 
dom during  the  minority  of  Edward  VI.    But  the  un- 
dertaking was  extensive  and  difl&cult,  and  in  carrying 
it  on,  he   found  a  great  deficiency  of  ecclesiastical 
eo-adjutors.     The  greater  part  of  the  incumbent  bi- 
shops, though  they  externally  complied  with  the  al- 
terations  introduced  by  authority,  remained  attach. 
ed  to  the  old  religion^  and  secretly  thwarted,  instead 
of  seconding,   the  measures  of  the  Primate.      The 
mass  of  the  people  were  sunk  in  wretched  ignorance 
of  religion,  and  from    ignorance,  were    addicted   to 
those  superstitions  to  which  they  had   been  always 
accustomed ;    while  the  inferior  clergy,  in  general, 
were  as  unwilling  as  they  were  unable  to  undertake 
their  instruction.^     Cranmer,  with  the  concurrence 

*  Peter  Martyr,  in  a  letter,  dated  Oxford,  1st  July,  1550,  la- 
ments the  paucity  of  useful  preachers  in  England.  ''  Doleo  plus 
<iuam_dici  possit,  tanta  iibique  in  Anglia  verbi  Deipennria  labor 

L 


63  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

of  the  Protector,  had  invited  learned  protestants  to 
come  from  Grermany  into  England,  and  placed  Peter 
Martyr,  Martin  Bucer,  Paul  Fagius,  and  Emanuel 
Tremellius,  as  professors  in  the  universities  of  Oxford 
and  Cambridge.  This  was  a  wise  measure,  as  it  se- 
cured a  future  supply  of  useful  preachers,  trained 
up  by  these  able  masters.  But  the  necessity  was 
urgent,  and  demanded  immediate  provision.  For 
this  purpose,  it  was  judged  expedient,  instead  of  fix- 
ing a  number  of  orthodox  and  popular  preachers  in 
particular  charges,  to  employ  them  in  itinerating 
through  different  parts  of  the  kingdom,  where  the 
clergy  were  most  illiterate  or  disaffected,  and  the  in- 
habitants most  addicted  to  superstition. 

In  these  circumstances,  our  zealous  countryman 
did  not  remain  long  unemployed.  The  reputation 
"which  he  had  gained  by  preaching  at  St.  Andrews 
was  not  unknown  in  England,  and  bis  late  sufferings 

vari ;  et  eos  qui  oves  Chrlsti  doctrina  pasecre  tenentur,  cum  usque 
eo  remisse  agant,  nt  offieiuni  faeere  prorsus  reeusent,  nescio  quo 
flctn,  quibusve  laelirymis  deplorari  possit.  Verum  confido  fore 
Tit  meliora  simus  visuri."  Martyri  Epist.  apud  Loc.  Conamun. 
p.  7fiO.  Geneva,  1624-. 

This  evil,  which  had  its  origin  in  the  corrupted  state  of  tlie 
popish  church,  was  not  corrected  at  the  commencement  of  the 
English  Reformation;  on  the  contrary,  it  vv.ie  ousiderably  ag- 
gravated by  a  ruinous  measure  iheii  adopted.  When  Henry  sup- 
pressed the  monasteries,  and  seized  their  revenues,  pensions  were 
allotted  to  the  monks  during  life;  but  to  ease  the  royal  treasury 
of  this  burden,  small  benefices  in  the  gift  of  the  crown  were  con- 
ferred upon  them  instead  of  their  pensions.  The  nobles,  who  pro- 
cured monastic  lands  under  the  same  burden,  imitated  the  mo- 
iiarch's  example.  By  this  means,  a  great  part  of  the  inferior  liv- 
ings were  occupied  by  ignorant  and  superstitious  monks,  who 
were  long  a  dead  weight  on  the  English  church,  and  contributed 
not  a  Sittlc  to  the  sudden  reversion  of  the  nation  to  popery,  in 
the  reign  of  Queen  Mary.  Burnet's  Hist,  of  the  Reformat,  ii.  24, 
The  suppression  of  the  chauntries,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI. 
Imd  similar  effttcts.  Strype'sMemorials  of  the  Reformation,  ii,44§> 


LIFE   OF   JOHK   KNOX.  63 

I'ecommended  him  to  Cranmer  and  the  Privy  Coiin- 
oil.  He  was  accordingly,  soon  after  his  arrival  in 
England,  sent  down  from  London,  by  their  authority. 
to  preach  in  Berwick  ;  a  situation  the  more  accept- 
able to  him,  as  it  afforded  him  an  opportunity  to 
ascertain  the  state  of  religion  in  his  native  country, 
to  correspond  with  his  friends,  and  impart  to  them, 
his  advice.*  The  Council  had  every  reason  to  be 
pleased  with  the  choice  which  they  had  made  of  a 
nothern  preacher.  He  had  long  thirsted  for  the 
opportunity  which  he  now  enjoyed.  His  captivity, 
during  which  he  had  felt  the  powerful  support  which 
the  protestant  doctrine  yielded  to  his  mind,  had 
inflamed  his  love  to  it,  and  his  zeal  against  popery. 
He  spared  neither  time  nor  bodily  strength  in  the 
instruction  of  those  to  whom  he  was  sent.  Regard- 
ing the  worship  of  the  popish  church  as  grossly  idol- 
atrous, and  its  doctrine  as  damnable,  he  attack- 
ed both  with  the  utmost  fervour,  and  exerted  him- 
self in  drawing  his  hearers  from  them,  with  as  much 
eagerness  as  in  saving  their  lives  from  a  devouring 
flame  or  flood.  Nor  were  his  labours  fruitless  ;  dur- 
ing the  two  years  that  he  continued  in  Berwick, 
numbers  were,  by  his  ministry,  converted  from  error 
and  ignorance,  and  a  general  reformation  of  man- 
fters  became  visible  among  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison, 
who  had  formerly  been  noted  for  turbulence  and  li^ 
oeutiousness.l 

The  popularity  and  success  of  a  protestant  preacher 
were  very  galling  to  the  clergy  in  that  quarter,  who 
were,  almost  to  a  man,  bigotted  papists,  and  enjoy- 
ed the  patronage  of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese.  Tox- 
STAL,  bisliop  of  Durham,  like  his  friend  Sir  Tao- 

*  Strype's  Memor.  of  Reform,  iii.  535,  Kt5»x.  TTisUvip..  S5. 
289. 

t  Knox.  Hiptorjp.  p.  2^9. 


Q4i  LIFE   OF  JOHN  KN6S'. 

MAS  More,  was  oue  of  those  men  of  whom  it  is  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  give  a  correct  idea,  qualities  of 
au  opposite  kind  being  apparently  blended  in.  their 
character.  Surpassing  all  his  brethren  in  polite  learn- 
ing, he  was  the  patron  of  bigotry  and  superstition^ 
Displaying,  in  private  life,  that  moderation  and  sua- 
vity of  manners*  which  liberal  studies  usually  inspire, 
he  was  accessory  to  the  public  measures  of  a  reign, 
disgraced  throughout  by  the  most  shocking  barbari- 
ties. Claiming  our  praise  for  honesty,  by  opposing 
in  Parliament  innovations  which,  in  his  judgment, 
he  condemned,  he  again  forfeited  it  by  the  most  tam« 
acquiescence  and  ample  conformity :  thereby  main- 
taining his  station  amidst  all  the  revolutions  of  reli- 
gion during  three  successive  reigns.  He  had  paid 
little  attention  to  the  science  immediately  connect- 
ed with  his  profession,  and  most  probably  was  indif- 
ferent to  the  controversies  then  agitated ;  but  living 
in  an  age  in  which  it  was  necessary  for  every  man  to 
choose  his  side,  he  adhered  to  those  opinions  which 
had  been  long  established,  and  were  friendly  to  the 
power  and  splendour  of  the  ecclesiastical  order.  As 
if  anxious  to  atone  for  his  fault,  in  forwarding  those 
measures  which  produced  a  breach  between  Eng- 
land and  the  Roman  See,  he  opposed  in  Parliament 
all  the  subsequent  changes.  Opposition  awakened  his 
zeal ;  he  became  at  last  a  strenuous  advocate  for  thft 
popish  tenets ;  and  wrote  a  book  in  defence  of  tran- 
substantiation,  of  which,  says  bishop  Burnet,  ''  the 
Latin  style  is  better  than  the  divinity." 

The  labours  of  Knox  within  his  diocese,  who  ex- 
erted himself  to  overthrow  what  the  bishop  wished 

*  Sir  Thomas  ]More,  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Erasmus,  gives  the 
following  cliaracter  of  Tonslal :  ''  Ut  nemo  est  omnibus  hoais 
iitoris  instructior,  memo  vJta  moribus{(iie  sevcrior,  ita  nemo  est 
'fsqnnm  in  f'onvictu  jnenndior.'' 


^iVE    OF   JOHN   KXOX.  €& 

to  support,  must    have  been    very   disagreeable    to 
Tonstal.    As  the  preacher  acted  under  the  sanction 
of  the  Protector  and  Council,   he   durst  not  inhibit 
him ;  but  he  was  disposed  to  listen  to  and  encourage 
information  lodged  by  the  clergy  against   the  doe- 
trine  which  he  taught.     Although  the  town  of  Ber- 
wick was  Knox's  principal  station  during  the  years 
1549  and  1550,  it  is  probable  that  he  was  appointed 
to  preach  occasionally  in  the  adjacent  country.  Whe- 
ther, in  the  course  of  his  itinerancy,  he  had,  in  the 
beginning  of  1550,  gone   as   far  as  Newcastle,  and 
preached   in  that  town,  or  whether  he  was  called  up 
to  it,  in  consequence  of  complaints  against  his  ser- 
mons delivered  at  Berwick,  does  not  clearly  appear. 
It  is  however  certain,  that  a  charge   was   exhibited 
against  him  before  the  bishop,  for  teaching  that  the 
sacrifice  of  the  mass  was  idolatrous,  and  a  day  ap- 
pointed for  him  publicly  to  assign  his  reasons  for  this 
opinion.     Accordingly,  on  the  4th  of  April,  1550,  a 
great  assembly  being  convened  in  Newcastle,  among 
whom  were  the  members  of  the  council,*  the  bishop 
of  Durham,   and  the  learned   men  of  his  cathedral, 
Knox  delivered,  in  their  presence,  an  ample  defence 
of  the  doctrine,   against  which  complaints  had  been 
made.     After  an  appropriate  exordium,  in  which  he 
stated    to  the  audience   the  occasion  and    design  of 
his  appearance   before   them,    and   cautioned    tliem 
against  the  powerful  prejudices  of  education  and  cus- 
tom in  favonr  of  erroneous  opinions   and   practices 

*  Besides  the  great  Council  whicli  mana^etl  the  afTalrs  of  the 
kingdom  under  the  Proteetcr,  a  number  of  the  privv-coiinsellors^ 
who  belonged  to  this  part  of  the  country,  composed  a  subordijjate 
hoard,  called  "the  Council  of  the  North.*'  The  members  here 
referred  to  belonged  probably  to  this  couucii,  and  not  the  town- 
council  of  Newcastle.  If  I  am  right  in  this  eonjeetsire,  Knox 
might  owe  to  them,  and  not  to  the  bishop,  the  Hberty  of  liUs  pulN 
ttc  defeneci 


66  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

in  religion,  lie  proceeded  to  establish  the  doctrine 
%vliich  he  had  taught.  The  mode  in  which  he  treat- 
ed the  subject  was  well  adapted  to  his  auditory, 
which  was  composed  of  the  unlearned  as  well  as 
the  learned.  He  proposed  his  arguments  in  the 
syllogistic  form,  according  to  the  practice  of  the 
scliools,  but  illustrated  them  with  a  plainness  level 
to  the  meanest  capacity  among  his  hearers.  Passing 
over  the  more  gross  notions,  and  the  shameful  traf- 
fic in  masses,  extremely  common  at  that  time, 
he  engaged  to  prove  that  the  mass,  'mu  her  most 
high  degree,  and  most  honest  garments,*^  was  an 
idol  struck  from  the  inventive  brain  of  supersti- 
tion, which  had  supplanted  the  sacrament  of  the 
Supper,  and  engrossed  the  honour  due  to  the  person 
and  sacriiice  of  Jesus  Christ.  "  Spare  no  arrows," 
was  the  motto  which  Knox  wore  on  his  standard  j 
the  authority  of  Scripture,  and  the  force  of  reason- 
ing, gave  reproof,  and  pointed  irony,  were  in  their 
turn  employed  by  him.  In  the  course  of  this  defence, 
he  did  not  restrain  those  sallies  of  raillery,  which  the 
fooleries  of  the  popish  superstition  irresistibly  pro- 
voke, even  from  those  who  are  deeply  impressed 
with  its  jiernicious  tendency.  Before  concluding, 
he  adverted  to  certain  doctrines  which  had  been 
taught  in  that  place  on  the  preceding  Sunday,  the 
falsehood  of  which  he  was  prepared  to  demonstrate ; 
but  he  would,  in  the  first  place,  he  said,  submit  to 
the  preacher  the  notes  of  the  sermon  which  he  had 
taken  down,  that  he  might  correct  them  as  he  saw 
proper;  for  his  object  was  not  to  misrepresent  or 
captiously  entrap  a  speaker,  by  catching  at  words 
unadvisedly  uttered,  but  to  defend  the  truth,  and 
warn  his  hearers  against  errors  destructive  to  their 
souls.  The  defence,  as  drawn  up  by  Knox  himself, 
is  now  before^  me  in  manuscript;  and  the  reader  who 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  fi7 

wishes  a  more  particular  account  of  its  contents  will 
find  it  in  the  notes.* 

This  defence  had  the  effect  of  extending  Knox'g 
fame  through  the  North  of  England,  while  it  com- 
pletely  silenced  the  bishop  and  his  learned  suffra- 
gans, f  He  continued  to  preach  at  Berwick  during 
the  remaining  part  of  this  year,  and,  in  the  following, 
was  removed  to  Newcastle,  and  placed  in  a  sphere 
of  sweater  usefulness.  In  December  1551,  the  Privy 
Council  conferred  on  him  a  mark  of  their  approba- 
tion,  by  appointing  him  one  of  King  Edward's  Chap- 
lains in  Ordinary.  "It  was  appointed  (says  his  Ma- 
jesty, in  a  Journal  of  important  transactions  which 
he  wrote  with  his  own  hand)  that  I  should  have  six 
chaplains  ordinary,  of  which  two  ever  to  be  present, 
and  four  absent  in  preaching ;  one  year  two  in  Wales, 
two  in  Lancashire  and  Derby ;  next  year  two  in  the 
marches  of  Scotland,  and  two  in  Yorkshire ;  the 
third  year  two  in  Norfolk  and  Essex,  and  two  in 
Kent  and  Sussex.     These  six  to  be  Bill,  Harle,:!: 

*  See  Note  L. 

t  The  compiler  of  the  account  of  Knox,  prefixed  to  the  edition 
of  his  History,  printed  anno  1732,  says,  that  the  MS.  containing 
the  Defence,  bears  that  it  "quite  silenced"  the  bishop  and  his 
doctors.  But  that  writer  does  not  appear  to  have  ever  seen  the 
MS.  which  contains  nothing  of  the  kind.  The  fact  is,  however, 
attested  by  the  bishop  of  Ossory,  who  had  good  opportunities  of 
knowing  its  truth,  and  who  is  accurate  in  his  account  of  other 
circumstances  relative  to  it.  His  words  are,  "  Et  4  die  Aprills 
ejusdem  auni  [1550]  aperiens  in  concione  opinionem,  ejus  idola- 
trias  et  horrendas  blasphemias,  tarn  solidis  argumentiSj  abomina- 
tiouem  esse  probabat,  ut,  cum  omnibus  sciolis,  Saturnius  ille  som- 
niator,  [Dunelmensis]  refragare  non  possit."  Baleus,  De  Script. 
Scot,  et  Hibem.  Art.   Knoxus. 

\  John  Harle  or  Harley,  was  afterwards  made  Bishop  of  Here- 
lord,  May  26,  1553.  Strype's  Cranmer,  p.  301.  A  late  writer 
has  confounded  this  Englishman  with  William  Harloice,  who  was 
minister  of  St.  Cuthbert's  church, near  Edinburgh.  Scott's  His- 
tory of  the  Reformatioa  in  Seotland,  p.  243. 


68  Lli-E  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

Penie,  Griiulai,  Bradford,  and .'**     The  name 

of  the  sixth  has  been  dashed  out  of  the  Journal,  but 
the  industrious  Stry[>e  has  shewn  that  it  was  Knox.f 
^'^  These  it  seems  (says  Bishop  Burnet)  were  the  most 
zealous  and  readiest,  preachers,  who  were  sent  about 
as  itinerants,  to  supply  the  defects  of  the  greatest 
part  of  the  clergy,  who  were  generally  very  faulty.''^ 
An  annual  salary  of  Z.iO  was  allotted  to  each  of  the 
chaplains.^ 

In  the  course  of  this  year,  Knox  was  consulted 
about  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  which  was  un- 
dergoing a  review.  On  that  occasion,  it  is  proba- 
ble that  he  was  called  up  for  a  short  time  to  Lon- 
don. Allhough  tire  persons  who  had  the  chief  di- 
rection of  ecclesiastical  affairs  were  not  disposed,  or 
did  not  think  it  yet  expedient,  to  introduce  that  tho- 
rough reform  Avhich  he  judged  necessary,  in  order 
to  reduce  the  worship  of  the  English  church  to  the 
scripture-model,  his  representations  were  not  alto- 
gether disregarded.  He  had  influence  to  procure 
an  important  change  on  the  communion-office,  com- 
pletely excluding  the  notion  of  the  corporeal  pre- 

*  King  Etlwanl's  JoHriial,  apnd  Burnet,  ii.  Records,  p.  42. 

t  INlcmorials  of  (lie  Rcforiiiatioii,  ii.  297.  Memor,  of  Crauiner, 
p.  29i.  Buruol,  iii.  2k2.  Records,  420,  42?. 

I  Buruct,  ii.  17 i. 

§  Strypc's  ]\iemor.  of  Reform.  UL  supra.  Life  of  liriiidal,  p.  7. 
l^Ir.  Strype  says,  tliat  the  miinlicr  of  eliaplains  was  afterwards 
redueed  to  four,  Bradford  and  Knox  being  dropped  from  the  list. 
But  we  find  both  of  these  preaching  in  their  turn  before  the  Court, 
in  the  year  1353.  lu  the  Council-Book  a  warrant  was  granted, 
Octo'oer  27,  1552,  to  four  gentlemen  to  pay  to  Knox,  'his  Majes« 
ty*s  preacher  in  the  North,  forty  pounds,  as  his  Majesty's  re- 
ward." Slrype's  Crauiner,  292.  This  salary  he  retained  until  the 
death  of  Ed'<vard;  for  in  a  letter  wrote  by  him  at  the  time  he  left 
England,  he  says :  "  Ather  the  Queen's  Majcstie,  or  sum  Thesau- 
rcr  will  be  40  pounds  rycher  by  me.  sae  nieikle  lack  !  of  the  deutie 
«f  my  paJontis  :  Kut  that  littil  truhilils  me."  MS.  iiOtters.  p.  2S8, 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  t)S 

sence   of   Christ   in    the    sacrament,    and    guarding 
a2;ajnst  the  adoration  of  the  elements,  too  much  coun- 
tenanced by  the  practice  of  kneeling  at  their  recep- 
tion, which  was  still  continued.*     Knox  speaks  of 
these  amendments  with  great  satisfaction,  in  his  M- 
m'^mtion  to  the  Professors  of  the  Truth  in  England. 
<*  \lso   God   gave   boldness   and   knowledge   to  the 
Court  of  Parliament  to  take  away  the  round  clipped 
god,  wherein  standeth  all  the  holiness  of  the  papists, 
and  to  command  common  bread  to  be  used  at  the 
Lord's  table,  and  also  to  take  away  the  most  part  of 
superstitions  (kneeling  at  the  Lord's  table  excepted) 
which  before  prophaued  Christ's  true  religion.*'  These 
alterations  gave  great  offence  to  the   papists.      In  a 
disputation    with    Latimer,    after    the    accession    of 
Queen    Mary,    the   Prolocutor,    Dr.  Weston,    com- 
plained of  our  countryman''s  influence  in  procuring 
them.     "  A  runna^afe  Scot  did  take  away  the  ado- 
ration or  worshipping  of  Christ  in  the  sacrament,  by 
whose  procurement  that  heresie  was  put  into  tiie  last 
communion-book ;   so  much  prevailed  that  one  man's 
authoritie  at  that  time."!      In  the  following    year, 
he  was  employed  in  revising  the  Articles  of  Religlonj 
previous  to  their  ratification  by  Parliament. t, 

*  See  Note  M. 

tFox,  p.  1326.  Strype  questions  the  truth  of  Weston's  state- 
ment, and  says  that  Knox  "  was  hardly  come  into  England  (at  least 
any  further  than  Newcastle)  at  this  time."  Annals,  iii.  117.  But 
we  have  already  seen  that  he  arrived  in  England  as  early  as  the 
beginning  of  anno  1549. 

X  "  October  2,  (1553,)  a  letter  was  directed  to  Mess.  Harloy. 
Bill,  Horn,  Grindal,  Pern,  and  Knox,  to  consider  certain  articles 
exhibited  to  the  King's  Majesty,  to  be  subscribed  by  all  such  as 
shall  be  admitted  to  be  preachers  or  ministers  in  any  part  of  the 
realm  ;  and  to  make  report  of  their  opinions  touching  the  same." 
Council-book,  apud  Strype's  Cranraer,  p.  273.  Their  report  wa« 
returned  before  the  20th  of  November,  ibid.  p.  301.  Burnet  says 
the  order  was  given,  Octob,  20.   History,  iii.  21.f .     The  artrcles 

M 


'^  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

During  his  residence  at  Berwick,  Knox  bad  form- 
ed an  acquaintance  with  Miss  Marjory  Bowes,  a 
young  lady  who  afterwards  became  his  wife.  She 
belonged  to  the  honourable  family  of  Bowes,  and 
was  nearly  allied  to  Sir  Robert  Bowes,  a  distinguish- 
ed courtier  during  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  and 
his  son  Edward.  Before  he  left  Berwick,  he  had 
paid  his  addresses  to  this  young  lady,  and  met  with 
a  favourable  reception.  Her  mother  was  also  friend- 
ly to  the  match  ;  but  owing  to  some  reason,  most 
probably  the  presumed  aversion  of  her  father,  it  was 
deemed  prudent  to  delay  the  consummating  of  the 
union.  But  having  come  under  a  formal  promise  to 
her,  he  considered  himself,  from  that  time,  as  sa-. 
credly  bound,  and,  in  his  letters  to  Mrs.  Bowes,  al- 
ways addressed  her  by  the  name  of  Mother  * 

Without  derogating  from  the  praise  justly  due  fo 
those  worthy  men  Avho  were  at  this  time  employed  in 
disseminating  religious  truth  through  England,  I 
may  say,  that  our  countryman  was  not  behind  the 
first  of  them,  in  the  unwearied  assiduity  with 
which  he  laboured  in  the  stations  assigned  to  him. 
From  an  early  period,  his  mind  seems  to  have  pre- 
saged, that  the  golden  opportunity  enjoyed,  w^ould 
not  be  of  long  duration.  He  was  eager  to  '^  redeem 
the  time,''  and  indefatigable  both  in  his  studies  and 
teaching.  In  addition  to  his  ordinary  services  on 
Sabbath,  he  preached  regularly  on  week  days,  fre- 

agreed  to  at  tliis  tlniL'  were  42  in  number.      In  1j62  they  were 
reduced  to  39,  as  titey  sliil  continue, 

*  From  this  appellation  in  the  MS.  letters,  I  concluded  that 
Knox  was  married  to  Miss  Bowes  hefore  he  left  Berwick,  until 
I  met  with  a  hook  printed  hy  him,  (o  Avliieh  one  of  his  letters  to 
Mrs.  Bowes  was  added.  On  the  niari^in  of  tliis,  opposite  to  a 
place  in  which  he  had  named  her  mother,  is  tJiis  note  :  ■'  I  had 
maid  faitlifiil  promise,  hefore  wilnes,  to  Mariorie  Bowes  hev 
daughter,  so  as  she  lukc  me  for  sone,  I  liaHly  embrased  her  s^ji 
my  mother."    Knox's  Answer  to  Tyrie  the  Jesuit.    F.  if. 


tiFE    OP    JOHN    K-NOJt.  7i 

quently  on  every  day  of  the  week.*  Besides  the 
portion  of  time  which  he  allotted  to  study,  he  was 
often  employed  in  conversing  with  persons  who  ap- 
plied to  him  for  advice  on  religious  suhjects.f  The 
Council  were  not  insensible  to  the  value  of  his  ser- 
vices, and  conferred  on  him  several  marks  of  appro- 
bation.  They  wrote  different  letters  to  the  gover- 
nors aud  principal  inhabitants  of  the  places  where  he 
preached,  recommending  him  to  their  notice  and 
protection.!  They  secured  him  in  the  regular  pay- 
ment of  his  salary,  until  such  time  as  he  should  be 
provided  with  a  benefice. <^  It  was  also  out  of  re- 
spect to  him,  that,  in  September  1552,  they  grant- 
ed a  patent  to  his  brother  William  Knox,  a  mer- 
chant, giving  him  liberty  for  a  limited  time,  to  trade 
to  any  port  of  England^  in  a  vessel  of  a  hundred  ton? 
burden.  II 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  265,  276.  t  Ibid,  passim. 

X  Tiiey  wrote  a  letter  in  his  commendation  Dec.  9,  1552,  to 
Lord  Wharton  Deputy  Warden  of  the  Borders.  When  he  was 
employed  in  Buckinghamshire,  during  the  following  year,  in 
order  to  secure  greater  acceptance  and  respect  to  him  in  that 
county,  they  wrote  in  his  favour  to  Lord  Russel  and  Windsor, 
fche  Justices  of  the  Peace,  and  other  gentlemen.  Strype's  Cranmer, 
p.  292. 

§  Strype's  Meraor.  of  the  Reformation,  ii.  533. 

II  Bishop  Burnet,  and  Mr.  Strype,  (Memor.  of  Reform,  ii.  299.) 
who  record  this  fact,  conjecture  that  the  patentee  was  a  relation 
of  our  Reformer.  That  he  was  his  brother,  is  evident  from  Knox's 
letters,  which  mention  his  being  in  England  about  this  time.  In  a 
letter  written  in  1553,  he  says :  "  My  brother,  Williame  Knox,  is 
presentlie  with  me.  What  ye  wald  haif  frome  Scotland,  let  me 
knaw  this  Monunday  at  nycht ;  for  hie  must  depart  on  Tyisday." 
MS.  p.  271.  The  same  person  seems  to  be  meant  in  the  following 
extract  from  another  letter:  "  My  brother  hath  coramunicat  his 
haill  hart  with  me  ;  aud  I  persave  the  mychtie  operation  of  God. 
And  sa  lat  us  be  establissit  in  his  infinit  gudnes  and  maist  sure, 
promissis."     MS.  266. 

William  Knox  afterwards  became  a  preacher,  and  was  minister . 
of  Cockpen,  in  Mid.  Lothian,  after  the  estabhslimcnt  of  the  Re- 


72  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

But  the  things  which  recommericled  Knox  to  tlie 
Council,  drew  upon  him  the  hatred  of  a  mim.'v.5a 
and  powerful  party  in  the  Northern  counties,  o 
remiiined  addicted  to  popery.  Irritated  by  his  boiu- 
ness  and  success  in  atiiicaiiug  their  superstitiou,  and 
sensible  that  it  would  be  vam,  and  even  dangerous,  to 
prefer  an  accusation  against  him  on  that  ground, 
they  watched  for  an  opportunity  of  catching  at  some- 
thing in  his  discourses  or  behaviour,  wliich  they 
might  improve  to  his  disadvantage.  He  had  long 
observed  with  great  anxiety  the  impatience  with 
which  the  papists  submitted  to  the  present  govern- 
ment, and  their  eager  desires  for  any  change  which 
might  lead  to  the  overthrow  of  the  protestant  reli- 
gion ;  desires  which  were  expressed  by  them  in  the 
North,  without  that  reserve  which  prudence  dictat- 
ed in  places  adjacent  to  the  seat  of  authority.  He 
had  witnessed  the  joy  with  which  they  received  the 
news  of  the  Protector's  fall,  and  was  no  stranger  to 
the  satisfaction  with  which  they  circulated  prognosti- 
cations as  to  the  speedy  demise  of  the  king.  In  a  ser- 
mon preached  by  him  about  Christmas  1552,  he  gave 
vent  to  his  feelings  on  this  subject ;  and,  lamenting 
the  obstinacy  of  the  papists,  asserted,  that  such  as 
were  enemies  to  the  gospel,  then  preached  in  Eng- 
land, were  secret  traitors  to  the  crown  and  common- 
wealth, thirsted  for  nothing  more  than  his  Majesty's 
death,  and  cared  not  who  should  reign  over  them, 
provided  they  got  their  idolatry  again  erected.  This 
free  speech  was  immediately  laid  hold  on  by  his  ene- 
mies, and  tiansmitted,  with  many  aggravations,  to 
some  great  men  about  court,  secretly  in  their  inte- 

ibrination  in  Scotland.  No  fewer  than  fourteen  ministers  of  the 
cliurch  of  Scotland  are  numbered  among  his  descendants.  Genea- 
logical account  of  the  Knoxes,  apuU  Scott's  History  of  the  Re- 
ionners  in  Scetiaud,  p.  id2.^ 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  7B 

rest,  who  thereupon  preferred  a  charge  against  him, 
for  high  oifenees,  before  the  Privy  Council.* 
•  In  taking  this  step,  they  were  not  a  little  encou- 
raged by  their  knowledge  of  the  sentiments  of  the 
Duke  of  Northumberland,  who  had  lately  come 
down  to  his  charge  as  Warden  General  of  the  North- 
ern marches. f  This  ambitious  and  unprincipled 
nobleman  had  employed  his  aflfected  zeal  for  the  re- 
formed religion  as  a  stirrup  to  mount  to  the  highest 
preferment  in  the  state,  which  he  had  recently  se- 
cured by  the  ruin  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  the  Pro- 
tector of  the  kingdom.  Knox  had  offended  him  by 
publicly  lamenting  the  fall  of  Somerset  as  threaten- 
ing danger  to  the  Reformation,  of  which  he  had  aU 
ways  shewn  himself  a  zealous  friend,  whatever  his 
other  faults  might  have  been.ij:  Nor  could  the 
freedom  which  the  preacher  used,  in  reproving  from 
the  pulpit  the  vices  of  great  as  well  as  small,  fail  to 
be  displeasing  to  a  man  of  Northumberland's  charac- 
ter. On  these  accounts,  he  was  desirous  to  have  Knox 
removed  from  that  quarter,  and  had  actually  applied 
for  this,  by  a  letter  to  the  Council,  previous  to  tho 
occurrence  just  mentioned;  alleging,  as  a  pretext, 
the  great  resort  of  Scotsmen  unto  him  :  as.  if  any  real 
danger  was  to  be  apprehended  from  this  intercourse 
with  a  man,  of  whose  fidelity  the  existing  go\ern- 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  193.  Knox's  Admonition  to  the  Professors 
of  the  Truth  in  England,  p.  61.  apud  History.  Edin.  1641,4  to. 

t  The  Earl  of  Warwick,  now  created  Duke  of  Xorthmnherland, 
was  appointed  Warden  General  of  the  Northern  marches  in  Oct. 
15*1.  But  having  important  objects  to  secure  at  court,  he  excused 
himself  from  going  North  until  June,  ±552.  Strype's  Memor.  of 
the  Reformation,  ii.  282,  339. 

I  MS.  Letters,  p.  112, 173.  Knox  considered  that  the  papists 
had  a  secret  hand  in  foraeuting  those  disi-jentions  wnich  led  to  the 
condemnation  and  execution  of  the  protector.  His  suspicions  were 
not  illfounded.     See  Strype's  Memor.  of  the  Refor.'n.  ii.  -306 — 7. 


74*  LIFE    OF   JOHN    K^OX. 

ment  had  so  many  strong  pledges,  and  who  uni- 
formly employed  all  his  influence  to  remove  tLe  pre- 
judices of  his  countrymen  against  England.* 

In  consequence  of  the  charges  exhibited  agi  ;nst 
him  to  the  Council,  he  received  a  citation  to  repair 
immediately  to  London,  and  answer  for  his  conduct. 
The  following  extract  of  a  letter,  addressed  to  his 
sister,t  will  shew  the  state  of  his  mind  on  receiving 
this  summons.  ^^  Urgent  necessity  will  not  suffer 
that  I  testify  my  mind  unto  you.  My  Lord  of  West- 
morelandj  has  written  unto  me  this  Wednesday  at 
six  of  the  clock  at  night,  immediately  thereafter  to 
repair  unto  him,  as  I  will  answer  at  my  peril.  I 
could  not  obtain  licence  to  remain  the  time  of  the 
sermon  upon  the  morrow.  Blessed  be  God  who  does 
ratify  and  confirm  the  truth  of  his  word  from  time  to 
time,  as  our  weakness  shall  require !  Your  adversa- 
ry, sister,  doth  labour  that  you  should  doubt  whe- 
ther this  be  the  word  of  God  or  not.  If  there  had 
never  been  testimonial  of  the  undoubted  truth  there- 
of before  these  our  ages,  may  not  such  things  as  we 

*  The  Duke's  letter  was  dated  Nov.  23,  1552.  Hayne's  State 
Papers,  i.  136.  Brand's  History  of  Newcastle,  p.  304.  Redpath's 
Border  History,  p.  577. 

t  A  great  number  of  his  letters  in  the  MS.  are  superscribed  "  To 
his  Sister."  It  appears  from  internal  evidence  that  this  was  a 
daughter  of  Mrs.  Bowes,  but  whether  the  young  lady  w  horn  he 
married,  or  a  sister  of  hers,  I  cannot  say  with  certainty.  One  letter 
has  this  siiperseription:  "  To  Mariorie  Bowes.  Avho  was  his  first 
wife."  In  it  he  addresses  her  by  the  name  of  Sister,  and  at  the 
close  says  :  "  I  think  this  be  the  first  letter  that  I  ever  w  rait  to 
you."  MS.  p.  335.  But  there  is  no  date  by  which  to  compare  it 
with  other  letters. 

I  Henry  Nevyl,  Earl  of  Westmoreland,  was,  by  tlie  interest  of 
4he  I)uke  of  Northumberland,  admitted  a  member  of  the  Privy- 
Council,  anno  155.2.  Ho  was  also  a  member  of  the  Council  for 
the  North,  and  Lord  Lieutenant  of  tlie  bisliopric  of  Durham.  Hi« 
private  character  m  as  inditiorentr  Strype's  Memor.  of  the  Re- 
f3rmatio,a,  ii.  401,457 — 9. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  76 

see  daily  come  to  pass  prove  the  verity  thereof? 
Doth  it  not  affirm,  that  it  shall  be  preached,  and  yet 
contemned  and  lightly  regarded  by  many,  and  yet 
true  professors  thereof  shall  be  hated  bv  father,  mo- 
ther, and  others  of  the  contrary  religion  ;  that  the 
most  faithful  shall  be  persecuted  ?  And  cometh  not 
all  these  things  to  pass  in  ourselves  ?  Rejoice,  sister, 
for  the  same  word  that  forespaketh  trouble,  doth 
certify  us  of  the  glory  consequent.  As  for  myself, 
albeit  the  extremity  should  now  apprehend  me,  it  is 
not  come  unlooked  for.  But.  alas  !  I  fear  that  yet 
I  be  not  ripe  nor  able  to  glorify  Christ  by  my  death ; 
but  what  lacketh  now,  God  shall  perform  in  his  own 
time. — Be  sure  I  will  not  forget  you  and  your  com- 
pany, so  long  as  mortal  man  may  remember  any 
earthly  creature.'** 

Upon  reaching  London,  he  found  that  his  enemies 
had  been  uncommonly  industrious  in  exciting  preju- 
dices against  him,  by  transmitting  the  most  false  and 
calumnious  information.  But  the  Council,  after 
hearing  his  defences,  were  convinced  of  their  ma- 
lice, and  honourably  acquitted  him.  He  was  em- 
ployed to  preach  before  the  court,  and  gave  great 
satisfaction,  particularly  to  his  Majesty,  who  con- 
tracted a  favour  for  him,  and  was  very  desirous  to 
have  him  promoted  in  the  church. |  It  was  resolv- 
ed by  the  Council  that  he  should  preach  in  London 
and  the  southern  counties,  during  the  year  1553; 
but  he  was  allowed  to  return  fdr  a  short  time  to  New- 
castle, either  to  settle  his  affairs,  or  as  a  public  testi- 
mony of  his  innocence.  In  a  letter  to  liis  sister, 
dated  Newcastle,  23d  March,  1553,  we  find  him 
writing  as  follows  :    ^'  Look  farther  of  this  matter  in 

*  MS.  letters,  p.  2r>r — 9. 

t  Ibid.  p.  413.    Melchior  Adam.  Tit,  Ext.  Theol.  p.  13:. 


76  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

the  otliei*  letter,*  written  unto  you  at  such  time 
as  many  thought  I  should  never  write  after  to  man. 
Heinous  were  the  delations  laid  against  me,  and 
many  are  the  lies  that  are  made  to  the  Cruncil.  But 
God  oue  day  shall  destroy  all  lying  tongues,  and 
shall  deliver  bis  servants  from  calamity,  I  look  hut 
one  day  or  other  to  fall  in  their  hands ;  for  more 
and  more  raseth  the  members  of  the  devil  acainst 
me.  This  assault  of  f^atan  has  been  to  his  confusion, 
and  to  the  glory  of  God.  And  therefore,  sister, 
cease  not  to  praise  God,  and  to  call  for  my  comfort ; 
for  great  is  the  multitude  of  enemies,  whom  every 
one  the  Lord  shall  confound.  I  intend  not  to  depart 
from  Newcastle  before  Easter." 

The  vigour  of  his  constitution  had  been  greatly 
impaired  by  his  confinement  in  the  French  galleys, 
which,  together  with  his  labours  in  England,  had 
brought  on  a  gravel.  In  the  course  of  the  year 
1553,  he  endured  several  violent  attacks  of  this  acute 
disorder,  accompanied  with  severe  pain  in  his  head 
and  stomach.  *'  My  daily  labours  must  now  in- 
crease  (says  he,  in  the  letter  last  quoted.)  and  there- 
fore spare  me  as  much  as  you  may.  My  old  malady 
troubles  me  sore,  and  nothing  is  more  contrarious  to 
my  health  than  writing.  Think  not  that  I  weary 
to  visit  you  ;  but  unless  my  pain  shall  cease,  I  will 
altogether  become  unprofitable.  Work,  0  Lord,  even 
as  pleascth  thy  infinite  goodness,  and  relax  the  trou- 
bles, at  thy  own  pleasure,  of  such  as  seeketh  thy 
glory  to  shine,  Amcn."t  I^  another  letter  to  the 
same  correspondent,  lie  writes  :  "  The  pain  of  my 
head  and  stomach  troubles  me  greatly.  Daily  I  find 
my  body  decay ;  but  the  providence  of  my  God 
shall  not  be  frustrate.     I  am  charged  to  be  at  Wid- 

*  The  letter  last  quoted.  MS.  p.  273 — 4.  eompared  with  p.  26S. 
1  MS.p.;i:6. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN   KXOX,  77 

dringtonupon  Sunday,  \vhere  I  think  I  shall  also  re- 
main Monday.  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  Jesus  rest 
with  you.  Desire  such  faithful  as  with  whom  ye 
communicate  your  mind,  to  pray  that,  at  the  plea- 
sure  of  our  good  God,  my  dolour  both  of  body  and 
spirit  may  be  relieved  somewliat;  for  presently  it  is 
very  bitter.  Never  found  I  the  spirit,  1  praise  my 
God,  so  abundant  wliere  God's  glory  ought  to  be 
declared ;  and  therefore  I  am  sure  there  abides 
something  tliat  yet  we  see  not."*  *•  Your  messen- 
ger (says  he  in  another  letter)  found  me  in  bed, 
after  a  sore  trouble  and  most  dolorous  night :  and  so 
dolour  may  complain  to  dolour  when  we  two  meet. 
But  the  infinite  goodness  of  God,  who  never  despis- 
eth  the  petitions  of  a  sore  troubled  heart,  shall,  at 
his  good  pleasure,  put  end  to  these  pains  that  we 
presently  suffer,  and  in  place  thereof  shall  crown  us 
with  glory  and  immortality  for  ever.  But,  dear  sis- 
ter, I  am  even  of  mind  with  faithful  Job,  yet  most 
sore  tormented,  that  my  pain  shall  have  no  end  in  this 
life.  The  power  of  God  may,  against  the  purpose 
of  my  heart,  alter  such  things  as  appear  not  to  be 
altered,  as  he  did  unto  Job  ;  but  dolour  and  pain, 
with  sore  anguish,  cries  the  contrary.  And  this  is 
more  plain  than  ever  I  speak,  to  let  you  know  ye 
have  a  fellow  and  companion  in  trouble  ;  and  thus 
rest  in  Christ,  for  the  head  of  the  serpent  is  al- 
ready broken  down,  and  he  is  stinging  us  upon  the 

iieel."t 

About  the  beginning  of  April,  1553,  he  returned 
to  London.  In  the  month  of  February  preceding^i 
Archbishop  Cranmer  had  been  desired  by  the  Coun- 
cil to  present  him  to  the  vacant  living  oi  All-Hallows 
in  that  city 4     This  proposal,  which  originated  in 

*  MS.  p.  260—1.  t  Ibid.  p.  262. 

I  Sirjpe's  Cranmer,  p.  292: 

N 


78  Life  of  j6hn  knox. 

the  personal  favour  of  the  young  King,  was  very 
disagreeable  to  Northumberland,  who  exerted  him- 
self privately  to  hinder  his  preferment.  His  inter- 
ference was,  however,  unnecessary  on  the  present 
occasion ;  for  when  the  living  was  offered  to  him, 
Knox  declined  it,  and  when  questioned  as  to  his  rea- 
sons, readily  acknowledged,  that  he  had  not  free- 
dom in  his  mind  to  accept  of  a  fixed  charge,  in 
the  present  state  of  the  English  church.  His  re- 
fusal, with  the  reason  assigned,  having  given  of- 
fence, he  was,  on  the  I4th  of  April,  called  before 
the  Privy  Council.  There  were  present  the  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  Goodrick,  bishop  of  Ely, 
and  Lord  Chancellor,  the  Earls  of  Bedford,  North- 
ampton, and  Shrewsbury,  the  Lords  Treasurer  and 
Chamberlain,  with  the  two  Secretaries.  They  ask- 
ed him.  Why  he  had  refused  the  benefice  provid- 
ed for  him  in  London?  He  answered,  that  he  was 
fully  satisfied  that  he  could  be  more  useful  to  the 
church  in  another  situation.  Being  interrogated, 
If  it  was  his  opinion,  that  no  person  could  lawfully 
serve  in  ecclesiastical  ministrations,  according  to 
the  present  laws  of  that  realm  ?  he  frankly  replied, 
That  there  were  many  things  which  needed  reforma- 
tion, without  which,  ministers  could  not,  in  his  opi- 
nion, discliarge  their  office  conscientiously  in  the 
sight  of  God  ;  for  no  minister,  according  to  the  ex- 
isting laws,  had  power  to  prevent  the  unworthy  from 
participating  of  the  sacraments,  which  was  ^^  a  chief 
point  of  his  office."  He  was  asked.  If  kneeling  at 
the  Lord's  table  was  not  indifferent?  He  replied, 
that  Christ's  action  was  most  perfect,  and  in  it  no 
such  posture  was  used  ;  that  it  was  most  safe  to  follow 
his  example ;  and  that  kneeling  was  an  addition  and 
invention  of  men.  On  this  article,  there  was  a  smart 
dispute  between  him  and  some  of  the  Lords  of  the 
Council.     After  long  reasoning,  he  was  told,  thai 


LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX.  79 

tliey  had  not  sent  for  him  with  any  bad  design,  hut 
Tvere  sorry  to  understand  that  he  was  of  a  contra- 
ry judgment  to  the  common  order.  He  said,  he 
was  sorry  that  the  common  order  was  contrary  to 
Christ's  institution.  They  dismissed  him  with  eoft 
speeches,  advising  him  to  endeavour  to  bring  his 
mind  to  communicate  according  to  the  established 
rites.* 

If  honours  and  emoluments  could  have  biassed  the 
independent  mind  of  our  countryman,  he  must  have 
been  induced  to  become  a  full  conformist  to  the 
English  church.  At  the  special  request  of  Edward 
VI.  and  with  the  concurrence  of  his  Council,  he  was 
offered  a  bishopric;  but  the  same  reasons  which  pre- 
vented him  from  accepting  the  living  of  All-hallows, 
determined  him  to  reject  this  more  tempting  offer. 
The  fact  is  attested  by  Beza,  who  adds,  that  his  re- 
fusal was  accompanied  with  a  censure  of  the  episco- 
pal office,  as  destitute  of  divine  authority,  and  not 
even  exercised,  in  England,  according  to  the  eccle- 
siastical canons. t  Knox  himself  speaks,  in  one  of 
his  treatises,  of  the  "  high  promotions"  offered 
to  him  by  Edward  :J  and  we  shall  find  him,  at  a 
later  period  of  his  life,  expressly  asserting,  that  he 
had  refused  a  bishopric  $ 

*  The  account  of  this  examination  hefore  the  Council  is  taken 
from  a  letter  of  Knox,  the  substance  of  which  has  been   inserted 
in  Calderwood's  MS.  and  by  Strype  (Memorials  of  the  Ref.  vol 
ii.  p.  400.) 

t  Bezse  Icones,  Ee.  iij.  Verheideni  EflGgies,  p.  92,  93.  Melch, 
Adam.  p.  137. 

i  MS.  Letters,  p.  73. 

§  Tonstal  being  sequestered  upon  a  charge  of  misprison  of 
treason  the  Council  had  come  to  a  resolution,  about  this  time, 
to  divide  his  extensive  diocese  into  two  bishopries,  the  seat  of  one 
of  which  was  to  be  at  Durham,  and  of  the  other  at  Newcastle. 
Ridley,  bishop  of  London,  was  to  be  translated  to  the  former,  and 
it  is  not  improbable  that  Knox  was  intended  for  the  latter.  <'  He 


80  -LIFE  OP  JOHN  KNOX. 

It  may  be  proper,  in  this  place,  to  give  a  more 
particular  account  of  Knox's  sentiments  respecting 
the  English  church.  It  is  well  known,  that  the  Re- 
formation of  religion  was  conducted  in  England  in. 
a  very  diiTerent  way  from  what  was  afterwards  adopted 
in  Scotland,  both  as  to  worship  and  ecclesiastical 
polity.  In  England,  the  papal  supremacy  was 
transferred  to  the  prince,  the  hierarchy,  being  sub- 
jected to  the  civil  power,  was  suffered  to  remain, 
and  the  principal  forms  of  the  ancient  worship,  after 
removing  the  grosser  superstitions,  were  retained ; 
whereas,  in  Scotland,  all  of  these  were  discarded,  as 
destitute  of  divine  authority,  unprofitable,  burden- 
some, or  savouring  of  popery ;  and  the  worship  and 
government  of  the  church  were  reduced  to  the  pri- 
mitive  standard  of  scriptural  simplicity.  The  influ- 
ence of  Knox,  in  recommending  this  establishment  to 
his  countrymen,  is  universally  allowed ;  but,  as  he 
officiated  for  a  considerable  time  in  the  church  of 
England,  and  on  this  account  was  supposed  to  have 
been  pleased  with  its  constitution,  it  has  been  usu- 
ally said  that  he  contracted  a  dislike  to  it  during  his 
exile  on  the  continent,  after  the  death  of  Edward 
VI.  and  having  then  imbibed  the  sentiments  of  Cal- 
vin, carried  them  along  with  him  to  his  native  coun- 
try, and  organized  the  Scottish  church  after  the  Ge- 
nevan model.  This  statement  is  inaccurate.  His 
objections  to  the  English  liturgy  were  increased  and 
strengthened  during  his  residence  on  the  continent, 
but  they  existed  before  that  time.  His  judgment  re- 
specting ecclesiastical  government  and  discipline 
was  matured  during  that  period,  but  his  radical  sen- 
timents  on  these  heads  were  formed  long  before  he 

was  offered  a  bishopric  (says  Brand.)  proliably  to  the  new  founded 
one  at  Newcastle,  wliich  he  refused — revera  noliiit  ejriscopariyi 
History  of  Newcastle,  p.  304. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  81 

saw  Calvin,  or  had  any  intercourse  with  the  foreign 
reformers.  At  Geneva  he  saw  a  church,  which, 
uyon  the  wlwle-y  corresponded  with  his  idea  of  the 
divinely  authorised  pattern ;  hut  he  did  not  indiscri- 
minately approve,  nor  servilely  imitate  either  that, 
or  any  other  existing  establishment.* 

As  early  as  the  year  1547*  he  taught,  in  his  iirst 
sermons  at  St.  Andrews,  that  no  mortal  man  could 
be  head  of  the  church,  that  there  were  no  true 
bishops,  but  such  as  preached  personally  without  a 
substitute,  that  in  religion  men  arc  bound  to  regu- 
late themselves  by  divine  laws,  and  that  the  sacra- 
ments ought  to  be  administered  exactly  according 
to  the  institution  and  example  of  Christ.  We  have 
seen  that,  in  a  solemn  disputation  in  the  same  place, 
he  maintained  that  the  church  has  no  authority,  on 
pretext  of  decorating  divine  service,  to  devise  cere- 
monies, and  impose  sis;niiications  upon  them.t  This 
position  he  also  defended  in  the  year  1550,  at  Xew- 
castle,  and  in  his  late  appearance  before  the  Privy 
Council  at  London.  It  was  impossible  that  the  Eng- 
lish church,  in  any  of  the  shapes  which  it  assumed, 
could  stand  the  test  of  these  principles.  The  eccle- 
siastical supremacy,  the  various  orders  and  depen- 
dencies of  the  hierarchy,  crossing  in  baptism,  and 
kneeling  in  the  eucharist,  with  other  ceremonies : 
the  theatrical  dress,  the  mimical  gestures,  the  vain 
repetitions  used  in  religious  service,  were  all  cashier- 
ed and  repudiated  by  the  cardinal  principle  to  which 
he  steadily  adhered,  that  in  the  Oliurch  of  Christ, 
and  especially  in  the  acts  of  worship,  every  thing 

*  The  churches  of  Geneva  and  Scotland  did  not  agree  in  all 
points.  Holidays  have  always  heen  observed  by  the  former,  hut 
were  rejected  by  the  latter,  from  the  very  first  establishment  of  tlie 
Reformation.  Other  things  in  which  they  diSered  might  easily 
be  mentioned. 

t  Knox,  Historie,  p.  72.— .74,  anrl  this  Life.  p.  is.  49. 


83  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNGX. 

ought  to  ht  arranged  and  conducted,  not  by  the- 
pleasure  and  appointment  of  men,  but  according  to 
the  dictates  of  inspired  wisdom  and  authority. 

He  rejoiced  that  liberty  and  encouragement  were 
given  to  preach  the  pure  word  of  God  throughout 
the  extensive  realm  of  England  ;  that  idolatry  and 
gross  superstition  were  suppressed ;  and  that  the 
rulers  were  disposed  to  support  the  Reformation, 
and  even  to  carry  it  farther  than  had  yet  been  done. 
Considering  the  character  of  the  greater  part  of  the 
clergy,  the  extreme  paucity  of  useful  preachers,  and 
other  hindrances  to  the  introduction  of  the  primitive 
order  and  discipline  of  the  church,  he  acquiesced 
in  the  authority  exercised  by  a  part  of  the  bishops, 
under  the  direction  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  en- 
deavoured to  strengthen  their  hands,  in  the  advance- 
ment of  the  common  cause,  by  painful  preaching  in 
the  stations  wlilch  were  assigned  to  him.  But  he 
could  not  be  induced  to  contradict  or  conceal  his 
decided  sentiments,  and  cautiously  avoided  coming 
under  engagements,  by  which  he  would  have  approv- 
ed what  lie  was  convinced  to  be  unlawful,  or  injuri- 
ous to  the  interests  of  religion.  Upon  these  princi- 
ples, he  never  submitted  to  the  unlimited  use  of  the 
liturgy,  during  the  time  that  he  was  in  England,^ 

*Cald.  MS.  i.  250.  Diirin,^  tlie  reign  of  Edward  and  even  the 
first  years  of  liis  gistcr  Elizabeth's,  absolute  conformity  to  the  li- 
turgy was  not  pressed  upon  ministers.  Strype's  Annals  i.  419, 
432.  Burnet,  iii.  305,  311.  Ilutcliinson's  Antiq.  of  Durham,  i. 
453.  Arclibishop  Parker,  in  the  beginning  of  Elizabeth's  reign, 
administered  the  elements  to  the  connnunieants  standings  in  the 
eatliedral  ehuroh  of  Canterbury.  Her  Majesty's  Commissioners 
appointed  the  communion  to  be  received  in  the  same  posture  in 
Coventry  J  and  the  practice  was  continued  in  that  town  as  late, 
at  least,  as  the  year  1008.  Certain  demands  propounded  unto 
Richard,  archbishop  of  Canterbury.  6^c.  p.  45.  Anno  1603.  Re- 
moval of  Imputations  laid  upon  Ministers  of  Devon  and  Corn- 
wall, p.  Hi.  Anno  1600.  A  Dispnte  npon  the  Question  ef  Kngel- 
in^,  p.  131.  Anno  1(508. 


LIFE  OP  JOHN  KNOX.  83 

I'efased  to  become  a  bishop,  and  declined  accepting 
a  fixed  charge.  When  he  perceived  that  progress  in 
Reformation  was  arrested,  by  the  influence  of  a  po- 
pish faction  and  the  dictates  of  a  temporising  policy; 
that  abuses,  which  had  formerly  been  acknowledged, 
began  to  be  vindicated  and  stiffly  maintained  ;  above 
all,  when  he  saw,  after  the  accession  of  Elizabeth, 
that  a  retrograde  course  was  taken,  and  a  yoke  of 
ceremonies,  more  grievous  than  that  which  the  most 
sincere  protestants  had  formerly  complained  of,  was 
imposed  and  enforced  by  arbitrary  statutes,  he  judg- 
ed it  necessary  to  speak  in  a  tone  of  more  decided 
and  severe  reprehension. 

Among  other  things  which  he  censured  in  the 
Englisli  ecclesiastical  establisliment,  v/ere  the  con- 
tinuing to  employ  a  great  number  of  ignorant  and 
insufficient  priests,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  no- 
thing but  saying  mass,  and  singing  the  litany  ;  the 
general  substitution  of  the  reading  of  homilies,  the 
mumbling  of  prayers,  or  the  chaunting  of  matins 
and  even-song,  in  the  place  of  preaching  ;  the  formal 
celebration  of  the  sacraments,  unaccompanied  witli 
instruction  to  the  people ;  the  scandalous  prevalence 
of  pluralities ;  and  the  total  want  of  ecclesiastical 
discipline.  He  was  of  opinion  that  the  clergy  ought 
not  to  be  entangled,  and  diverted  from  the  duties  of 
their  offices,  by  holding  civil  places  ;  that  the  bishops 
should  lay  aside  their  secular  titles  and  dignities : 
that  the  bishoprics  should  be  divided,  so  that  in  ever^; 
city  or  large  town,  there  might  be  placed  a  godly 
and  learned  man,  with  others  joined  with  him  for 
the  management  of  ccclesiaslical  matters ;  and  that 
schools  for  the  education  of  youth  should  be  univer- 
sally erected  through  the  nation.* 

*  This  statement  ofliis sentiments  is  drawn  from  his  Brief  Exlior- 
fation  t©  England  for  the  speedy  erabracius  of  Christ's  gospel : 


84'  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

Nor  did  the  principal  persons  who  were  active  iu 
effecting  the  English  Reformation  differ  widely  from 
Knox  in  these  sentiments :  although  they  might  not 
have  the  same  conviction  of  their  importance,  and 
the  expediency  of  reducing  them  to  practice.  We 
will  mistake  exceedingly,  if  we  suppose  that  they 
were  men  of  the  same  principles  and  temper  with 
many  who  succeeded  to  their  places,  that  they  were 
satisfied  with  the  pitch  to  which  they  had  carried  the 
Heformation  of  the  English  church,  and  regarded  it 
as  a  paragon  and  perfect  pattern  to  other  churches. 
Tliey  were  strangers  to  those  extravagant  and  illibe- 
ral notions  which  w^ere  afterwards  adopted  by  the 
fond  admirers  of  the  hierarchy  and  liturgy.  They 
would  have  laughed  at  the  man  who  wquld  have 
seriously  asricrted,  that  the  ceremonies  constitut- 
ed any  part  of  ^»  the  beauty  of  holiness,"  or  thai 
the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  a  bishop  was  essen 
iial  to  tlie  validity  of  ordination ;  they  would  not 
have  owned  that  person  as  a  protestant  who  would 
jiave  ventured  to  insinuate,  that  where  this  was 
wanting,  there  was  no  Christian  ministry,  no  ordi- 
nances, no  church,  and  perhaps — no  salvation  1  Many 
things  wlkicli  their  successors  have  applauded,  they 
barely  tolerated,  and  they  would  have  been  happy  if 
the  circumstances  of  their  time  would  have  permit- 
ted them  to  introduce  alterations,  wiiicli  have  since, 
been  cried  down  as  puritaunical  innovations.  Strange 
as  it  may  appear  to  some,  I  aui  not  afraid  of  exceed- 
ing the  truth  when  I  say,  that  if  the  first  English  re- 
formers (includiug  the  protestant  bishops)  had  beeii: 
left  to  their  own  choice,  if  they  had  not  been  held 
back  by  the  dead  weight  of  a  large  mass  of  popishly- 

printed  at  Geneva,  Anno  lJ5£J9,an(l  at  the  end  of  his  history,  Edin- 
biii;:^!!,  tC)Ah,  4to.  and  from  liis  letters  to  Mrs.  Locke,  dated  6th 
Apiilj  aud  15th  Oet.  15&y,  apiid  Cald.  MS.  i.  380,  491. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  8^ 

iflpected  clergy  ia  the  reign  of  Edward,  and  ^entrain- 
ed by  the  supreme  civil  authority  on  the  acvtssioa 
of  Elizabeth,  they  would  have  brotight  the  govern- 
ment and  worship  of  the  church  of  England,  nearly 
to  the  pattern  of  the  other  reformed  churclies.  If 
the  reader  doubts  this,  he  may  consult  the  evidence 
produced  in  the  notes.* 

Such,  in  particular,  Avas  the  earnest  wish  of  his 
IMajesty  Edward  VI.  a  prince  who,  besides  his  other 
rare  qualities,    had   an  unfeigned  reverence  for  the 
word  of  God,  and  a  disposition  to  comply  with  its  pre- 
scriptions in  preference    to   custom   and    established 
usages,    who  shewed  himself  uniformly    inclined  to 
give  relief  to  his  conscientious  subjects,  and  sincere- 
ly bent  on  promoting  the  union  of  all  the  friends  of 
the  reformed  religion  at  home  and  abroad.     Of  his 
intentions  on  this   head,  there  remain  the  most  un- 
questionable and  satisfactory  documents.!     Had  his 
life  been  spared,  there  is  every  reason  to  think  that 
he  would  have  accomplished  the  rectification  of  those 
evils  in  the  English  church,  which  the  most  steady 
and  enlightened   protestants    have   lamented.     Had 
his  sister  Elizabeth  been  of  the  same  spirit  with  him, 
and  prosecuted  the  plan  which   he  laid  down,    she 
would  have  united  all  the  friends  of  the  Reformation, 
the  great  support  of  her  authority ;  she  would  have 
weakened  the  interest  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  whom 
all  her  accommodating  measures  could  not  gain,  nor 
prevent  from  repeatedly  conspiring  against  her  life 
and  crown  ;  she  would  have  put  an  end  to  those  dis- 
sentions  among  her  protestant  subjects  which  contin- 
ued during  the  whole   of  her  reign,  which  she  be- 
queathed as  a  legacy  to  her  successors,  and  which, 
being  fomented  and   exasperated   by   the    severities 
employed  for  their  suppression,  at  length  burst  forth 

*  Sep  ^'■ote  V.  t  See  Note  9. 


8t)  UFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

ia  the  temporary  overthrow  of  the  hierarchy,  aw 
of  tlie  monarchy  (which  patronized  its  exorbitan- 
eies,  and  resistefi  a  reform,  which  had  been  previ- 
ously attempted  upon  sober  and  enlightened  princi- 
ples ;)  dissentions  which  subsist  to  this  day,  and, 
though  softened  by  the  partial  lenitive  of  a  tolera- 
tion, have  gradually  alienated  from  the  communion 
of  that  church  a  large  proportion  of  the  population 
of  the  nation,  and  which,  if  a  timeous  and  salutary 
remedy  be  not  applied,  may  ultimately  undermine 
ibe  foundations  of  the  English  establishment. 

During  the  time  that  Knox  was  in  London,  he  had 
full  opportunity  for  observing  the  state  of  the  court ; 
and  tlie  observations  which  he  made  filled  his  mind 
with  the  most  anxious  forebodings.  Of  tlie  piety  and 
sincerity  of  the  young  king,  he  entertained  not  the 
smallest  doubt.  Personal  acquaintance  heightened 
the  idea  wliich  he  had  conceived  of  his  character 
from  report,  and  enabled  him  to  add  his  testimony 
to  the  tribute  of  praise,  which  all  who  knew  that 
prince  have  so  cheerfully  paid  to  his  uncommon  vir- 
tues and  endowments.*  But  the  principal  cour- 
tiers, by  whom  he  was  at  that  time  surrounded,  were^ 
persons  of  a  very  different  description,  and  gave 
proofs,  too  unequivocal  to  be  mistaken,  of  indiffer- 
ence to  all  religion,  and  readiness  to  fall  in  with  and 
forward  the  re-establishment  of  the  ancient  supersti- 
tion, whenever  this  might  be  required  upon  a  change 
of  rulers.  The  health  of  Edward,  which  had  long 
been  declining,  growing  gradually  worse,  so  that  no 

*"  We  had  (says  he  in  his  letter  to  the  faithful  in  London,  New- 
castle, and  Berwick)  ane  King  of  sa  £;odIie  disposition  towardis 
verte\v,and  the  treuthofGod,  tliat  nane  fromethe  beginning  passit 
him.  and  (to  my  knawledge)  noneof  liisyeirisdid  evermache  hini, 
in  that  behalf;  gif  hie  niyght  haif  bene  lord  of  his  awn  will.'* 
MS.  Letters,  p.  119.  He  lias  passed  a  more  full  encomium  upou 
this  prince;  iu  his  Uislorie,  p.  89. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KN6X.  67 

hope  of  his  recovery  remained,  tliey  were  eager  only 
about  the  aggrandizing  of  their  families,  and  provid- 
ing  for  the  security  of  their  places  and  fortunes. 

The  royal  chaplains  were  men  of  a  very  different, 
stamp   from  those  who  have  usually  occupied    that 
place  in  the  courts  of  princes.      They  were  no  time- 
serving, supple,  smooth-tongued  parasites  ;  they  were 
not  afraid  of  forfeiting  their  pensions,  or  of  alarm- 
ing the  consciences,  and  wounding  the  delicate  ears 
©f  their  royal  and  noble  auditors,  by  denouncing  the 
vices  wliich  they  committed,   and   the  judgments   of 
heaven  to   which   they   exposed    themselvt'S.      The 
freedom    used    by  the  venerable   Latimer   is    well 
known   from    his   printed  sermons,  which,  for  their 
homely  honesty,   artless   simplicity,   native  humour, 
and  genuine  pictures  of  the  manners  of  the  age,  con- 
tinue still  to  be  read  with  interest.      Grindal,  Lever, 
and  Bradford,  who  were  superior  to  him  in  learning, 
evinced  the  same  fidelity  and  courage.     They  cen- 
sured the  ambition,  avarice,  luxury,  oppression,  and 
irreligion  w  hich  reigned  in  the  court.  As  long  as  their 
Sovereign  was  able  to  give  personal   attendance  on 
the  sermons,  the  preachers  were  treated  with  exterior 
decency  and  respect ;  but  after  he  was  confined  to  his 
chamber  by  a  consumptive  cough,  the  resentment  of 
the  courtiers  vented  itself  openly  in  the  most  c«>ntu- 
melious  speeches  and  insolent  behaviour.*      Those 
who  are  acquainted  with  our  countryman's  charac- 
ter, will  readily  conceive  that  the  sermons  deliver- 
ed by   him   at  court,  were  not   less    bold  and  free 
than  those  of  his  colleagues.     We  may  form  a  judg- 
ment  of    them,    from    the    account    which   he   has 
given  of  the  last  sermon  which  he  preached  before 
his  Majesty,   in   which  he  directed  several  piercing 
glances  of  reproof  at  the   haughty  premier,  and  his 

*  See  JVete  P., 


§3  LIFB   or  JOHN   KNOX. 

cvafty  relation,  the  Marquis  of  Winchester,  Lor<f 
High  Treasurer,  both  of  whom  were  among  bis 
bearers.* 

On  the  6th  of  July,  1553,  Edward  VI.  departed 
this  life,  to  the  unspeakable  grief  of  all  the  lovers 
of  learning,  virtue,  and  the  protestant  religion ;  and 
a  black  cloud  spread  over  England,  which,  after 
hovering  a  while,  burst  into  a  dreadful  hurricane^ 
that  raged  during  five  years  with  the  most  destruc- 
tive fury.  Knox  was  at  this  time  in  London.f  He 
received  the  afflicting  tidings  of  his  Majesty's  decease 
with  becoming  fortitude  and  resignation  to  the  so- 
vereign will  of  Heaven.  The  event  did  not  meet 
him  unprepared  :  he  had  long  anticipated  it,  with 
its  probable  consequences ;  the  prospect  had  pro- 
duced the  keenest  anguish  in  his  breast,  and  drawn 
tears  from  his  eyes ;  and  he  had  frequently  introduc- 
ed the  subject  into  his  public  discourses  and  confi- 
dential conversation  with  his  friends.  Writing  to  Mrs. 
'Bowes,  some  time  after  this,  he  says  :  "  How  oft  have 
yon  and  I  talked  of  these  present  days,  till  neither 
of  us  both  could  refrain  tears,  when  no  such  appear- 
ance then  was  seen  of  man  !  How  oft  have  I  said  un- 

*  His  text  was  John  xiii.  18.  He  that  eateth  bread  with  me,  hath 
lifted  vp  his  heel  against  me.  It  had  been  often  seen,  he  said,  that 
the  most  excelleut  and  godly  princes  were  surrounded  with  false 
and  ungodly  oKicers  and  counsellors.  Having  enquired  into  the 
reasons  of  this,  and  iilustra,ted  the  fact  from  the  scripture  exam- 
ples of  Achiiophcl  under  King  David.  Shebua  under  Hezekiah, 
and  Judas  under  Jesus  Chris),  he  added:  "What  wonder  is  it, 
tlhen,  that  a  young  and  innocent  king  be  deceived,  by  crafty,  co- 
vetous, wicked,  and  ungodly  counsellors  r  I  am  greatly  afraid 
tliak  Achitophel  be  coiaiselJor,  that  Judas  bear  the  purse,  and 
that  Shebna be  scribe,  comptroller,  and  treasurer."  MS.  Letters, 
p.  i.75 — 177,  and  Admonition,  p.  D2,  54,  apud  History,  £din» 

1 6 14..  4to. 
I  One  of  his  letters  to  Mrs.  Bowes  is  dated  London,  23d  June, 

1553.  MS.  Letters,  p.  249.  And  from  other  letters  it  appears 
^e  W9S  still  there  in  the  follorrin^  month. 


tiFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX.  89 

to  you,  that  I  looked  daily  for  trouble,  and  that  I 
wondered  at  it,  that  so  long  1  should  escape  it ' 
What  moved  me  to  refuse  (and  that  with  displeasure 
of  all  men,  even  of  those  that  best  loved  me)  thosa 
high  promotions  that  were  offered  by  him  whom  God 
hath  taken  from  us  for  our  offences  ?  Assuredly  the 
foresight  of  trouble  to  come.  How  oft  have  I  said 
unto  you,  that  the  time  would  not  be  long  that 
England  would  give  me  bread !  Advise  with  the  last 
letter  that  I  wrote  unto  your  brother-in-law,  and 
consider  what  is  therein  contained.''*^ 

He  remained  in  London  until  the  19th  of  July, 
when  Mary  was  proclaimed  Queen,  only  nine  days^ 
after  the  same  ceremony  had  been  performed  in  that 
city,  for  the  amiable  and  unfortunate  Lady  Jane 
Grey.  He  was  so  affected  with  the  thoughtless  de- 
monstrations  of  joy  given  by  the  inhabitants  at  an 
event  which  threatened  such  danger  to  the  religious 
faith  which  they  still  avowed,  that  he  could  not  refrain 
from  publicly  testifying  his  displeasure,  and  warn- 
ing them  in  his  sermons  of  the  calamities  which  they 
might  look  for.f  Immediately  after  this,  he  seems 
to  have  withdrawn  from  London,  and  retired  to  the 
North,  being  justly  apprehensive  of  the  measures 
which  might  be  pursued  by  the  new  government.^ 

To  induce  the  protestants  to  submit  peaceably  to 
her  government,  Mary  amused  them  for  some  time 
with  proclamations,  in  which  she  promised  not  to  do 
violence  to  their  consciences.  Though  aware  of  the 
bigotry  of  the  Queen,   and  the  spirit  of  the  religion 

*  MS.  p.  73, 74,  also  p.  250. 

tin  his  "Letter  to  the  faithful  in  London,  &c.*"  he  puts  them 
in  mind  of  the  premonitions  which  he  had  given  on  diftereut  oc- 
casions, and,  among  others,  of  "what  was  spoken  in  Loiidone  in 
ma  places  nor  ane,  when  fyreis  of  joy  and  ryattous  banketting 
wer  at  the  proclamation  of  Marie  yeur  quene."  MS.  p.  112. 11.^. 

t  One  of  his  letters  is  dated,  Carlisle,  26th  July,  153.1,  >rS. 
p.  270. 


"SO  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

io  wliicli  she  Mas  devoted,  the  protestant  ministcK^ 
reckoned  it  their  duty  to  improve  this  respite.  la 
the  month  of  August,  Knox  returned  to  the  Soutli^ 
and  resumed  his  hibours.  It  seems  to  have  been  at 
this  time  that  he  composed  the  Confession  and 
Prayer,  which  he  commcnly  used  in  the  congrega- 
tions to  which  he  preached,  in  which  he  prayed  for 
Queen  Mary  by  name,  and  for  the  suppression  of 
such  as  meditated  rebellion.*  While  he  itinerated 
through  Buckinghamsiiire,  he  was  attended  by  large 
audiences,  Avhich  his  popularity  and  the  alarming  cri- 
sis drew  together ;  especially  at  Amersham,  a  borough 
formerly  noted  for  the  general  reception  of  the  doc- 
trines of  WickliSe,  the  precursor  of  tise  Reformatioa 
in  England,  and  from  which  the  seed  sown  by  his 
followers  had  never  been  altogether  eradicated. 
Wherever  he  went,  he  earnestly  exhorted  the  peor 
pie  to  repentance  under  the  tokens  of  divine  dis- 
pleasure, and  to  a  steady  adherence  to  the  faith 
which  they  had  embraced.  He  continued  to  preach 
in  Buckinghamshire  and  Kent  during  the  harvest 
months,  although  the  measures  of  government  daily 
rendered  his  safety  more  precarious;  and  in  the  Me- 
j^inning  of  November,  returned  to  London,  where 
he  resided  in  the  houses  of  Mr.  Locke  and  Mr.  Hick- 
man, two  respectable  merchants  of  his  acquaint- 
ance.! 

While  the  measures  of  the  new  government  threat- 
ened danger  to  all  the  protestants  in  the  kingdom, 
and  our  countryman  was  under  daily  apprehensions 
of  imprisonment,  he  met  with  a  severe  trial  of  a  pri- 
vate nature.  I  have  already  mentioned  his  engage- 
ments to  Miss  Bowes.  At  this  time,  it  was  judged 
proper  by  both  parties  to  avow  the  connexion,  and 
i:o  proceed  to  solemnize  the  union.     This  step  was 

*  ^p-(t  Note  Q.  t  MS.  Letters,  p.  289,  291, 


LfFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  ^,i 

Opposed  by  the  young  lady's  father  ;  and  his  oppo- 
sition was  accompanied  with  circumstances  which 
gave  much  distress  to  Knox,  Mrs.  Bowes,  and  her 
daughter.  His  refusal  seems  to  have  proceeded 
from  family  pride ;  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that 
it  was  also  influenced  by  religious  considerations  ; 
as  from  diflferent  hints  dropped  in  the  correspon- 
dence, Mr.  Bowes  appears  to  have  been,  if  not  in- 
clined to  popery  in  his  judgment,  at  least  resolved. 
to  comply  with  the  religion  now  favoured  by  the 
court.  We  find  Knox  writing  to  Mrs.  Bowes  on  this 
subject  from  London,  in  a  letter,  dated  20th  Sep- 
tember,  lodS.  '^My  great  labours,  whei*eiu  I  de- 
sire your  daily  prayers,  will  not  suifer  me  to  satisfy 
my  mind  touching  all  the  process  between  your  hus- 
band and  you,  touching  my  matter  with  his  daugh- 
ter. I  praise  God  heartily,  both  for  your  boldness- 
and  constancy.  But  I  beseech  you,  mother,  trouble 
not  yourself  too  much  therewith.  It  becomes  me 
now  to  jeopard  my  life  for  the  comfort  and  deliver- 
ance of  my  own  flesh,*  as  that  I  will  do,  by  God's 
grace,  both  fear  and  friendship  of  all  eartlily  crea- 
ture laid  aside.  I  have  written  to  your  husband^ 
the  contents  whereof  I  trust  oar  brother  Harry  will 
declare  to  you  and  to  my  wife.  If  I  escape  sick- 
ness and  imprisonment,  [you  may]  be  sure  to  see  me 
soon."t 

His  wife  and  mother-in-law  were  vety  anxious  that 
he  slioald  settle  in  Berwick,  or  the  neighbourhood 
of  it,  where  he  miglit  perhaps  be  allowed  to  reside 
peaceably,  although  in  a  more  private  way  tiian  for- 
merly. But  for  this  purpose  some  pecuniary  provi- 
sion was  requisite.  Since  the  accession  of  Queen 
Mary,  the  payment  of  the  salary  allotted  to  him  by 
government    had    been    stopped.     Indeed,    he  liad 

*  Hh  mfk.  \  MS.  Lettfers;  p.  2C^©,  f  o'l'. 


S^  LIFE  or  JOHN  KNOX. 

not  received  auy  part  of  it  for  the  last  twelvemonths. 
His  wife's  relations  were  abundantly  able  to  give 
him  a  sufficient  establishment,  but  their  dissatisfaction 
with  the  marriage  rendered  them  averse.  Induced 
by  the  importunity  of  his  mother-in-law,  he  applied 
to  Sir  Robert  Bowes  at  London,  and  attempted  by  a 
candid  explanation  of  all  circumstances,  to  remove 
any  umbrage  wiiich  he  had  conceived  against  him^ 
and  procure  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  whole  af- 
fair. He  communicated  the  unfavourable  issue  of 
this  interview,  in  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Bowes,  of  which 
the  following  is  an  extract. 

"  Dear  Mother,  so  may  and  will  I  call  you,  not 
only  for  the  tender  aiTection  I  bear  unto  you  in 
Christ,  but  also  for  the  motherly  kindness  ye  have 
shew'n  unto  me  at  all  times  since  our  first  ac- 
quaintance, albeit  such  things  as  I  have  desired 
(if  it  had  pleased  God),  and  ye  and  others  have 
long  desired,  are  never  like  to  come  to  pass,  yet 
shall  ye  be  sure  that  my  love  and  care  toward  you 
shall  never  abate,  so  long  as  I  can  care  for  any 
eartlily  creature.  Ye  sliall  understand  that  thi» 
6th  of  November,  I  spake  with  Sir  Robert  Bowes, 
on  the  matter  ye  know,  according  to  your  request, 
whose  disdainful,  yea  despiteful  words  hath  so 
pierced  my  heart,  that  my  life  is  bitter  unto  me. 
I  bear  a  good  countenance  with  a  sore  troubled 
heart ;  while  he  that  ought  to  consider  matters 
with  a  deep  judgment  is  become  not  only  a  de- 
spiser,  but  also  a  taunter  of  God's  messengers. 
-God  be  merciful  unto  him.  Among  other  his  most 
unpleasing  words,  while  that  I  was  about  to  have 
declared  my  part  in  the  whole  matter,  he  said, 
*  Away  with  your  rhetorical  reasons,  for  I  w  ill  not 
he  persuaded  with  them.'  God  knows  I  did  us« 
no  rhetoric  or  coloured  speech,  but  would  have 
spoken  the  truth,  and  that  in  most   simple  maimer 


LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX.  93 

I  am  not  a  good  oratour  in  my  own  cause.  Bui 
what  he  would  not  be  content  to  hear  of  me,  God 
shall  declare  to  him  one  day  to  his  displeasure, 
unless  he  repent.  It  is  supposed  that  all  the  mat- 
ter comes  by  you  and  me.  I  pray  God  that  your 
conscience  were  quiet,  and  at  peace,  and  I  regard 
not  what  country  consume  this  my  wicked  car- 
case. And  were  [it]  not  that  no  man's  unthank- 
fulness  shall  move  me  (God  supporting  my  infir- 
mity) to  cease  to  do  profit  unto  Christ's  congre- 
gation,  those  days  should  be  few  that  England 
would  give  me  bread.  And  I  fear  that,  when  all 
is  done,  I  shall  be  driven  to  that  end ;  for  I  can- 
not abide  the  disdainful  hatred  of  those,  of  whom 
not  only  I  thought  I  might  have  craved  kindness, 
but  also  to  whom  God  hath  been  by  me  more  li- 
beral than  they  be  thankful.  But  so  must  men 
declare  themselves.  Affections  does  trouble  me 
at  this  present ;  yet  I  doubt  not  to  overcome  by 
him,  who  will  not  leave  comfortless  his  afflicted  to 
the  end :  whose  omnipotent  Spirit  rest  with  you. 
Amen."* 

He  refers  to  the  same  disagreeable  affair  in  ano- 
ther letter  written  about  the  end  of  this  year.  After 
mentioning  the  bad  state  of  his  health,  which  had 
been  greatly  increased  by  distress  of  mind,  he  adds, 
**  It  will  be  after  the  ISih  day  before  I  can  be  at 
Berwick ;  and  almost  I  am  determined  not  to  come 
at  all.  Ye  know  the  cause.  God  be  more  merciful 
unto  some,  than  they  are  equitable  unto  me  in  judg- 
ment. The  testimony  of  my  conscience  absolves 
me,  before  his  face  who  looks  not  upon  the  pre- 
sence of  man."t  These  extracts  shew  us  the  heart 
of  the  writer ;  they  discover  the  sensibility  of  his 
temper,  the  keenness  of  his  feelings,  and   his  pride 

*  MS.  p.  293.  294.  t  i^bid.  p.  265. 

P 


94j  life   op   JOHN   KNOX." 

and  iiidepemleiice  of   spirit  struggling  with  affectiou 
to  his  relations,  and  a  sense  of  duty. 

About  the  end  of  November,  or  beginning  of  De-» 
cember,  he  returned  from  the  South  to  Newcastle, 
The  Parliament  had  by  this  time  repealed  all  the 
laws  made  in  favour  of  the  Reformation,  and  restor- 
ed the  Roman  Catholic  religion ;  but  liberty  was  re- 
served, to  such  as  pleased,  to  observe  the  protestant 
worship,  until  the  2()th  of  December.  After  that  pe- 
riod they  were  thrown  out  of  the  protection  of  the  law, 
and  exposed  to  the  pains  decreed  against  heretics. 
Many  of  the  bishops  and  ministers  were  committed  to 
prison ;  others  had  escaped  beyond  sea.  Knox  could 
not  however  prevail  on  himself  either  to  flee  the 
kingdom,  or  to  desist  from  preaching.  Three  days 
after  the  period  limited  by  the  statute  had  elapsed, 
he  says  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  I  may  not  answer  your 
places  of  scripture,  nor  yet  write  the  exposition  of 
the  6th  psalra,  for  every  day  of  this  week  must  I 
preach,  if  this  wicked  carcase  will  permit.''* 

His  enemies,  who  had  been  defeated  in  their  at- 
iempts  to  ruin  him  under  the  former  government, 
had  now  access  to  rulers  sufficiently  disposed  to 
listen  to  their  informations.  They  were  not  dilato- 
ry in  improving  the  opportunity.  In  the  end  of 
December  1553,  or  beginning  of  January,  1554,  his 
servant  was  seized  as  he  carried  letters  from  him  to 
his  wife  and  mother-in-law,  and  the  letters  taken 
from  him,  with  the  view  of  finding  in  them  some 
matter  of  accusation  against  the  writer.  As  they  con- 
tained merely  religious  advices,  and  exhortations  to 
constancy  in  the  faith  which  they  professed  (which 
he  was  prepared  to  avow  before  any  court  to  which 
he  might  be  called,)  he  was  not  alarmed  at  their  in- 
terception.      But,  being    aware    of  the   uneasiuess 

*  MS.  .Letters.,  p.  26.5. 


iiFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  9^ 

wliieh  the  report  Avould  give  to  bis  friends  at  Ber- 
wick, he  set  out  immediately  with  the  design  of  visit- 
ing them.  Notwithstanding  the  secrecy  with  which, 
he  conducted  this  journey,  the  rumour  of  it  quickly 
spread ;  and  some  of  his  wife's  relations  who  had 
joined  him,  persuaded  that  he  was  in  imminent  dan- 
ger, prevailed  on  him,  greatly  against  his  own  incli- 
nation, to  relinquish  his  design  of  proceeding  to  Ber- 
wick, and  to  retire  to  a  place  of  safety  on  the  coast, 
from  which  he  might  escape  by  sea,  provided  the 
search  after  him  was  continued.  From  this  retreat 
he  wrote  to  his  wife  and  mother,  acquainting  them 
with  the  reasons  of  his  absconding,  and  the  littlft 
iprospeet  which  he  had  of  being  able  at  that  time  to 
see  them.  His  brethren  (he  said)  had  "partly  by 
admonition,  partly  by  tears,  compelled  him  to  obey,'' 
somewhat  contrary  to  his  own  mind ;  for  "  never 
could  he  die  in  a  more  honest  quarrel,"  than  by  suf- 
fering as  a  witness  for  that  truth  of  which  God  had 
made  him  a  messenger.  Notwithstanding  this  state 
of  his  mind,  he  promised,  if  providence  prepared 
the  way,  to  "  obey  the  voices  of  his  brethren,  and 
give  place  to  the  fury  and  rage  of  Satan  for  a  time."* 
Having  ascertained  that  the  apprehensions  of  his 
friends  were  too  well  founded,  and  that  he  could  not 
elude  the  pursuit  of  his  enemies,  if  he  remained  in 
England,  he  procured  a  vessel,  which,  on  the  SSth 
of  January,  1554,  landed  him  safely  at  Dieppe^  a 
port  of  Normandy  in  France. f 

*  MS.  p.  264. 

t  Ibid.  p.  318.  Archibald  Hamilton  has  trumped  up  a  ridicu- 
fous  story,  respecting  Knox's  flight  from  England.  He  says,  that, 
by  teaching  the  unlawfulness  of  female  government,  he  had  eX' 
cited  a  dangerous  rebellion  against  Queen  Mary.  But  the  queen 
having  marched  against  the  rebels,  defeated  them  with  great 
slaughter ;  upon  which  Knox,  stained  rvitli  their  blood,  fled  to  Ge- 
neva, carrying  along  Avith  Irim  a  noble  and  rich  lady  I  Dialog. 
p.  65. 


06  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX, 


PERIOD  IV. 

mOM  HIS  BEPARTURE  OUT  OF  ENGLAXD,  ANNO  155i,  T6  HX8 
INVITATION  INTO  SCOTLAND,  BY  THE  PROTESTANT  NOBI- 
IITY,  ANNO  1557. 

Providence,  which  had  more  important  services 
in  reserve  for  Knox,  made  use  of  the  urgent  importu- 
nities of  his  friends  to  hurry  him  away  from  the  dan. 
ger,  to  which,  liad  he  heen  left  to  the  determination 
of  his  own  mind,  his  zeal  and  fearlessness  would 
Lave  prompted  him  to  expose  himself.  No  sooner 
did  he  reach  a  foreign  shore  than  he  began  to  re- 
gret the  course  which  he  had  been  induced  to  take. 
When  he  thought  upon  his  fellow-preachers,  whom 
he  had  left  behind  him  immured  in  dungeons,  and 
the  people  lately  under  his  charge,  now  scattered 
abroad  as  sheep  without  a  shepherd,  and  a  prey  to  ra- 
vening wolves,  he  felt  an  indescribable  pang,  and  an 
almost  irresistible  desire  to  return  and  share  in  the 
hazardous  but  honourable  conflict.  Althougli  he  had 
only  complied  with  the  divine  direction,  "  when  they 
persecute  you  in  one  city,  flee  ye  unto  another,"  and 
iji  his  own  breast  stood  acquitted  of  cowardice,  he 
found  it  difficult  to  divest  his  conduct  of  the  appear- 
ance of  that  weakness,  and  was  afraid  it  might  ope- 
rate as  a  discouragement  to  his  brethren  in  England, 
or  an  inducement  to  them  to  make  sinful  compli- 
ances with  the  view  of  saving  their  lives. 

On  this  subject  we  find  him  unbosoming  himself 
to  Mrs.  Bowes,  in  his  letters  from  Dieppe.  "  The 
desire  that  I  have  to  hear  of  your  coutinuanco  witli 


LIFE  eF  JOHN  KNOX.  ^^ 

Christ  Jesus,  in  the   day   of  this   his   battle  (which 
shortly  shall  end  to  the  confusion  of  his  proud  ene- 
mies,)  neither  by  tongue  nor  by  pen  can  1  express, 
beloved  mother.     Assuredly,  it  is  such,  that  it  van- 
quisheth  and  overcometh  all  remembrance  and  soli- 
citude which  the  flesh  useth  to  take  for  feeding  and 
defence  of  herself.     For,  in  every  realm  and  nation, 
Grod  will  stir  up  some  one  or  other  to  minister  those 
things  that  appertain  to  this  wretched  life ;   and,  if 
men  will  cease  to  do  their  office,  yet  will  he  send 
his  ravens  ;  so  that  in  every  place,  perchance,  I  may 
find   some  fathers  to  my  body.     But,  alas !  where  I 
shall  find  children  to  be  begotten  unto  God,  by  the 
word  of  life,  that  can  I  not  presently  consider ;    and 
therefore  the  spiritual  life  of  such  as  sometime  boldly 
professed  Christ  (God  knoweth,)  is  to  my  heart  more 
dear  than  all  the  glory,  riches,  and  honour  in  earth  ; 
and  the  falling  back   of  such  men  as  I  hear  daily  to 
turn  back  to  that  idol  again,  is  to  me  more  dolorous 
than,  I  trust,  the    corporal  death  shall  [be,]  when- 
ever it  shall  come  at  God's  appointment.     Some  will 
ask  then,  Why  did  I  flee  ?  Assuredly  I  cannot  tell. 
But  of  one  thing  I  am   sure,  the  fear  of  death  wa« 
not  the  chief  cause  of  my  fleeing.     I  trust  that  one 
cause  hath  been  to  let  me  see  with  my  corporal  eyes, 
that  all  had  not  a  true  heart  to  Christ  Jesus,  that,  in 
the  day  of  rest  and  peace,  bare  a  fair  face.     But  my 
fleeing  is  no  matter  :  by  God's  grace  I  may  come  to 
battle  before   that   all  the   conflict  be   ended.     And 
haste  the   time,  O  Lord  I   at  thy  good  pleasure,  that 
once  again  my  tongue  may  yet  praise  thy  holy  name 
before  the  congregtation,   if  it  were  but  in  the  very 
hour  of  death.'' — •*  I  would  not    bow  my  knee    be- 
fore that  most  abominable    idol  for  all  the  torments 
that  earthly  tyrants  can  devise.  God  so  assisting  me, 
as  his  holy  Spirit  presently  moveth  me  to  write  un- 


^8  Life  of  John  knox. 

feignedly.     And  albeit  that  I  have,  in  the  beginning 
of  this  battle,  appeared  to  play  the  faint-hearted  and 
feeble  soldier  (the  cause  I  remit   to  God,)   yet  my 
prayer  is,  that  I  may  be  restored  to  the  battle  again. 
And  blessed  be  God,  the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  I  am  not  left  so  bare  without   comfort,  but 
my  hope  is  to  obtain  such  mercy,  that,  if  a  short  end 
be  not  made  of  all  my  miseries  by  final  death,  (which 
to  me  were  no  small  advantage,)  that  yet,  by  Him 
who  never  despiseth  the  sobs  of  the  sore  afflicted,  I 
shall  be  so  encouraged  to  fight,  that  England  and 
Scotland  shall  both  know,  that  I  am  ready  to  suffer 
more  than  either  poverty  or  exile,  for  the  profession 
of  that  doctrine,  and  that  heavenly  religion,  whereof 
it  has  pleased  his  merciful  providence  to  make  me, 
among  others,   a  simple   soldier  and  witness-bearer 
unto  men.     And  therefore,  mother,  let  no  fear  en- 
ter into  your  heart,  as  that  T,   escaping  the  furious 
rage  of  these  ravening  wolves  (that  for  our  unthank- 
fulness  are  lately  loosed  from  their  bands,)   do  re- 
pent any  thing  of  my  former   fervency.     No,   mo- 
ther ;   for  a  few  sermons  by  me  to  be  made  within 
England,  my  heart  at  this  hour  could  be  content  to 
suffer  more  than  nature  were  able  to  sustain  ;  as  by 
the  grace  of  the  most   mighty   and  most   merciful 
God,  who  only  is  God  of  comfort  and  consolation 
through  Christ  Jesus,  one  day  shall  be  known.''* 

In  his  present  sequestered  situation,  he  had  full  lei- 
sure to  meditate  upon  the  various  and  surprising  turns; 
of  providence  in  his  lot,  during  the  last  seven  years ; 
his  call  to  the  ministry  and  employment  at  St.  An- 
drews, his  subsequent  imprisonment  and  release,  the 
sphere  of  usefulness  in  which  he  had  been  placed  in 
England,  with  the  afflicting  manner  in  which  he  waf* 

*  M6.  Letters,  p.  70,  71, 107, 108.. 


LIFE  OF    JOHN    KNOX.  99 

cxclucled  from  it,  and  driven  to  seek  refuge  as  an 
exile  in  that  country  to  which  he  had  formerly  been 
carried  as  a  prisoner.  The  late  events  seemed  in  a 
special  manner  to  summon  him  to  a  solemn  review 
of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  discharged  the  sa- 
cred trust  committed  to  him,  as  ^^  a  steward  of  the 
mysteries  of  God."  It  will  throw  light  on  his 
character,  and  may  not  be  without  use  to  such  as 
occupy  the  same  station,  to  exhibit  the  result  of  his 
reflections  on  this  subject. 

He  could  not,  without  ingratitude  to  Him  who 
had  called  him  to  be  his  servant,  deny,  that  his  qua- 
lifications for  the  ministry  had  been  in  no  small  de- 
gree improved  since  he  came  to  England ;  and  he 
had  the  testimony  of  his  own  conscience,  in  addition 
to  that  of  his  numerous  auditors,  that  he  had  not  alto- 
gether neglected  the  gifts  bestowed  on  him,  but  had 
exercised  them  with  some  measure  of  fidelity  and 
painfulness.  At  the  same  time,  he  found  reason  for 
self-accusation  on  different  grounds.  Having  men- 
tioned, in  one  of  his  letters,  tlie  reiterated  charge 
of  Christ  to  Peter,  Feed  my  sheep j  feed  my  lamhs,  he 
exclaims,  ^»  O  alas !  how  small  is  the  number  of  pas- 
tors that  obeys  this  commandment.  But  this  matter 
will  I  not  deplore,  except  that  I  (not  speaking  of 
others)  will  accuse  myself  that  do  not,  I  confess, 
the  uttermost  of  my  power  in  feeding  the  lambs  and 
sheep  of  Christ.  I  satisfy,  perad venture,  many  men 
in  the  small  labours  I  take  ;  but  I  satisfy  not  myself. 
I  have  done  somewhat,  but  not  according  to  my 
duty."*  In  the  discharge  of  private  duties,  he  ac- 
knowledges, that  shame,  and  the  fear  of  incurring 
the  malignant  scandal  of  the  world,  had  hindered 
him  from  visiting  the  ignorant  and   distressed,   and 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  308,  809. 


100  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

administering  to  them  the  instruction   and   comfort 
wliicli  they  craved.     In  public  ministrations,  he  had 
been  deficient  in  fervency  and  fidelity,  in  impartia- 
lity, and  in  diligence.     He  could  not  charge  himself 
with  flattery,   and  his  "rude  plainness"  had   given 
oifence  to  some ;    but  his   conscience    now^    accused 
him  of  not  having  been  suflBciently  plain  in  admo- 
nishing offenders.     His   custom  was  to  describe  the 
vices  of  whicli  his  hearers  were  guilty  in  such  co- 
lours, that  they  might  read  their  own  image;    but 
being  *•  unwilling  to  provoke  all  men  against  him," 
lie  restrained    himself   from  particular  applications. 
Though  his  "  eye  had  not  been  much  set  on  worldly 
promotion,"  he  had  sometimes  been  allured,  by  aftec- 
tion  for  friends  and  familiar  acquaintances,  to  reside 
too    long    in    particular    places,    to    the    neglect    of 
others.     That  day  he  thought  he   had  not  sinned,  if 
he  had  not  been  idle ;    now  he  was  convinced  that 
it  was  his  duty  to  have  considered  how  long  he  should 
remain  in  one  place,  and    how  many  hungry  souls 
were  starving  elsewhere.     Sometimes,  at  the  solici- 
tation of  friends,  he  had  spared   himself,  and  spent 
the  time  in  worldly  business,  or  in  bodily  recreation 
and  exercise,  when  he  ought  to  have  been  employed 
in  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties.  "  Besides  these, 
(says  he)  I  was  assaulted,  yea  infected,  with  more  gross 
sins ;    that  is,  my  wicked  nature  desired  the  favours, 
the  estimation,  and  praise   of  men :     against  which, 
albeit  that  sometimes  the  Spirit  of  God  did  move  me 
to  fight,  and  earnestly  did  stir  me   (God  knoweth  I 
lie  not)  to  sob  and  lament  for  these  imperfections; 
yet  never  ceased  they  to  trouble  me,  when  any  oc- 
casion was  oiFered ;    and  so  privily  and  craftily  did 
they  enter  into  my  breast,  that  I  could  not  perceive 
myself  to  be  wounded,  till  vain-glory  had  almost  got 
the  upperliand.     O  Lord !    be  merciful  to  my  great 


LIFL    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  101 


«*ffence  ;  and  deal  not  with  me  according  to  my  great 
iniquity,  but  according  to  tiie  muUitude  of  tiiy  mer- 
cies."^ 

Such  was  the  strict  scrutiny  whicli  Knox  made 
into  IHs  ministerial  conduct.  To  many  the  oifences 
fef  wiiich  he  accused  himself  will  appear  slight  and 
tenial ;  others  will  perceive  in  them  nothing  worthy 
of  blame  But  they  struck  his  mind  in  a  very  diifer- 
ent  light,  in  the  hour  of  adversity  and  solitary  medi- 
tation. If  lie  had  suck  reason  for  self-condemna 
tion,  whose  labours  were  so  abundant  as  to  appear 
to  us  excessive,  how  few  are  there  in  the  same  sta- 
tion who  may  not  say,  I  do  reinemher  my  faults  this 
day. 

He  did  not,  however,  abandon  himself  to  raelan- 
choly  and  unavailing  complaints.  One  of  his  first 
cares,  after  arriving  at  Dieppe,  was  to  employ  his 
pen  in  writing  suitable  advices  to  those  whom  he 
could  no  longer  instruct  by  his  sermons  and  conver- 
sation. With  this  view  he  transmitted  to  England 
two  short  treatises.  The  one  was  an  exposition  o{ 
the  sixth  psalm,  which  he  had  begun  to  write  in 
.England,  at  the  request  of  Mrs.  Bowes,  but  had  not 
found  leisure  to  finish.  It  is  an  excellent  practical 
discourse  upon  that  portion  of  scripture,  and  will  be 
read,  with  peculiar  satisfaction,  by  those  who  have 
been  trained  to  religion  in  the  school  of  adversity. 
The  other  treatise  was  a  large  letter,  addressed  to 
those  in  London  and  other  parts  of  England,  among 
whom  he  had  been  employed  as  a  preacher.  The 
drift  of  it  was  to  warn  them  against  defection  from 
the  religion  which  they  had  professed,  or  giving 
countenance  to  the  idolatrous  worship  erected  amon^ 
them.     The  conclusion  is  a  most  impressive  and  elo- 

*  ]MS.  liCtters.  p.  165 — Ifif.  Admonitien,  p.  16 — IS.  nt  supra. 

a 


iOS  LIFE  OP  JOHN  KNOX, 

qiient  exliovtation,  in  which  he  addresses  iheir  con- 
sciences, their  hopes,  their  fears,  their  feeliu?;s,  and 
adjures  them  by  all  that  is  sacred,  and  all  that  is 
dear  to  them,  as  men,  as  parents,  and  as  Christians, 
not  to  start  back  from  their  good  profession,  end 
plunge  themselves  and  their  posterity  into  the  gulph 
of  ignorance  and  idolatry."*  The  reader  of  this 
letter  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  its  animated 
strain,  when  he  reilects,  that  it  proceeded  from  a 
forlorn  exile,  in  a  strange  country,  without  a  single 
acquaintance,  and  ignorant  where  he  would  find  a 
place  of  abode  or  the  means  of  subsistence. 

On  the  last  day  of  February,  15j4,t  he  set  out 
from  Dieppe,  like  the  Hebrew  patriarch  of  old, 
'^  not  knowing  whither  he  went  ;"|  and  "  commit- 
ting his  way  to  God,"  travelled  through  France,  and 
came  to  Switzerland.  A  correspondence  had  been 
kept  up  between  some  of  the  English  Reformers  and 
the  most  noted  divines  of  the  Helvetic  church.  The 
latter  had  already  heard,  with  the  siucerest  grief,  of 
the  overthrow  of  the  Reformation  in  England,  and 
the  dispersion  of  its  friends.  Upon  making  himself 
known,  Knox  was  cordially  received  by  them,  and 

*  See  Xote  R. 

t  His  exposition  of  the  sixth  psalm  concludes  with  these  words  ; 
"Upon  the  very  point  of  my  journey,  the  last  of  February,  15t53." 
MS.  Letters,  p.  109.  The  reader  should  recollect,  that  in  our 
Reformer's  time,  they  did  not  begin  the  year  until  the  2jth  of 
March;  so  tliat  "February  1553,"  according  to  the  old  reckon- 
ing, is  "February,  1554,"  according  to  the  modern. 

if  His  letter  to  the  Faithful  in  London,  &c.  concludes  thus: 
•'Frora  ane  sore  trubellit  hart,  upon  my  departure  from  Hiep, 
1553,  ivhither  God  knaweth.  In  God  is  my  trust  through  Jesus 
Chryst  his  sone ;  and  thairfoir  I  feir  not  the  tyrannic  of  man, 
nether  yit  what  the  Devill  can  invent  against  me.  Rejoice  ye 
faithfuU :,  for  in  joy  shall  we  meit,  whair  deth  may  not  dissever 
ns.-'    Ut  supra,  p.  157, 158. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX.  103 

treated  with  the  most  Christian  hospitality.  He  spent 
some  time  in  Switzerland,  visiting  the  particular 
churches,  and  conferring  with  the  learned  men.  Cer- 
tain difficult  questions,  suggested  by  the  present 
conjuncture  of  affairs  in  England,  which  he  had  re- 
vo'ved  in  his  mind,  he  propounded  to  them  for  ad- 
vi'  '.  and  was  confirmed  in  his  own  judgment  by  the 
Co   teidence  of  their  views  * 

I'i  the  beginning  of  May  he  returned  to  Dieppe, 
to  receive  information  from  England,  a  journey 
which  he  repeated  at  intervals  as  long  as  he  re- 
mained on  the  continent.  The  kind  reception  which 
he  had  met  with,  and  the  agreeable  company  which 
he  enjnvi  d,  during  his  short  residence  in  Switzerland, 
had  helped  to  dissipate  the  cloud  which  hung  upon  his 
spirits  when  he  landed  in  France,  and  to  open  his 
mind  to  more  pleasing  prospects  as  to  the  issue  of 
the  present  afflicting  providences.  This  appears 
from  a  letter  written  by  him  at  this  time,  and  ad- 
dressed '^^To  his  afflicted  Brethren."  After  dis 
coursing  of  the  situation  of  the  disciples  of  Christ, 
during  the  time  that  he  lay  in  the  grave,  and  the 
sudden  transition  which  they  experienced,  from  the 
depth  of  sorrow  to  the  summit  of  joy,  upon  tlie  re- 
appearance of  their  master,  he  adds :  ^^  The  re- 
membrance thereof  is  unto  my  heart  great  matter  of 
consolation.  For  yet  my  good  hope  is,  that  one  day 
or  other,  Christ  Jesus,  that  now  is  crucified  in  Eng- 
land, shall  rise  again,  in  despite  of  his  enemies,  and 
shall  appear  to  his  weak  and  sore  troubled  disciples 
(for  yet  some  he  hath  in  that  wretched  and  miser- 

*  In  a  letter,  dated  Dieppe,  Mav  10,  1534,  he  says :  "My 
awne  estait  in  this.  Since  the  28  of  Januar  [counting  from  the 
time  he  came  to  France]  I  have  travellit  throughout  ali  the  eou- 
gregationis  of  Helvetia,  and  has  reasonit  with  all  the  pastoris 
and  many  other  excellentlie  larnit  men,  upon  sic  matters  as  noy\ 
I  cannot  comit  to  wrytting."    MS,  Letters,  p.  318. 


10*  LIFE  OP  JOHN  KNOX. 

able  realm ;)    to  whom  he  shall  say,  Peace  he  unto 
you:  it  is  I;  he  not  afraid:^* 

His  spirit  was  also  refreshed,  at  this  time,  by  the  in- 
formation which  he  received  of  the  constancy  witU 
which  his  mother-in-law  adhered  to  the  protestant 
faith.  It  appears  that  her  husband  had  expected  that 
she  and  the  rest  of  her  family  had  consciences  equally 
accommodating  with  his  own.  It  was  not  until  she 
had  evinced,  in  the  most  determined  manner,  her 
resolution  to  forsake  friends  and  native  country,  ra- 
ther  than  sacrifice  her  religion,  that  she  was  release^ 
from  his  importunities  to  comply  with  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion.!  Before  he  went  to  Switzerland, 
Knox  had  signified  his  intention,  if  his  life  was  spared, 
of  visiting  his  friends  atEerwick.J  When  he  return- 
ed to  Dieppe,  he  had  not  relinquished  the  thoughts 
of  this  enterprise. §  His  friends,  by  their  letters, 
would,  it  is  likely,  dissuade  him  from  this  ;  and,  af- 
ter cool  consideration,  he  resolved  to  postpone  an 
attempt,  by  which  lie  must  have  risked  his  life,  with- 
out any  prospect  of  doing  good.|| 

Wherefore,  setting  out  again  from  Dieppe,  he  re- 
paired to  Geneva.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  he 
first  became  personally  acquainted  with  the  celebrat 
ed  Calvin,  and  formed  that  intimate  friendship  which 
subsisted  between  them  till  the  death  of  the  latter, 
in  1564.  They  were  nearly  of  the  sumc  age ;  and 
there  was  a  striking  similarity  in  their  sentiments, 
and  in  the  prominent  features  of  their  character. 
The  Genevan  Reformer  was  highly  pleased  with  the 
piety  and  talents  of  Knox,  who,  in  his  turn,  enter- 
tained a  greater  esteem  and  deference  for  Calvin 
than  for  any  other  of  the  Reformers.  As  Geneva  was 
an  eligible  situation  for  prosecuting  study,   and  h^ 

•  MS.  Letters,  p.  313 — 315.  t  Il"«l-  P-  311. 

I  Ibid.  p.  106.         §  X\m\.  p.  319.  Il  Ibid.  p.  310. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  105 

approved  miicli  of  tiie  religious  order  established  in 
it,  he  resolved  to  make  that  city  the  ordinary  place  of 
his  residence  during  the  continuance  of  his  exile. 

But  no  prospect  of  personal  safety  or  accommoda- 
tion could  banish  from  his  mind  the  thoughts  of  his 
persecuted  brethren.  In  the  month  of  July  ho  un^ 
dertook  another  journey  to  Dieppe,  to  inform  him- 
self accurately  of  their  situation,  and  learn  if  he 
could  do  any  thing  for  their  comfort.*  On  this  oc- 
casion he  received  tidings,  which  tore  open  those 
wounds  which  had  begun  to  close.  The  severities 
used  against  the  protestants  of  England  daily  in- 
creased ;  and,  w^hat  was  still  more  afflicting  to  him, 
many  of  those  w  ho  havl  embraced  the  truth  under 
his  ministry  had  been  induced  to  recant,  and  go 
over  to  popery.  In  the  agony  of  his  spirit  he  wrote 
to  them,  setting  before  them  the  destruction  to  v,  liich 
they  exposed  their  immortal  souls  by  sucli  cowardly 
desertion,  and  earnestly  calling  them  to  repent.f  Un- 
der his  present  impressions,  he  repeated  his  former 
admonitions  to  his  mother-in-law,  including  his  wife  \ 
over  whose  religious  constancy  he  was  tenderly  jea- 

*  One  of  his  letters  to  Mrs.  Bowes.  Is  dated  "  At  Deip,  tijc  50 
of  July,  1534,  after  I  had  visitit  Geneva  and  uthcr  partis,  and 
returnit  to  Deip  to  learn  the  estait  of  Ingland  and  Scotland." 
MS.  Letters,  p.  255,  256.  This  is  the  letter  u  liicli  was  puldished 
hy'Knox,  along  with  his  answer  to  Tvrie,  in  1572,  after  the  death 
of  Mrs.  Bowes. 

t  In  the  letter  mentioned  in  the  last  note,  he  refers  his  mother-in- 
law-  to  "  a  generall  letter  writtin  (says  he)  he  me  in  grcit  anguiss 
of  hart  to  the  congregation's  of  whome  I  heir  say  a  greit  part, 
under  pretence  that  thai  may  keip  faith  seereitt  in  the  liart,  and 
vet  do  as  id'daters  do,  begiunis  now  to  fall  befoir  tliat  idol!.  But 
O  alas!  blindit  and  desaivit  ar  thai;  as  tiiai  sail  knaw  in  the 
Lordis  visitatioun,  whilk,  sa  assuredlie  as  our  God  liveth,  shall 
shortlie  aprehcnd  thai  baekstarteris  amangis  the  middis  of  idolatc- 
ris."  MS.  Letters,  p.  252.  On  the  margin  of  the  printed  copy  is 
this  note.  »'  Frequent  letters  written  by  Johnc  Knos  !o  dcciina 
from  idolatrio." 


£06  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

lous.  ^'  By  pen  will  I  write  (because  the  bodies  are 
put  asunder  to  meet  again  at  God's  pleasure)  that 
whieii,  by  mouth,  and  face  to  face,  ye  have  heard, 
That  if  man  or  angel  labour  to  bring  you  back  from 
the  confession  that  once  you  have  given,  let  them  in 
that  behalf  be  accursed.  If  any  trouble  you  above 
measure,  whether  they  be  magistrates  or  carnal 
friends,  they  shall  bear  their  just  condemnation,  un- 
less they  speedily  repent.  But  now,  mother, 
comfort  you  my  heart  (God  grant  ye  may)  in  this 
my  great  aflBiiction  and  dolorous  pilgrimage ;  conti- 
nue stoutly  to  the  end,  and  bow  you  never  before 
that  idol,  and  so  will  the  rest  of  worldly  troubles 
be  unto  me  more  tolerable.  With  my  own  heart  I 
oft  commune,  yea,  and,  as  it  were,  comforting  my- 
self, I  appear  to  triumph,  that  God  shall  never  suf- 
fer you  to  fall  in  that  rebuke.  Sure  I  am  that  both 
ye  would  fear  and  eshame  to  commit  that  abomina- 
tion in  my  presence,  who  am  but  a  wretched  man, 
subject  to  sin  and  misery  like  to  yourself.  But,  O 
mother !  though  no  earthly  creature  should  be  of- 
fended with  you,  yet  fear  ye  the  presence  and  of- 
fence of  Him,  who,  present  in  all  places,  searcheth 
the  very  heart  and  reins,  whose  indignation,  once 
kindled  against  the  inobedient  (and  no  sin  more  in- 
flameth  liis  wrath  than  idolatry  doth,)  no  creature  in 
heaven  nor  in  earth  is  able  to  appease.*"* 

He  was  in  this  state  of  mind  when  he  composed 
the  Admonition  to  England^  which  was  published 
about  the  end  of  this  year.  Tliose  who  have  cen- 
sured him,  as  indulging  in  an  excessive  vehemence  of 
spirit  and  bitterness  of  language,  usually  refer  to 
this  tract  in  support  of  the  charge. f  It  is  true 
that  he  there  paints   the  persecuting  papists  in  the 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  2j1 — 253. 

i  Collier  (Ecch's.  History,  ii.  4J-1.)  cum  7mdiis  aliis. 


LIFE  OP  JOHN  KN8X.  107 

blackest  colours,  and  holds  them  up  as  objects  of 
human  execration  and  divine  vengeance.  I  do  not 
stop  here  to  inquire  whether  he  was  chargeable  with 
transgressing  the  bounds  of  moderation  prescribed 
by  religion  and  the  gospel,  in  the  expression  of  his 
indignation  and  zeal ;  or  whether  the  censures  pro- 
nounced by  his  accusers,  and  the  principles  upon 
which  they  proceed,  do  not  involve  a  condemna- 
tion of  the  temper  and  language  of  the  most  righ- 
teous men  mentioned  in  scripture,  and  even  of  our 
Saviour  himself.  But  I  ask,  Is  there  no  apology  for 
his  severity  to  be  found  in  the  characters  of  the  per- 
sons against  whom  he  wrote,  and  in  the  state  of  hi? 
own  feelings,  lacerated,  not  by  personal  sufferings, 
but  by  sympathy  with  his  suffering  brethren,  who 
were  driven  into  prisons  by  their  unnatural  country- 
men, "  as  sheep  for  the  slaughter,''  to  be  brought 
forth  and  barbarously  immolated  to  appease  the 
Roman  Moloch  ?  Who  could  suppress  indignation 
in  speaking  of  the  conduct  of  men,  who,  having 
raised  themselves  to  honour  and  affluence  by  the 
warmest  professions  of  friendship  to  the  reformed 
religion  under  the  preceding  reign,  now  abetted 
the  most  violent  proceedings  against  their  former 
brethren  and  benefactors?  What  terras  were  too 
strong  for  stigmatizing  the  execrable  system  of  per- 
secution coolly  projected  by  the  dissembling,  vindic- 
tive Gardiner,  the  brutal  barbarity  of  the  bloody 
Bonner,  or  the  unrelenting,  insatiable  cruelty  of 
Mary,  who,  having  extinguished  the  feelings  of 
humanity,  and  divested  herself  of  the  tenderness 
which  characterizes  her  sex,  issued  orders  for  the 
murder  of  her  subjects,  until  her  own  husband,  bi- 
gotted  and  unfeeling  as  he  was,  turned  with  disgust 
from  the  spectacle,  and  continued  to  urge  to  fresh 
severities  the  willing  instruments  of  her  cruelty,  after 


4 OS  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

they  were  sated  with  blood ! 

On  such  a  theme  'tis  impious  to  be  cahn : 

Passion  is  reason,  transport  temper  here. \  ou:;c. 

<•  Oppression  makes  a  wise  man  mad:"  but  [itf 
use  the  words  of  a  modern  orator,*  with  a  more  just 
application)  '^  the  distemper  is  still  the  madness  of 
the  icise,  which  is  better  than  the  sobriety  of  fools. 
Their  cry  is  the  voice  of  sacred  misery,  exalted,  not 
into  Avild  raving,  but  into  the  sanctified  phrenzy  of 
prophecy  and  inspiration." 

Knox  returned  to  Geneva,  and  applied  himself  to 
study  with  all  the  ardour  of  youth,  although  his  age 
now  bordered  upon  fifty.     It  was  about  this  time  tliat 
he  seems  to  have  made  some  proficiency  in  the  know- 
ledge of  t!ie  Hebrew  language,  which  he  had  no  op- 
portunity  of  acquiring  in  early  life.f     It  is  natural 
to  enquire,  by  what  funds  he  was  supported  during 
his  exile.     However   much   inclined   his  motljer-in- 
law  was  to  relieve  his  necessities,  the  disposition  of 
her  husband  seems  to  have  put  it  greatly  out  of  her 
power.    Any  small  sum  which  his  friends  had  advanc- 
ed to  him,  before  his  sudden  departure  from  England, 
was  exhausted  ;    and  he  was  at  this  time  very  much 
straitened   for  money.     Being  unwilling   to    burden 
strangers,   lie  looked  for  assistance  to  the  voluntary 
contributions  of  those  among  whom  he  had  laboured. 
In  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Bowes,  he  says,  ^^  My  own  estate 
I  cannot  well  declare;  but  God  shall  guide  the  foot- 
steps of  him  that  is  wilsome,  and  will  feed  him  in 
trouble  that  never   greatly   solicited  for  the    world. 
If  any  collection  might  be  made  among  the  faithful- 
it  were  no  sliarae  for  me  to  receive  that  which  Paul 
refused  not  in  the  time  of  his  trouble.     Bat  all  I  re 
mit   to    His   providence,    that   ever   careth    for   his 
own.'' I     I  find   from    his  letters^   that   remittance.® 

*  Mr.  Rirrko.        '  Mf*.  T/o(fprs.p.  R2?.       t  TW<1.  p.  'S='fi. 


LIFE  or  JOHN  KNOX.  109 

>Tere  made  to  him  by  particular  friends,  both  iu  Eng- 
land aud  Scotland,  during  his  residence  on  the  con- 
tinent.*^ 

In  the  mean  time,  the  persecution  growing  hot  in 
England,  great  numbers  of  tlie  protestants  made 
their  escape,  and  sought  refuge  in  foreign  countries. 
Before  the  close  of  the  year  i  554,  it  was  computed 
that  there  were  no  fewer  than  eight  hundred  learned 
Englishmen,  besides  others  of  diiferent  conditions, 
on  the  continent.  The  foreign  reformed  churches 
exhibited,  on  this  occasion,  an  amiable  proof  of  the 
spirit  of  their  religion,  and  amply  recompensed  the 
kindness  which  many  foreigners  had  experienced  ia 
England,  during  the  reigu  of  Edward.  They  emu- 
lated one  another  in  exertions  to  accommodate,  and 
alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  unfortunate  refugees 
who  were  dispersed  among  them.f  The  principal 
places  in  which  they  obtained  settlements,  were  Zu- 
rich, Basle,  Geneva,  xVrrow,  Embden,  Wezel,  Stras- 
burgh,  Duysburg,  and  Frankfort. 

Frankfort  on  the  Maine  was  a  rich  imperial  city  of 
Germany,  which,  at  an  early  period,  had  embraced 
the  Reformation,  and  befriended  protestant  refugees 
from  all  countries,  as  far  as  this  could  be  done  with- 
out coming  to  an  open  breach  with  the  Emperor, 
who  watched  their  conduct  with  a  jealous  eye. 
Tliere  was  already  a  church  of  French  protestants  in 
that  city.  On  the  14th  of  July,  ±55%  the  English 
exiles,  who  had  come  to  Frankfort,  obtained  from  the 
magistrates  the  joint  use  of  the  place  of  worship  al- 


*  MS.  Letters.  3U,  iJ^S 


T  It  is  pamfifl  to  observe,  that  many  of  the  Lvtherans,  at  this  time, 
is^-raced  tiieni3=^lves  by  tlieir  illiberal  inliospitaiity,  refusing,  ia 
uiPioreut  instances,  t u  admit  those  who  fieu  i'lom  England  into  their 
harbours  aud  lovvu;;  j  because  they  differed  iVurn  them  in  their 
scntimeats  on  the  sacratnental  controversy.  •  Melch.  Adami  Yit^e 
i?v-.j-,-,    Tbeoic^.  p.  20,    Strrpe's  Cranuier,  p.  353,  3Ci. 


110  LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

lotted  to  the  French,  with  liberty  to  perform  religi- 
ous service  in  their  own  language.^     This  was  granted 
upon  the  condition,  of  their   conforming  as  nearly  as 
possible  to  the  form  of  worship  used  by  the  French 
church,   a   prudent  precaution  which  their  political 
circumstances   dictated.      The  offer   was   gratefully 
accepted  by  the    English,  who    came  to    an  unani- 
mous agreement,  that  in   using  the  English  liturgy 
they  would   omit  the  litany,  the  audible  responses, 
the   surplice,  with   other  ceremonies,     which,    "  in 
those    reformed    churches    would    seem  more    than 
strange,*'  or  which  were  '''  superstitious  and  super- 
fluous.*'    Having  settled  this  point  in  the  most  har- 
monious manner,   elected  a  pastor  and  deacons,  fro 
tempore,  and  agreed  upon  some  rules  for  discipline, 
they  vnoie  a  circular  letter  to  their  brethren  scatter- 
ed in  different  places,  inviting  them  to  Frankfort,  to 
share  with  them  in  their  accommodations,  and  unite 
their  prayers  for  the  afflicted  church  of  England.  The 
exiles  at  Strasburgh,  in  their  reply,  recommended  to 
them  certain  persons  as  most  fit  for  the  offices  of  su- 
perintendent and    pastors  ;    a    recommendation  not 
aslied  by  the  congregation  at  Frankfort,  who  did  not 
think  a  superintendent  requisite  in  their  situation,  and 
meant  to  have  two  or  three  pastors  of  equal  authority. 
They,  accordingly,  proceeded  to  make  choice  of  three, 
one  of  whom  was  Knox,  who  received  information  of 
liis  election,  by  the  follo\A'ing  letter  from  the  congre- 
gation delivered  to  him  in  Geneva. 

<•  We  have  received  letters  from  oure  brethern  off 

*  The  English  exiles  were  greatly  indebted  for  this  favour  to 
tlie  friendly  services  of  the  French  pastors.  One  of  these  Mas 
Valerandus  Polanus,  a  native  of  Flanders,  and  minister  of  a  con- 
gregation in  Strasburgh.  During  the  confusions  in  Germany  oc- 
casioned by  the  interim,  he  had  gone  to  England,  and  along  ^ith 
Lis  congregation,  obtained  a  settlement  at  Glastonbury.  Upon 
the  deatji  ofEdward,  he  went  to  Frankfort.  Strype's  Memoir,  of 
the  Reformat,  ii.  2-12, 


LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX.^  Ill 

Strauslirough,  but  not  in  suche  sorte  and  ample  wise 
as  we  looked  for;  wbereuppon  we  assembled  to- 
gether in  the  H.  Goaste  (we  hope,)  and  have,  with 
one  voice  and  consent,  chosen  yow  so  particulerly  to 
be  one  off  the  ministers  off  our  congregation  here, 
to  preache  unto  us  the  moste  lively  worde  off  God, 
according  to  the  gift  that  God  bathe  geven  yow ; 
for  as  muche  as  we  have  here,  throughe  the  mer- 
cifull  goodnes  off  God,  a  churehe  to  be  congregat- 
ed together  in  the  name  of  Christe,  and  be  all  of 
one  body,  and  also  beinge  of  one  nation,  tonge, 
and  countrie.  And  at  this  presente,  having  need 
of  such  a  one  as  yow,  we  do  desier  yow  and  also 
require  yow,  in  the  name  of  God,  not  to  deny 
us,  nor  to  refuse  theis  oure  requests ;  but  that 
yow  will  aide,  helpe,  and  assiste  us  with  your  pre- 
sence in  this  our  good  and  godlie  enterprise, 
which  we  have  taken  in  hand,  to  the  glorie  off 
God  and  the  profit  off  his  congregation,  and  the 
poore  sheepe  off  Christ  dispersed  abroad,  who,  witiie 
your  and  like  presences,  woulde  come  hither  and 
be  of  one  folde,  where  as  nowe  they  wander  abroad 
as  loste  sheepe  withowte  anie  gide.  We  mistruste 
not  but  that  yow  will  joifully  accepte  this  calilnge. 
Fare  ye  well  from  Franckford  this  24.  of  Sep-  / 
tember."* 

Knox  was  averse  to  undertake  this  charge,  either 

*  This  letter  was  subscribed  by  '•  John  Bale,"  and  other  tv,  enty. 
See  "  A  Brieff  Diseours  off  the  troubles  besouue  at  Frantkford  in 
Germany,  Anno  Domini,  1554.  Abowte  the  booke  oflf  Common 
Prayer,  &c."  p.  xix.  xx.  Printed  Anno  1575.  To  save  the  re- 
petition of*  quotation,  I  may  mention,  once  for  all,  that,  when  no 
other  authority  is  given,  my  account  of  the  transactions  at  Frank- 
fort is  taken  from  this  book.  It  was  reprinted  about  the  year 
1540;  but  I  have  made  use  of  the  first  edition.  The  writer  was 
a  nonconformist;  but  his  narrativo  was  allov/ed.  by  the  opposite 
party,  to  be  correct, 


lis  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

from  a  desire  to  continue  his  studies  at  Geneva,  of' 
from  an  apprehension  of  difficulties  which  he  might 
meet  with  at  Frankfort.  By  the  persuasion  of  Cal- 
vin,*^  he  was,  however,  induced  to  comply  with  the 
call,  and  repairing  to  Frankfort  in  the  month  of  No- 
vember, comraeuced  his  ministry  with  the  universal 
consent  and  approbation  of  the  congregation.  But 
previous  to  his  arrival,  the  harmony,  which  at  first 
subsisted  among  that  people,  had  been  disturbed.  In 
reply  to  their  circular  letter,  the  exiles  at  Zurich 
had  signified  that  tliey  would  not  come  to  Frank- 
fort, unless  they  obtained  security  that  the  church 
there  would  '^  use  the  same  order  of  service  con- 
cerning religion,  which  was,  in  England,  last  set  forth 
by  King  Edward  ;"  for  they  were  fully  determined 
^*  to  admit  and  use  no  other."  By  varying  from  that 
service,  they  alleged,  they  would  give  occasion  to 
tlieir  adversaries  to  charge  their  religion  with  imper- 
fection and  mutability,  and  condemn  their  brethren 
jn  England,  who  were  now  sealing  it  with  their 
blood.  To  these  representations  the  brethren  at 
Frankfort  replied,  that  they  had  obtained  the  liber- 
ty of  a  place  of  worsiiip,  upon  condition  of  their  ac- 
comniodating  as  much  as  possible  to  the  form  used 
by  the  French  church ;  that  there  were  a  number  of 
things  in  the  Englisli  service-book  which  would  be 
offensive  to  the  protestants  among  whom  they  resid- 
ed, and  had  been  occasion  of  scruple  to  conscienti- 
ous men  at  home  ^  tliat,  by  the  variations  wliich 
they  had  introduced,  no  reficction  Tvas  made  upon 
the  ordinances  of  tlseir  late  sovereign  and  his  coun- 
cil, who  had  themselves  altered  many  things,  and 
bad  resolved  on  grealer  alterations,  without  think- 
ing that  they  gave  any  handle  to  their  popish  ad- 
versaries ;    far  less  did  they  detract  from  the  credit 

*  Kijox,  Ilisforif^  p.  S.'j. 


LIFE  or  JOHN  KXO-S.  iiS 

of  the  martyrs,  who,  they  Avere  persiiadetl,  shed 
their  blood  in  confirmation  of  more  important  tlilngg 
than  mutable  ceremonies  of  human  appointment. 
This  answer  did  not  satisfy  the  learned  men  at  Zu- 
rich, though  it  induced  them  to  lovrev  their  tone ; 
not  contented  with  forming  their  own  resolution, 
they  instigated  their  brethren  at  Strasburgh  to  urge 
the  same  request,  and,  by  letters  and  messengers, 
fomented  dissention  in  the  congregation  at  Frank- 
fort. 

When  Knox  arrived,  he  found  that  the  seeds  of  ani- 
mosity had  already  sprung  up  among  them.  From  his 
sentiments  respecting  the  English  service-book,  we 
may  be  sure  that  the  ca2;eruess  manifested  bv  those 
who  wished  to  impose  it  was  very  displeasing  to  him. 
But  so  sensible  was  he  of  the  pernicious  and  dis- 
creditable effects  of  division  among  brethren  exiled 
for  the  same  faith,  that  he  resolved  to  act  as  a  mo- 
derator between  the  two  parties,  and  to  avoid,  as 
far  as  possible,  every  thing  which  tended  to  widen 
or  continue  the  breach.  Accordiugly,  when  the 
congregation  had  agreed  to  the  order  of  tlie  Genevan 
church,^  and  requested  him  to  proceed  to  adminis- 
ter the  communion  accordin2;  to  it,  f'althoush.  in  his 
judgment,  he  approved  of  that  order),  he  declined 
to  use  it,  until  their  learned  brethren  in  other  places 
were  consulted.  At  the  same  time,  he  signified 
that  he  had  not  freedom  to  administer  the  sacra- 
ments agreeably  to  the  English  liturgy.  If  he  could 
not  be  allowed  to  perform  this  service  in  a  manner 
more  consonant  to  scripture,  he  requested  that  some 
other  might  be  employed  in  this  duty,  and  he  would 
willingly  confine  himself  to   preaching :    if  neither 

*  This  was  ilie  order  of  worship  used  by  the  chureli  of  GenevRj 
of  uhich  Calvin  "as  minister:  Tt  had  li.^eu  l&ieh-  translated  Into 
Enzli^h, 


nil  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

of  tlicse  eould  be  granted,  lie  besought  them  to  re- 
lease him  altogether  from  his  charge.  To  this  last 
request  they  would  by  no  means  consent. 

Fearing  that  if  these  diiferences  were  not  speedily 
accommodated,  they  would  burst  into  a  flame  of  con- 
tention, Knox,  along  with  some  others,  was  em- 
ployed to  draw  up  a  summary  of  the  Book  of  Com- 
mosi  Prayer,  and  having  translated  it  into  Latin,  to 
sc?id  it  to  Calvin  for  his  opinion  and  advice.  Calvin 
replied  in  a  letter,  dated  Jan.  SO,  1555;  he  lament- 
cd  the  unseemly  contentions  which  prevailed  among 
them ;  signified,  that  he  had  always  recommended 
moderation  respecting  external  ceremonies,  but 
could  not  but  condemn  the  obstinacy  of  those  who 
would  consent  to  no  change  of  old  customs ;  in  the 
liturgy  of  England  he  had  found  many  tolerable  fool- 
eries^ (tolerabiles  ineptias,)  he  meant  things  which 
might  be  tolerated  at  the  beginning  of  a  reforma- 
tion, but  ought  afterwards  to  be  removed ;  he 
thought  that  the  present  condition  of  the  Englisli 
warranted  them  to  attempt  this,  and  to  agree  upon 
an  order  more  conducive  to  edification  ;  and,  for  his 
part,  he  could  not  understand  what  those  meant 
who  discovered  such  fondness  for  popish  dregs.* 

This  letter,  being  read  to  the  congregation,  had  a 
great  effect  in  repressing  the  keenness  of  such  as 
liad  urged  the  unlimited  use  of  the  liturgy ;  and  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  form  which 
might   accommodate   all   differences.!      When    this 

*  Calvini  Epist.  p.  98.  apud  Oper.  torn.  ix.  Amstaelodami. 
Anno  1667. 

t  Previoissto  the  appointment  of  tliis  cominitfee,  Knox,  Whit» 
»iu,^han!,  Fox,  Gilby,  and  T.  Cole,  had  coinposcd  (what  was  after- 
wards called)  The  Order  of  Geneva  ;  hut  it  did  not  meet  the  views 
of  all  fonccnied.  This  w  as  dilfereut  IVom  the  ordei;  of  the  Genevan 
(^hiirch,  mentioned  in  the  preceding  P^ge.  It  was  so  called,  be- 
canse  first  uscmI  by  tho  KngJish  ch»{r<;l(  at  G«^Pf  va ;  and  it  continued 


LIFE  OF   JOHN    KNOX.  115 

committee  met,  Knox  told  them  tliat  lie  was  eon- 
viiiced  it  was  necessary  for  one  of  the  parties  to  re- 
lent before  they  could  come  to  an  amicable  settle- 
ment ;  he  would  therefore  state  (he  said)  wluit  lie 
judged  most  proper,  and  having  exonerated  himself^ 
would  allow  them  without  opposition  to  detGniiin& 
as  they  should  answer  to  God  and  the  church.  They 
accordingly  agreed  upon  a  form  of  worship,  in  which 
some  things  were  taken  from  the  English  liturgy, 
and  others  added,  which  were  thought  suitable  to 
their  circumstances.  This  was  to  continue  in  force* 
until  the  end  of  April  next ;  if  any  dispute  arose  in 
the  interval,  it  was  to  be  referred  to  five  of  the  most 
celebrated  foreign  divines.  This  agreement  wa* 
subscribed  by  all  the  members  of  the  congrega- 
tion ;  thanks  were  publicly  returned  to  God  for  the. 
restoration  of  harmony ;  and  the  communion  was 
received  as  a  pledge  of  union,  and  the  burial  of  all 
past  offences. 

But  this  agreement  was  soon  after  violated,  and 
the  peace  of  that  unhappy  congregation  again  bro- 
ken, in  the  most  wanton  and  scandalous  manner- 
On  the  13th  of  March,  Dr.  Cox,  wlio  had  been  pre- 
ceptor to  Edward  Vi.  came  from  England  to  Frank 
fort,  with  some  others  in  his  company.  The  first  day 
that  they  attended  public  worship  after  their  arrival, 
they  broke  through  the  established  order,  by  an- 
swering aloud  after  the  minister  in  the  time  of  di- 
vine service.  Being  admonished  by  some  of  the- 
elders  to  refrain  from  that  practice,  they  insolently 
replied,  ^*  That  they  would  do  as  they  had  done  in 
England  ;  and  they  would  have  the  face  of  an  Eng- 
lish church.'''^-     On  the  following  Sabbath,  one  of 

to  be  used  In  the  clmi  eh  of  Scotland,  fur  a  cocsiuera!jI(i  time  after 
the  establishment  of  the  Reformation. 

*  "  The  Lord  grant  it  to  have  the  face  of  Chris fs  church  (says 
iCnox.  in  an  accoant  \ykich  he  drew  up  ef  tl^ese  transjaetion:- :)  and 


liG  LIFE    or   JOHN    KNOX. 

the  immber  intruded  himself  into  the  pulpit,  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  pastors  or  the  congregationj 
and  read  the  litany,  Cox  and  the  other  accomplices 
echoing  the  responses.  This  offensive  beliaviour 
was  aggravated  by  the  consideration,  that  some  of 
them,  before  leaving  England,  had  been  guilty  of 
compliances  with  popery,  for  which  they  had  as  yet 
given  no  satisfaction. 

Such  an  insult  upon  the  whole  body,  and  outrage 
upon  all  decency  and  order,  could  not  be  passed 
over  in  silence.  It  was  Knox's  turn  to  preach  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  last  mentioned  Sabbath.  In  the 
course  of  lecturing  through  Genesis,  he  had  come  to 
the  narration  of  the  behaviour  of  Ham  to  his  father 
Noah  when  he  lay  exposed  in  his  tent.  Having  dis- 
coursed from  this  of  the  infirmities  of  brctliren  which 
ought  to  be  concealed,  he  remarked  that  there  were 
other  things,  which,  as  they  tended  to  the  open  dig. 
honouring  of  God,  and  disquieting  of  his  church, 
ought  to  be  disclosed  and  publicly  rebuked.  He 
then  reminded  them  of  the  contention  which  had  ex- 
isted in  the  congregation,  and  of  the  happy  manner 
in  which,  after  long  and  painful  labour,  it  had  been 
ended,  to  the  joy  of  all,  by  the  solemn  agreement 
which  had  been  that  day  iiagrantly  violated.  This, 
he  said,  it  became  not  tlie  proudest  of  them  to  have 
attempted.  Nothing  which  was  destitute  of  a  di- 
vine warrant  ought  to  be  obtruded  upon  any  Chris- 
tian church.  In  that  book,  for  which  some  enter- 
tained such  an  overweening  fondness,  \m  would  un- 
dertake to  prove  publicly,  that  there  were  thins;,?; 
imperfect,  impure,  and  superstitious;  and,  if  any 
would  go  about  to  burden  a  free  congregation  witlj 
such  things,  he  would  not  fail,  as  often  as  ho  occu 

therefore  I  would  Lave  Lad  it  ugrceuble,  hi  outward  rites  and 

cemuonius,  '.vitii  Cliristiaa  charehcs  rcfoi-zred.-^  Cald.  MS.  i.  -w. 


LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX,  Hy' 

pied  that  place,  (provided  his  text  aiforded  occa- 
sion.) to  oppose  their  design.  As  he  had  beeu  forc- 
ed to  enter  upon  that  subject,  he  would  say  farther, 
that,  in  his  judgment,  slackness  in  reforming  religion, 
when  time  and  opportunity  were  granted,  was  one 
cause  of  the  divine  displeasure  against  England.  He 
adverted  to  the  trouble  which  Bishop  Hooper  had  suf- 
fered for  refusing  some  of  the  ceremonies,  to  the  want  of 
discipline,  and  to  the  well  known  fact  that  three,  four, 
or  five  benefices  had  been  occupied  by  one  man,  to  the  de- 
priving of  the  flock  of  Christ  of  their  necessary  food. 

This  free  reprimand  was  much  stomached  by  those 
against  whom  it  was  levelled,  especially  by  such  as 
had  lield  pluralities  in  England,  who  complained 
that  the  preacher  had  slandered  their  mother 
church.  Loud  complaints  being  made  against  the 
sermon,  a  special  meeting  was  appointed  to  consi- 
der them.  At  this  meeting,  instead  of  prosecuting 
their  complaints,  the  friends  of  the  liturgy  began 
with  insisting,  that  Dr.  Cox  and  his  friends  should  be 
admitted  to  a  vote.  This  was  resisted  by  the  great 
majority ;  because  they  had  not  yet  subscribed  the 
discipline  of  the  church,  nor  given  satisfaction  for 
their  late  disorderly  conduct,  and  for  their  sinful 
compliances  in  England.  The  behaviour  of  our 
countryman,  on  this  occasion,  was  more  remarkable 
for  moderation  and  magnanimity,  than  for  prudence. 
Although  aware  of  their  hostility  to  himself,  and 
that  they  sought  admission  chiefly  to  overpower 
him  by  numbers,  he  was  so  confident  of  the  justice  of 
his  cause,  and  anxious  to  remove  prejudices,  that  he 
entreated  and  prevailed  with  the  meeting  to  yield, 
and  admit  them  presently  to  a   vote.*      This  dis- 

'*  Kuox's  words  ou  the  above  occasion  were,  "  I  know  that 
your  earnest  desire  to  be  received  at  this  instant  within  the  num- 
ber of  the  cQDgregatioD}  is,  that  by  the  multitude  of  your  voices  ye 

g 


118  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

iiiterestedness  was  thrown  away  on  the  opposite 
party  :  no  sooner  were  they  admitted^  and  had  ob- 
tained a  majority  of  voices,  than  Cox  (although  he 
had  no  authority  in  the  congregation)  discharged 
Knox  from  preaching,  and  from  all  interference  in 
the  congregational  affairs.* 

The  great  body  of  the  congregation  were  indig- 
nant at  these  proceedings  ;  and  there  was  some  rea- 
son to  fear  that  their  mutual  animosity  would  break 
out  into  some  disgraceful  disorder.  A  representa- 
tion of  the  circumstances  having  been  made  to  the 
magistrates  of  Frankfort,  they,  after  in  vain  recom- 
mending a  private  accommodation,  issued  an  order 
that  the  congregation  should  conform  exactly  to  the 
worship  used  by  the  French  church,  as  nothing  but 
confusion  had  ensued  since  tliey  departed  from  it ; 
if  this  was  not  complied  with,  they  threatened  to 
shut  up  tlieir  place  of  worship.  To  this  peremptory 
injunction  the  Coxian  faction  pretended  a  cheerful 
submission,  while  they  clandestinely  concerted  mea- 
sures for  obtaining  its  revocation,  and  enforcing  their 
favourite  liturgy  upon  their  reclaiming  brethren. 

Perceiviug  the  influence  which  our  countryman 
had  in  the  congregation,  and  despairing  to  carry 
their  plan  into  execution,  as  long  as  he  was  among 
them,  they  determined  in  the  first  place  to  get  rid 
of  him.  To  accomplish  this,  they  had  recourse  to 
one  of  the  basest  and  most  unchristian  arts  ever  em- 
ployed to  ruin  an  adversary.  Two  of  them,  in  con- 
may  overthrow  my  cause.  Houljcii,  the  matter  is  so  evident,  that 
ye  shall  not  be  alili-  to  do  it.  1  IViir  not  your  judgment :  and  there- 
fore do  require  that  ye  mii;ht  lie  admitted."     Cald.  MS.  i.  252. 

*  Collier  (ii.  395.)  says  that  Knt»\  inanii'ested  in  this  instance, 
"  a  siu'prisiii^^'  compliance."'  But  it  appears,  even  from  the  ac- 
eount  given  by  that  lii^torian,  (hat  in  tlie  whole  of  the  Frankfort 
affair,  he  displayed  the  greatest  moderation  and  forbearance, 
while  the  conduct  of  his  opponents  was  marked  throu;^iout  with 
violence  and  want  of  char  it  v. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  119 

currence  with  others,  went  privately  to  the  magis- 
trates, and  accused  Knox  of  High  Treason  against 
the  Emperor  of  Germany,  his  son  Philip,  and  Queen 
Mary  of  England  ;  putting  into  their  hands  a  copy 
of  a  book  which  he  had  lately  published,  in  w  hich 
the  passages  upon  which  the  charge  was  founded 
were  marked  !  "  O  Lord  God !  (says  Knox  when 
narrating  this  step)  open  their  hearts  to  see  their 
wickedness;  and  forgive  them,  for  thy  manifold 
mercies.  And  I  forgive  them,  0  Lord,  from  the 
bottom  of  mine  heart.  But  that  thy  message  sent 
by  my  mouth  may  not  be  slandered,  I  am  compelled 
to  declare  the  cause  of  my  departing,  and  to  utter 
their  follies,  to  their  amendment,  I  trust,  and  the 
example  of  others,  who  in  the  same  banishment  can 
have  so  cruel  hearts  as  to  persecute  their  brethren.'** 
The  book  which  the  accusers  left  with  the  magis- 
trates was  his  Admonition  to  England;  and  the  pas- 
sage upon  which  they  principally  fixed,  as  substan- 
tiating the  charge  of  treason  against  the  Emperor, 
was   the   following,  originally  spoken  to  the  inhabi- 

''  Cald.  MS.  i.  2.11.  Knox,  iipon  his  return  to  Geneva,  com- 
mitted to  writing  au  at'coiint  of  the  reasons  of  his  retiring;  from 
Frankfort.  He  intended  to  liave  published  it  in  his  vindication; 
liut  upon  mature  deliberation,  he  resolved  to  suppress  it,  and 
leave  his  own  character  to  suffer,  rather  tliau  expose  his  brethren 
and  the  commou  cause  in  wliieli  they  were  engaged.  His  narrative 
lias  been  preserved  by  Calderwood,  and  has  furnished  nie  with 
^^everal  facts.  It  contains  the  names  of  the  persons  wlio  accused 
him  to  the  senate  «)f  Frankfort,  with  their  advisers:  but  I  have 
omitted  them,  after  tiie  example  of  Knox,  in  the  notice  Avhich  he 
has  taken  of  the  atTair.  in  his  Historic  of  the  Reformatioun,  p.  85. 
Air.  Slrype  has  not  discovered  his  usual  impartiality  or  accu- 
rjicy  in  his  sliort  aecoiint  of  this  affair.  He  says  that  Knox  had 
"published  some  dauz-evowi  principles  about  guvernmeut."  and 

lliut  t!ie  informers  ••'.lioughi  it  fit/or  their  uivn  seciirity  to  make 

au  open  complaint  against  him."    jMemor.  of  the  Reformat,  ill. 

-12.     Even  Cdllirr  !i!ni«;p!i'  does  not  pretend  such  an  excurju  for 

iLc  actors.  . 


120  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

tants  of  Amersliam  in  Buckinghamshire,  on  occasion 
of  the  rumoured  marriage  of  Queen  Mary  with 
Philips  the  son  and  heir  of  Charles  V.  a  match, 
which  was  at  that  time  dreaded  even  by  many  of 
the  Englisli  Catholics.  "  0  England,  England,  if 
thou  obstinately  wilt  return  into  Egypt,  that  is,  if 
thou  contract  marriage,  confederacy,  or  league  with 
such  princes  as  do  maintain  and  advance  idolatry; 
such  as  the  Emperor  (who  is  no  less  enemy  to 
Christ  than  ever  was  Nero:)  if  for  the  pleasure  of 
such  princes  thou  return  to  thy  old  abominations 
before  used  under  papistry,  then  assuredly,  O  Eng- 
land, thou  shalt  be  plagued  and  brought  to  desola- 
tion, by  the  means  of  those  whose  favour  thou 
seekest.''  The  other  passages  related  to  the  cruelty 
of  Queen  Mary  of  England.* 

The  magistrates,  in  consequence  of  this  accusa- 
tion, sent  for  Whitti7ighamf  a  respectable  member 
of  the  English  congregation,  and  interrogated  him 
concerning  Knox^s  character.  He  told  them  that 
he  was  "  a  learned,  grave,  and  godly  man.''  They 
then  acquainted  him  with  the  serious  accusation  which 
had  been  lodged  against  him  by  some  of  his  country- 
men, and,  giving  him  the  book,  charged  him,  sub 
jpoRua  pacis^  to  bring  them  an  exact  Latin  translation  of 
the  passages  which  were  marked.  This  being  done, 
they  commanded  Knox  to  desist  from  preaching, 
until  their  pleasure  should  be  known.  "Yefc,  (says 
he,  in  his  narrative,)  being  desirous  to  hear  others, 
I  went  to  the  church  next  day,  not  thinking  that 
my  company  would  have  offended  any.     But  as  soon 

as  my  accusers  saw  me,  they,  with and  others, 

departed  from  the  sermon  ;    some  of  them  protesting 

Avith    great  vehemence,  that  they  would  not  tarry 

where  I  was.^f     The   magistrates  were  extremely 

*  See  Note  S.  t  See  Ibid. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX.  IS  I 

perplexed  how  to  act  in  this  delicate  business :  on 
the  one  hand,  they  were  satisfied  of  the  malice  of 
Knox's  accusers ;  on  the  other,  they  were  afraid 
that  information  of  the  charge  would  be  convey. 
ed  to  the  Emperor's  Council,  which  sat  at  Augs- 
burgh,  and  tliat  they  might  be  obliged  to  deliver  up 
the  accused  to  them,  or  to  the  Queen  of  England. 
In  this  dilemma,  they  desired  Whittinghani  to  ad- 
vise his  friend  privately,  to  retire  of  his  own  accord 
from  Frankfort.  At  the  same  time,  they  did  not 
dissemble  their  detestation  of  the  unnatural  conduct 
of  the  informers,  who,  waiting  upon  them  to  know  , 
the  result  of  their  deliberations,  were  dismissed  from  V 
their  presence  with  frowns. 

On  the  25th  of  March,  Knox  delivered  a  very 
consolatory  discourse  to  about  fifty  members  of 
the  congregation,  who  assembled  at  his  lodgings  in 
the  evening.  Next  day  they  accompanied  liim  some 
miles  on  his  journey  from  Frankfort,  and,  with  heavy 
hearts  and  many  tears,  committed  him  to  God,  and 
took  their  leave. 

No  sooner  was  Knox  gone,  than  Cox,  who  had 
privately  concerted  the  plan  with  Dr.  Glauberg,  a 
civilian,  and  nephew  of  the  chief  magistrate,  pro- 
cured an  order  from  the  Senate  for  the  unlimited  use 
of  the  English  liturgy,  by  means  of  the  false  repre^ 
sentation  that  it  was  now  universally  acceptable  to 
the  congregation.  The  next  step  was  the  abrogation  of 
the  discipline,  and  then  the  appointment  of  a  bishop, 
or  superintendent  over  the  pastors.  Having  accom- 
plished tliese  important  improvements,  they  could 
now  boast  that  they  had  "the  face  of  an  English 
church.''  Yes  !  they  could  now  raise  their  heads 
above  all  the  reformed  churches  who  had  the  honour 
t)f  entertaining  them;  who,  though  they  might  have 
all  the  office-bearers  and  ordiiiPvUees  instituted  by 
Christ,    had   neither   bishop,   nor  litany,    nor   sur- 


1:^3  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

plice  !  Tliey  could  now  lift  up  their  faces  in  the  pre 
seuce  of  the  church  of  Rome  herself,  and  claim 


But  let  me  not  forget,  that  the  men  of  whom  I  write 
were  at  this  time  suffering  exile  for  the  protestant 
religion,  and  that  they  really  detested  the  hody  of 
popery,  though  childishly  and  superstitiously  attach- 
ed to  its  attire,  and  gestures,  and  language. 

The  sequel  of  the  transactions,  in  the  English  con- 
gregation at  Frankfort,  does  not  properly  helong  to 
this  memoir.  I  shall  only  add,  that,  after  some  inef- 
fectual attempts  to  obtain  satisfaction  for  the  breach 
of  the  church's  peace,  and  the  injurious  treatment 
of  their  minister,  a  considerable  number  of  the  mem- 
bers left  the  city ;  some  of  them,  as  Fox  the  cele- 
brated martyrologist,  repairing  to  Basil,  the  greater 
part  to  Geneva,  where  they  obtained  a  place  of 
worship,  and  lived  in  great  harmony  and  love,  until 
the  storm  of  persecution  in  England  blew  over,  at 
the  death  of  (|ueen  Mary  ;  while  those  who  remain- 
ed at  Frankfort,  as  if  to  expiate  their  offence  against 
Knox,  continued  a  prey  to  endless  contention.  Cox 
and  his  learned  colleagues,  having  accomplished 
their  favourite  object,  soon  left  them  to  compose 
the  strife  which  they  had  excited,  and  provided 
themselves  elsewhere  with  a  less  expensive  situation 
for  carrying  on  their  studies.* 

*  Cox  was  afterwards  made  to  feel  a  little  of  the  gaiiiiig  yoke 
^vhich  he  strove  to  impose  on  his  brethren.  IJpoii  the  aceessioii 
of  Elizabeth,  tliat  stately  princess,  still  fonder  of  pompons  and 
popish  cqnipage  than  her  clergy,  kept  a  CruclfiA'  in  her  chapel, 
and  ordert'd  her  chaplains  to  perform  divine  service  before 
it.  Dr.  Cox  was  the  only  one  of  the  refugees  who  complied 
with  this,  but  his  conscience  afterwards  remonstrating  against  it, 
lie  wrot"  a  letter  to  the  Qtieen  requesting  to  be  exensed  from  coa- 
tiiiiiin:^  (lie  pracliee.  In  tiiis  letter  it  is  observa!)lo,  that  he 
employs  (he  great  argnmeiit  which  Knox  had  used  against  other 
ccrciiioiiies.  while  he  prostrates  himself  before  his  haughty 
mistress  \>ith  a  s;iI)mission  to  which  our  Reformer  would  never 
lia\e  >(on[H'd.       '•  1  ought,    (says  he)    to  do  uothiug  touching 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KXOX.  133 

I  have  been  the  more  minute  in  the  detail  of  these 
transactions,  not  only  because  of  the  share  Avhich 
the  subject  of  this  memoir  had  in  them,  but  because 
they  throw  light  upon  the  controversy  between 
the  conformists  and  non-conformists,  which  runs 
through  the  succeeding  period  of  the  ecclesiastical 
history  of  England.  *•  The  troubles  at  Frankfort'' 
present,  in  miniature,  a  striking  picture  of  that  con- 
tentious scene  Avhich  was  afterwards  exhibited  on  a 
larger  scale  in  the  mother- country.  The  issue  of 
that  affair  augured  ill  as  to  the  prospect  of  an  ami- 
cable adjustment  of  the  litigated  points.  It  had 
been  usual  to  urge  conformity  to  the  obnoxious  ce- 
remonies,  from  the  respect  due  to  the  authority  by 
which  they  were  enjoined.  But  here  there  was  no 
authority  enjoining  them,  but  rather  the  contrary. 
If  they  were  urged  with  such  intolerant  importunity 
in  a  place  where  the  laws  and  customs  were  repug- 
nant to  them,  what  was  to  be  expected  in  England, 
where  law  and  custom  were  on  their  side  ?  The  di- 
vines, who  were  advanced  in  the  church  at  the  ac- 
cession of  Elizabeth,  professed  that  they  desired  the 
removal  of  those  grounds  of  strife,  but  could  not  ob- 
tain it  from  the  Qjieen  :  and  I  am  disposed  to  give 
many  of  them  credit  for  the  sincerity  of  their  pro- 
religion,  uliich  may  appear  (lodblful  Miiellier  it  pleaseth 
God  or  not  ;  for  our  religion  ought  to  l)e  eertaiu,  and  ground- 
ed upon  God's  word  and  will. — Tender  my  sute,  1  l)eseeeh  you, 
in  visceribus  Jesu  Cliristi.  my  dear  Sovereign,  and  most  gracious 
Queen  Elizabeth."  Burnet,  ii.  Append.  294.  The  Cnicifi.vwaa 
removed  at  this  time,  but  again  introduced  about  1570.  Strype's 
Parker,  p.  310.  Dr.  Cox  afterward  fell  under  the  displeasure  of 
his  •'  dear  Sovereign,"  for  maintaining  rather  stiiHy  siniie  of  the 
revenues  of  his  bishopriek.  Strype's  Annals,  ii.  579.  It  is  but 
justice,  however,  to  this  learned  man  to  say,  that  i  do  not  find 
him  takiug  a  ^ery  active  part  against  the  iion-confoiniists,  after 
his  return  to  England:  he  even  made  some  attemj:(s  fcr  the  re- 
moval of  the  ubno\ions  ceremonies. 


154  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

fessions.     But  as  they  shewed  themselves  so  stiff  and 
Unyielding  when  the  matter  was  wholly  in  their  own 
power ;  as  some  of  them  were  so  eager  in  wreathing 
a  yoke  about  the  consciences  of  their  brethren,  that 
they  urged  reluctant  magistrates  to  rivet  it ;  is  it  any 
wonder  that  their  applications  for  relief  were  cold 
and  ineffectual,   when  made  to  rulers  who  were  dis- 
posed  to  make  the  yoke  still  more  severe,  and  to 
'^  chastise  with  scorpions  those  whom  they  had  chas- 
tised with  whips  ?"  I  repeat  it ;  when  I  consider  the 
transactions  at  Frankfort,  I  am  not  surprised  at  the 
defeating  of  every  subsequent   attempt   to  advance 
the  Reformation  in  England,  or  to  procure  relief  to 
those  wlio  scrupled  to  yield  conformity  to  some   of 
the  ecclesiastical  laws.     I  know  it  is  pleaded,  that 
the    things    complained    of  are  matters  of  indiffer- 
ence,   not   prohibited   in    scripture,  not  imposed  as 
essential  to  religion,  or  necessary  to  salvation,  mat- 
ters that  can  affect  no  well  informed  conscience  ;  and 
that  such  as  refuse  them,  Avhen  enacted  by  authority, 
are  influenced  by  unreasonable  scrupulosity,  conceit- 
ed, pragmatical,   opinionative,  and  what  not.     This 
lias  been  the  usual  language  of  a  ruling  party,  when 
imposing  upon  tbe  consciences  of  the  minority.     But 
not  to  urge  here  the  danger  of  allowing  to  any  class 
of  rulers,  civil  or  ecclesiastical,  a  pov/er  of  enjoin- 
ing indifferent  things  in  religion  ;  nor  the  undeniable 
fact,  that  the  burdensome  system  of  ceremonial  ob- 
servances, by  which   religion  was   corrupted  under 
the  papacy,  was  gradually   introduced  under  these 
and  similar  pretexts  ;  nor  that  the  things  in  question, 
when    complexly  and  formally  considered,    are    not 
really  matters  of  indifference  ;    not  to  insist  at  pre- 
sent,   I  say,    upon   tliese  topics,  the  answer  to  the 
above  plea  is  short  and  decisive.     *•  These  things 
appear  matters  of  conscience  and  importance  to  the 
scruplers  :  you  say  they  arc  matters  of  iadiffereuce. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN"   KNOX.  125 

Why  then  violate  the  sacred  peace  of  the  church, 
and  perpetuate  division ;  why  silence,  deprive,  ha- 
rass, and  starve  men  of  acknowledged  learning  and 
piety,  and  drive  from  communion  a  sober  and  de- 
vout people ;  why  torture  their  consciences,  and 
endanger  their  souls  by  the  imposition  of  things 
which,  in  your  judgment,  are  indifferent,  not  ne- 
cessary, and  unworthy  to  become  subjects  of  con- 
tention ?" 

Die ■,  et  eris  mihi  magnus  Apollo. 

Upon  retiring  from  Frankfort,  Knox  went  direct- 
ly to  Geneva.  He  was  cordially  welcomed  back  by 
Calvin.  As  his  advice  had  great  weight  in  dis- 
posing Knox  to  comply  with  the  invitation  from 
Frankfort,  he  felt  much  hurt  at  the  treatment  which 
had  obliged  him  to  leave  it.  In  reply  to  an  apolo- 
getic epistle  which  he  received  from  Dr.  Cox,  Cal- 
vin, although  he  restrained  himself  from  saying  any 
thing  which  might  revive  or  increase  the  flame, 
could  not  conceal  his  opinion,  that  Knox  had  been 
used  in  an  unbrotherly,  unchristian  manner,  and 
that  it  would  have  been  better  for  the  accuser  to 
have  remained  at  home,  than  to  have  brought  a  fire- 
brand into  a  foreign  country  to  inflame  a  peaceable  so- 
ciety.* 

It  appeared  from  the  event,  that  providence  had 
disengaged  Knox  from  his  late  charge,  to  employ 
him  on  a  more  important  service.  From  the  time 
that  he  was  carried  prisoner  into  France,  he  had 
never  lost  sight  of  Scotland,  nor  relinquished   the 

*  Calvini  Epistolae,  p.  98.  iit  siipra.  This  letter  is  addressed 
*'  Cnocco,  (by  mistake  of  the  publisher,  instead  of  Coxo,)  etGrega- 
libiis.  Pridie  Idus  Junii,  1555."  This  misuomer,  iu  (he  address, 
has  misled  a  well-informed  writer  of  aliife  of  Knox,  in  the  EJigi- 
Ous  Monitor,  vol.  v.  p.  197.  Knox  was  at  Geneva  uhen  Talvin 
wrote  that  letter. 

T 


125  UPE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

hope  of  again  preaching  in  his  native  country.  His 
constant  employment,  during  the  five  years  which  he 
spent  in  England,  occupied  Iiis  mind,  and  lessened 
the  regret  which  he  felt,  at  seeing  the  great  object  of 
his  desire  apparently  at  as  great  a  distance  as  ever. 
Upon  leaving  England,  his  attention  was  more  par- 
ticularly directed  to  his  native  country ;  and,  soon 
after  returning  from  Frankfort,  he  was  informed  that 
matters  began  to  assume  a  more  favourable  appear- 
ance there  than  they  had  worn  for  a  number  of  years. 
After  the  surrender  of  the  Castle  of  St.  Andrews, 
and  the  banishment  of  the  protestants  who  had 
taken  refuge  in  it,  an  irrecoverable  blow  seemed  to 
have  been  £:iven  to  the  reformed  cause  in  Scotland. 
The  clergy  triumphed  in  their  victory,  and  flattered 
themselves  that  they  had  stifled  the  voice  of  op- 
position.* There  were  still  many  protestants  in  the 
kingdom ;  but  they  satisfied  themselves  with  retain- 
ing their  sentiments  in  secret,  without  exposing 
their  lives  to  certain  destruction  by  avowing  them, 
or  exciting  the  suspicions  of  their  enemies  by  pri- 
vate conventicles.  An  event  Avhich  threatened  the 
extinction  of  the  Reformation  in  Britain,  proved  the 
means  of  reviving  it  in  Scotland.  Several  of  those 
who  w^ere  driven  from  England  by  the  persecution 
of  Mary,  took  refuge  in  this  country,  and  were  over- 
looked, in  consequence  of  the  security  into  which  the 
Scottish  clergy  had  been  lulled  by  success.  Travel- 
ling from  place  to  place,  they  instructed  many,  and 
Tanned  the  latent  zeal  of  those  who  had  formerly  re- 
ceived tjie  knowledge  of  the  truih. 

■  Tbcje  lines  were  romnioiilv  iistii  at  that  time, 
Vriestis,  conlojit  you  now, 
Viichtis,  cond'iit  you  now, 
ForNorinond  and  liis  poinpanie 
He.g  fiilit  the  i:;«!!iui*  i'tiw. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KiTOX.  IS^ 

William  Harlow f  whose  zeal  and  kno\vkt!ge  of  the 
doctrines  of  the  gospel  compensated  for  the  defects 
of  his  education,*  was  the  first  preacher  who  came. 
After  him  arrived  John   Willockj  In  summer  1555, 
being  charged  with  a  commission  from  the  Duchess 
of  Embden  to  the  Queen  Regent.     Wiiiock  became 
afterwards   the  chief  co-adjutor   of  Knox,  who  en- 
tertained  the  highest  esteem  and  afi'ection  for  him. 
Tlie  union   of  their    talents    and   peculiar  qualities 
was  of  great  advantage  to  the  Reformation.     Wil- 
lock  was  not  inferior  to  Knox   in  learning  ;     and 
although   he  did  not  equal  him  in  intrepidity  and 
eloquence,   surpassed   him   in   affability,    prudence, 
and  address  ;  by  which  means  he  was  sometimes  able 
to  maintain  his  station  and  accomplish  his  purposes, 
when  his  colleague  could  not  act  with  safety  or  suc- 
cess.    He  was  a  native  of  Ayrshire,   and  had  worn 
the  monastic  habit  ;  but,    at    an   early     period,  he 
embraced    the    reformed     opinions,    and     fled   into 
England.     During  the  severe  persecution  for  the  six 
articles,  he  was,  in  1541,  thrown  into  the  prison  of 
the  Fleet,     He  was  afterwards  chaplain  to  the  Duke 
of  Suffolk,  the  father  of  Lady  Jane  Grey  ;  and  upon 
the   accession  of  Queen    Mary,  he  retired    to  East 
Friesland.f 


*  He  had  followed  the  trade  of  a  taylor  in  the  Canoiigate  of 
Edinbargli.  Episcopal  writers  have  sometimes  upbraided  the 
Scottish  church,  as  reformed  by  tradesmen  and  mechanics.  They 
have,  however,  no  reason  to  talk  in  this  strain  ;  for  a  sensible 
religious  tradesman  is  surely  more  qualified  for  communicating 
religious  instruction  than  an  ignorant  superstitious  priest.  Nay, 
the  church  of  England  herself,  after  trying  those  of  the  latter 
class,  was  glad  to  betake  herself  to  ihe  former.  Strype's  Annals, 
i.  170,  177.  William  Harlow  received  deacons  orders  from  the 
English  church,  and  so  was  no  layman.     Cald.  jI8.  i.  S56. 

t  Fox,  1099.     Spotfiswood,  9J.  Smetoai  Respans.  a^  A.  Ham- 


128  LIFE  or  JOHN  KNOX. 

Altliougb  Knox  did  not  know  what  it  was  to  fear 
danger,  and  was  little  accustomed  to  consult  his  per- 
sonal ease,  when  he  had  the  prospect  of  being  use- 
ful in  his  Master's  service,  none  of  his  enterprises 
wete  undertaken  rashly,  and  without  serious  delibe- 
ration upon  the  call  which  he  had  to  engage  in 
them.  On  the  present  occasion,  he  felt  at  first 
averse  to  a  journey  into  Scotland,  notwithstanding 
some  encouraging  circumstances  in  the  intelligence 
which  he  had  received  from  that  quarter.  He  had 
been  so  much  tossed  about  of  late,  that  he  felt  a  pe- 
culiar relish  in  the  learned  leisure  which  he  at  pre- 
sent enjoyed,  and  was  desirous  to  prolong.  His 
anxiety  to  see  his  wife,  after  an  absence  of  nearly 
two  years,  and  the  importunity  with  which  his  mo- 
ther-in-law, in  her  letters,  urged  him  to  visit  them, 
determined  him  at  last  to  undertake  the  journey.* 
Setting  out  from  Geneva  in  the  month  of  August, 
1555,  he  came  to  Dieppe,  and,  sailing  from  that 
port,  landed  on  the  East  coast,  near  the  boundaries 
between  Scotland  and  England,  about  the  end  of 
harvest.!  He  repaired  immediately  to  Berwick, 
where  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  finding  his  wife 
and  her  mother  in  comfortable  circumstances,  en- 
joying the  happiness  of  religious  society  with  seve- 
ral individuals  in  that  city,  who,  like  themselves, 
had  not  ^'  bowed  the  knee''  to  the  established   ido- 

ilfonum,  p.  93.     Stnpe's  Annals,  ii.  App.  46.     Parkhurst, bishop 
of  Norwich,  celebrates  him  in  these  lines. 

Qnid  meniorem  quanta  Wilocus,  Skinerus  et  Haddon, 

iEImenisque  tiios  ornarint  luce  penatos  ? 

O!   Dt.iis,0!  <(!uiles  jiivcnes  ?  Quo  principe  digni  ? 

His  tua  iuminibus  splendel  domus. 

*  M.S.  Letters,  p.  :i4  3. 

t  Discours  of  ihe  Troubles  at  Franckfoid,  p.  Iv,  lir.     KnoTs, 
Historic,  p.  90, 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  1?;7 

latry,  nor  submitted  to  ^•receive  the  mark''  of  anti- 
christ.* 

Having  remained  some  time  with  them,  he  set  out 
secretly  to  visit  the  protestants  in  Edinburgh,  in- 
tending, after  a  short  stay,  to  return  to  Berwick. 
But  lie  found  employment  which  detained  him  be- 
yond his  expectation.  In  Edinburgh  he  lodged  with 
James  Syme,  a  respectable  and  religious  burgess,  to 
whose  house  the  friends  of  the  reformed  doctrine  re- 
paired, to  attend  his  instructions,  as  soon  as  they 
were  informed  of  his  arrival.  Among  these  were 
John  Erskine  of  Dun,  and  William  Maitland,  younger 
of  Lethington,  afterwards  Secretary  to  Mary  Queen 
of  Scots.  John  Willock  was  also  in  Edinburgh  at 
this  time.f  Those  who  heard  him,  being  exceed - 
iugly  gratified  with  his  doctrine,  brought  tlieir 
friends  and  acquaintances  along  with  them,  and  his 
audiences  daily  increased.  Being  confined  to  a  pri- 
vate house,  he  was  obliged  to  preach  to  successive 
assemblies ;  and  was  almost  unremittingly  employed, 
by  night  as  well  as  by  day,  in  communicating  in- 
struction to  persons  who  demanded  it  vrith  extraor- 
dinary avidity.  The  folloAving  letter  written  by  him 
to  Mrs.  Bowes,  to  excuse  himself  for  not  returning; 
so  soon  as  he  had  purposed,  will  convey  ihe  best  idea 
of  his  employment  and  feelings  on  this  occasion. 

•^The  wayis  of  man  ar  not  in  his  awn  pov»er. 
Albeit  my  journey  toward  Scotland,  belovit  mother, 
was  maist  eontrarious  to  my  awn  judgement,  befoir 
I  did  interpryse  the  same;  yet  this  day  I  prais  God 
for  thame  wha  was  the  cause  externall  of  ray  resort 
to  theis  quarteris ;  that  is,  I  prais  God  in  yow  and 
for  yow,  whome  hie  maide  the  instrument  to  drav/  me 
frome  the  den  of  my  awn  eas,  (you  allane  did  draw 
me   from  the  rest   of   quyet   studie,)  to  contemplat 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  343.         ■}•  He  soon  aftM-  returned  to  Enjb(:t^n> 


128  MFE   Of   JOHN    KNOX. 

and  beliald  the  fervent  thrist  of  oiire  bretlirene,  night 
and  day  sobbing  and  gronyng  for  the  breid  of  lyfe. 
Gif  I  had  not  sene  it  with  my  eis,  in  my  awn  con- 
try,  I  culd  not  have  beleveit  it !  I  praisit  God,  when 
I  was  with  you,  pereeaviug  that,  in  the  middis  of 
Sodome,  God  had  mo  Lottis  than  one,  and  ma  faith- 
fiill  docthteris  than  tua.  But  the  fervencie  heir  dioth 
fcr  exceid  all  utheris  that  I  have  seen.  And  thair- 
foir  ye  sail  pacientlie  bear,  altho'  I  spend  heir  yet 
sum  dayis ;  for  depart  I  cannot  unto  sic  tyme  as  God 
quenche  thair  thrist  a  litill.  Yea,  mother,  thair  fer- 
vencie doith  sa  ravische  me,  that  I  can  not  but  accus 
and  coudemp  my  sleuthfull  coldness.  God  grant 
thame  thair  liartis  desyre ;  and  I  pray  yow^  adverteis 
[me]  of  your  estait,  and  of  thingis  that  have  occu- 
rit  sence  your  last  w^rytting.  Comfort  your  self  in 
,  Godis  promissis,  and  be  assureit  that  God  steiris  up 
mo  friendis  than  we  be  war  of.  My  commendation 
to  all  in  your  company.  I  commit  you  to  the 
protectioun  of  the  omnipotent.  In  great  haist ;  the 
4t.  of  November  4  555.  From  Scotland.  Your  sone, 
Johne  Knox.'** 

When  he  arrived  in  Scotland,  he  found  that  th« 
friends  of  the  reformed  doctrine,  in  general,  eonti- 
nued  to  attend  the  popish  Avorship,  and  even  the  ce- 
lebration of  mass  ;  principally  with  the  view  of  avoid- 
ing the  scandal  which  they  would  otherwise  incur. 
This  was  very  disagreeable  to  Knox,  who,  in  his 
sermons  and  conversation,  disclosed  the  impiety  of 
that  service,  and  the  danger  of  symbolising  with  it. 
A  meeting  being  appointed  for  the  express  purpose 
of  discussing  this  question,  Maitland  defended  the 
practice  with  all  that  ingenuity  and  learning  for 
w  hieh  he  was  distinguished  ;  but  his  arguments  were 
so  siititefiictorily  answered  by  Knox^  that  he  yielded 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  342.  343. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  129 

Uie  point  as  indefensible,  and  agreed,  with  the  rest 
of  his  brethren,  to  abstain  for  the  future  from  such 
temporizing  conduct.  Thus  was  a  formal  separation 
made  from  the  popish  church  in  Scotland,  which 
may  justly  be  regarded  as  an  important  step  in  the 
Reformation.* 

Mr.  Erskine  prevailed  on  Knox  to  accompany  him 
to  his  family  seat  of  Dun,  in  Angus,  where  he  con- 
tinued a  month,  preaching  every  day.  The  princi- 
pal persons  in  that  neighbourhood  attended  his  ser- 
mons. After  he  returned  to  the  South,  he  resided 
for  the  most  part  in  Calder-house,  with  Sir  James 
Sandilands.f  Here  he  was  attended  by  Lord  Lorn, 
(afterwards  Earl  of  Argyle.)  the  Master  of  Mar, 
(afterwards  Earl  of  Mar,)  and  Lord  James  Stewart, 
natural  son  of  James  V.  and  prior  of  St  Andrews, 
(afterwards  Earl  of  Murray;)  the  two  last  of  whom 
Knox  lived  to  see  Regents  of  Scotland.  These  no- 
blemen were  highly  pleased  with  the  doctrine  which 
he  taught.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  15j6,  he 
was  conducted  by  Lockhart  of  Bar,  and  Campbell 
of  Kineancleugh,  to  Kyle,  the  ancient  receptacle  of 
the  Scottish  Lollards,  where  there  were  a  number  of 
adherents  to  the  reformed  doctrine.  He  preached 
in  the  houses  of  Bar,  Kineancleugh,  Carnell,  Ochil- 
tree, and  Gadgirth,  and  in  the  town  of  Ayr.  In  se- 
veral of  these  places,  he  also  dispensed  the  sacrament 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  91. 

t  On  the  back  of  a  picture  of  our  Reformer,  which  lian,::5S  in  one 
ofthe  rooms  of  Lord  Torphichen's  house  at  Caiuer,  is  lliis  inscrip- 
tion. "  The  Rev.  John  Knox. — The  first  sacrament  of  the  supper 
:;iven  in  Scotland  after  the  Reformation,  was  dispensed  in  this 
hall."  The  comnicneement  of  (he  Reformation  is  here  dated  from 
<he  present  visit  of  Knox  to  Scotlajid  ;  for  we  have  alroady  ssen 
that  he  administered  the  ordinance  in  the  Castle  of  fct.  Andrews, 
Anno  1547.  The  account  given  by  Kuox  in  his  History  of  the 
Reformation,  (p.  92.)  seems  to  imply  that  he  performed  this  ser- 
vice in  the  West  counfrv,  hefore  he  did  it  in  Calder-hoiise. 


130  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

of  our  Lord's  Supper.  A  little  before  Easter,  the 
Earl  of  Glencairn  sent  for  him  to  his  manor  of  Fin- 
lays  ton,  in  which,  after  preaching,  he  also  dispens- 
ed the  sacrament ;  the  Earl,  his  Lady,  and  two 
of  tlieir  sous,  w  ith  some  friends,  assembled  for  that 
purpose,  participating  of  the,  sacred  feast.*  From 
Finlayston  he  returned  to  Calder-house,  and  soon 
after  paid  a  second  visit  to  Dun,  during  which  he 
preached  more  openly  than  before.  The  most  of 
the  gentlemen  of  Mearns  did  at  this  time  make  pro- 
fession  of  the  reformed  religion,  by  sitting  down  at 
the  Lord's  table ;  and  entered  into  a  solemn  and 
mutual  bond,  in  which  they  renounced  the  popish 
communion,  and  engaged  to  maintain  the  true 
preaching  of  the  gospel,  according  as  providence 
should  favour  them  with  opportunities.  This  seems 
to  have  been  the  first  of  those  religious  bonds  or  co- 
venants, by  which  the  confederation  of  the  protestants 
in  Scotland  was  so  frequently  ratified. f 

The  dangers  to  which  Knox  and  his  friends  had 
been  accustomed,  had  taught  them  to  conduct  mat- 
ters  with  such  secrecy,  that  he  had  preaclied  for  a 
considerable  time,  and  in  different  places,  before  the 
clergy  knew  that  he  was  in  the  kingdom.  Conceal- 
ment was,  however,  impracticable    after  his  audien- 

*  The  silver  cups  wliieh  were  used  on  tliat  occasion  are  still 
ca.refully  preserved  hy  the  family  of  Glencairn  at  Finlayston. 
The  parish  of  Kiimalcolm  is  favoured  with  the  use  of  them  at  the 
time  of  dispensing  the  sacrament.  "The  people  (says  the  min- 
ister in  his  statistical  account  of  the  parish)  respect  them  much 
for  their  antiquity,  as  well  as  for  the  solemnity  attending  them  in 
former  and  latter  times."'  Statistical  Account  of  Scotland,  vol.  iv. 
p.  279.  This  w  rilir  thinks  they  had  been  originally  candlesticks, 
and  converted  to  this  use  on  the  emergent  occasion  :  the  hollow 
bottom  reversed,  forming  the  mouth  of  (he  cup,  and  the  middle, 
after  (he  socket  was  screwed  out,  being  converted  into  the  foot. 
But  it  is  not  likely,  that  the  family  of  Cilencairn  were  so  destitute 
of  silver  cups,  as  to  need  (r»  have  recourse  to  this  expedicut. 

•t  Knox,  Historie,  p.  9  -^ 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  131 

ees  became  so  numerous.  His  pveaeliing  in  Ayr  was 
reported  to  the  Court,  and  formed  the  topic  of  conver- 
sation in  the  presence  of  the  Queen  Regent.  Some 
affirmed  that  the  preacher  was  an  Englishman ;  "  a 
prelate  not  of  the  least  pride  (probably  Beatoun, 
Archbishop  of  Glasgow,)  said  Nay;  no  English- 
man, but  it  is  Knox,  that  knave.  It  was  my  Lord's 
pleasure  (says  Knox)  so  to  baptize  a  poor  man ;  the 
reason  whereof,  if  it  should  be  required,  his  rochet 
and  mitre  must  stand  for  authority.  What  further 
liberty  he  used  in  defining  things  like  uncertain  to 
him,  to  wit,  of  my  learning  and  doctrine,  at  this 
present  I  omit.  For  what  hath  my  life  and  conver- 
sation been,  since  it  hath  pleasetl  God  to  call  me 
from  the  puddle  of  papistry,  let  my  very  enemies 
speak;  and  what  learning  I  have,  they  may  prove 
when  they  please."*  Interest  was  at  this  time  made 
by  the  bishops  for  his  apprehension ;  but  the  Queen 
Regent  discouraged  the  application.!  '/ 

After  his  last  journey  to  the  North,  the  friars 
flocked  from  all  quarters  to  the  bishops,  and  instigat- 
ed them  to  adopt  speedy  and  decisive  measures  for 
checking  the  alarming  effects  of  his  preaching. 
In  consequence  of  this,  Knox  was  summoned  to  ap- 
pear before  a  convention  of  the  clergy,  in  the  church 
of  the  black  friars  at  Edinburgh,  on  the  15th  of 
May.  This  diet  he  resolved  to  keep,  and  with  that 
view  came  to  Edinburgh,  before  the  day  appointed, 
accompanied  by  Erskine  of  Dun,  and  several  otlier 
gentlemen.  The  clergy  had  never  dreamed  of  his 
attendance ;  when  apprised  of  his  design,  being 
afraid  to  bring  matters  to  extremity,  and  unassured 
of  the  Regent's  decided  support,  they  met  before 
hand,  cast  the  summons  under  pretence  of  some  in- 

*  tetter  to  the  Lady  Mary,  Regent  of  Scotland,  apud  Historie, 
p.  4ir.  t  l*jid.  p.  41fi,  4ir. 


l^S  UFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

formality,  and  deserted  the  diet  against  him.  On 
the  day  on  which  he  should  have  appeared  as  a  pan- 
nel,  Knox  preached  in  the  bishop  of  Dunkeld's  large 
lodging,  to  a  far  greater  audience  than  had  before 
attended  him  in  Edinburgh.  During  the  ten  fol- 
lowing days,  he  preached  in  the  same  place,  forenoon, 
and  afternoon ;  none  of  the  clergy  making  the  small- 
est attempt  to  disturb  him.  In  the  midst  of  these 
labours,  he  wrote  the  follow  ing  hasty  lines  to  Mrs. 
Bowes. 

^•Belovit  mother,  with  my  maist  hartlie  com- 
mendation in  the  Lord  Jesus,  albeit  I  was  fullie 
purpoisit  to  have  visitit  yow  befoir  this  tyme,  yet 
hath  God  laid  impedimentis,  whilk  1  culd  not  avoyd. 
Thay  ar  suche  as  I  dout  not  ar  to  his  glorie,  and 
to  the  comfort  of  many  heir.  The  trumpet  blew  the 
aid  sound  tlnie  dayis  together,  till  privat  houssis,  of 
indifferent  largenes,  could  not  conteane  the  voce  of 
it.  God,  for  Chryst  his  Sonis  sake,  grant  me  to 
be  myndfull,  that  the  sobbis  of  my  heart  hath  not 
bene  in  vane,  nor  neglectit,  in  the  presence  of  his 
majestic.  O  !  sweet  war  the  death  that  suld  follow 
sic  fourtie  dayis  in  Edinbrugh  as  heir  I  have  had 
thrie.  Rejose,  mother ;  the  tyme  of  our  deliver- 
ance approacheth  :  for,  as  Sathan  rageth,  sa  dois  the 
grace  of  the  Halie  Spreit  abound,  and  daylie  geveth 
new  testimonyis  of  the  everlasting  love  of  oure  mer- 
cifull  Father.  I  can  wryt  na  mair  to  you  at  this  pre- 
sent. The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  rest  with  you.  In 
haste — this  Mounday.     Your  sone,  Johne  Knox."*" 

About  this  time,  the  Earl  Marishal,  at  the  desire 
of  the  Earl  of  Glencairn,  attended  an  evening  ex- 
hortation delivered  by  Knox.  He  was  so  much 
pleased  with  it,  that  he  joined  with  Glencairn,  in 
urging  the  preacher  to  write  a  letter  to  the  Queen 
Jicgcnt,  which,  they  thought,  might  have  the  effect 

*  3IS.  LettoJa,  p.  352,  344. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  133 

of  inclining  her  to  protect  the  reformed  preachers, 
if  not  also  to  give  a  favourable  ear  to  their  doctrine. 
With  this  request  he  was  induced  to  comply. 

As  a  specimen  of  the  manner  in  which  this  letter 
was  written,  I  shall  give  the  following  quotation,  in 
the  original  language.  '■^I  dout  not,  that  the  ru- 
mouris,  whilk  haif  cumin  to  your  Grrace's  earis  of  me, 
haif  bene  such,  that  (yf  all  reportis  wer  trew)  I  wer  un- 
worthie  to  live  in  the  earth.  And  wonder  it  is,  that 
the  voces  of  the  multitude  suld  not  so  have  inflamed 
your  Grace's  hart  with  just  hatred  of  such  a  one  as  I 
am  accuseit  to  be,  that  all  acces  to  pitie  suld  have 
bene  schute  up.  I  am  traduceit  as  ane  hcretick, 
accusit  as  a  fals  teacher,  and  seducer  of  the  pepill, 
besydis  uther  opprobries,  whilk  (affirmit  be  men  of 
warjdlie  honour  and  estimatioun)  may  easelie  ken- 
dill  the  wrath  of  majestratis,  whair  iunocencie  is  not 
knawin.  But  blissit  be  God,  the  Father  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Chryst,  who,  by  the  dew  of  his  heavenlie 
grace,  hath  so  quenchit  the  fyre  of  displeasure  as  yit 
in  your  Grace's  hart,  (whilk  of  lait  dayis  I  have  un- 
derstand) that  Sathan  is  frustrat  of  his  interpryse 
and  purpois.  Whilk  is  to  my  hart  no  small  com- 
fort ;  not  so  muchc  (God  is  witues)  for  any  benefit 
that  I  can  resave  in  this  miserable  lyfe,  by  protec- 
tioun  of  any  earthlie  creature,  (for  the  cupe  whilk  it 
behoveth  me  to  drink  is  apoyntit  by  the  wisdome  of 
him  whois  consallis  ar  not  changeable)  as  that  I  am 
for  that  benefit  whilk  I  am  assurit  your  Grace  sail 
resave ;  yf  that  ye  eontinew  in  lyke  moderatioun  and 
clemencie  towardis  utheris,  that  maist  unjustlie  ar 
and  sal  be  accusit,  as  tliat  your  Grace  hath  begun 
towardis  me,  and  my  most  desperat  cause."  An 
orator  (he  continued)  might  justly  require  of  her  Grace 
a  motherly  pity  towards  her  subjects,  the  execution 
of  justice  upon  murderers  and  oppressors,  a  heart 
free  from  avarice  and  partiality,    a  miud  studious 


134  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

of  the  public  welfare,  with  other  virtues  which  hea- 
then as  well  as  inspired  writers  required  in  rulers. 
But,  in  his  opinion,  it  was  vain  to  crave  reformation 
of  manners,  when  religion  was  so  much  corrupted. 
He  could  not  propose,  in  the  present  letter,  to  lay 
open  the  sources,  progress,  and  extent  of  those 
errors  and  corruptions  which  had  overspread  and  in- 
undated the  church;  but,  if  her  majesty  would  grant 
bim  an  opportunity  and  liberty  of  speech,  he  was 
ready  to  undertake  this  task.  In  the  mean  time,  be 
could  not  refrain  from  calling  her  attention  to  this 
important  subject,  and  pointing  out  to  her  the  fal- 
lacy of  some  general  prejudices,  by  which  she  was 
in  danger  of  being  deceived.  She  ought  to  beware 
of  thinking,  that  tlie  care  of  religion  did  not  belong 
to  magistrates,  but  was  devolved  wholly  on  the 
clergy ;  that  it  was  a  thing  incredible  that  religion 
should  be  so  universally  depraved ;  or  that  true  re- 
ligion was  to  be  judged  of  by  the  majority  of  voices, 
custom,  the  laws  and  determinations  of  men,  or  any 
thing  but  the  infallible  dictates  of  inspired  scripture. 
He  knew  that  innovations  in  religion  were  deemed 
hazardous;  but  the  urgent  necessity  and  immense 
magnitude  of  the  object  ought,  in  the  present  case, 
to  swallow  up  the  fear  of  danger.  He  was  aware 
that  a  public  reformation  might  be  thought  to  ex- 
ceed her  authority  as  Regent ;  but  slie  could  not 
be  bound  to  maintain  idolatry  and  manifest  abuses, 
nor  to  suflfer  the  fury  of  the  clergy  to  rage  in  mur- 
dering innocent  men,  merely  because  they  worship, 
ped  God  according  to  liis  Avord, 

Though  Knox's  pen  was  not  the  most  smooth  nor 
delicate,  and  lie  often  irritated  ])y  the  plainness  and 
severity  of  his  language,  the  letter  to  the  Queen 
Regent  is  far  from  being  uncourtly.  It  seems  to 
have  been  writen  with  great  care;  and,  in  point  of 
language,  it  may  be  compared  with  any  composition 


LIFE  OF   JOHN    KNOX.  135 

of  that  period,  for  simplicity  and  forcible  expres- 
sion.* Its  strain  was  well  calculated  for  stimulatins; 
the  inquiries;  and  confirming  the  resolutions  of  one 
who  was  impressed  with  a  conviction  of  the  reign- 
ing evils  in  the  church,  or  who,  though  not  re- 
solved in  judgment  as  to  the  matters  in  controver- 
sy, was  determined  to  preserve  moderation  between 
the  contending  parties.  Notwithstanding  her  im- 
posing manners,  the  Regent  was  not  a  person  of  this 
description.  The  Earl  of  Glencairn  delivered  the 
letter  into  her  hand  ;  she  glanced  it  with  a  careless 
air,  and  gave  it  to  the  archbishop  of  Glasgow,  say. 
ing,  Please  you  my  Lord,  to  read  a  pasquil.-f  The 
report  of  this  induced  Knox,  after  he  retired  from 
Scotland,  to  publish  the  letter,  with  additions,  in 
which  he  used  a  more  pointed  and  severe  style 4 

While  he  was  thus  employed  in  Scotland,  he  re- 
ceived letters  from  the  English  congregation  at  Ge- 
neva,  stating  that  they  had   made  ciioice  of  him  as 

*  This  is  more  evident  from  tlie  letter,  in  its  origiiiul  langna^e, 
which  is  now  before  me  in  manuscript.  In  the  copies  of  it  wliich 
have  been  published  along  Avith  his  history,  freedoms  have  been 
used,  and  the  language  is  not  a  little  enfeebled  by  the  insertion  of 
unmeaning  or  unnecessary  expleti\es. 

t  Historic,  p.  92,  4:25. 

t  "As  charitie  (says  he)  persuadeth  me  to  interpret  thingos 
doubfully  spoken  in  the  best  senee,  somydutie  lo  God,  (who  hat  i» 
commanded  me  to  flatter  no  prince  in  the  earth)  compelleth  me  lo 
say,  that  if  no  more  ye  esteme  tlie  admonition  of  God,  nor  the  Car- 
dinalles  do  the  scoffing  of  pasquiiies.  then  he  shall  shortly  send 
you  messagers,  with  whome  ye  shall  not  be  able  on  that  maner 
to  jest. — ^did  not  speak  unto  you,  madame,  by  my  former  Icltre, 
nether  yet  do  1  now,  as  Pasquillus  doth  to  the  Pope,  in  behalf  of 
such  as  dare  not  utter  their  names  ;  but  I  come,  in  the  name  of 
Jesus  Christ,  affirming,  that  the  religion  which  ye  maintain  is 
damnable  idolatrie:  the  which  I  offre  myselfe  to  prove  by  the 
most  evident  testimoiiies  of  Goddis  scriptures.  And.  in  this  quar- 
relle,  I  present  myself  againste  all  thepapistcs  within  the  realmc? 
desiring  none  other  armore  but  Goddis  holie  Avorde,  and  the  liber 
tie  of  my  tonge."    Letter,  &c.  apud  Historic,  p.  425,  IJC. 


136  LIIE  OF   ;fOHK  KNOX. 

one  of  their  pastors,  and  urging  him  to  come  and 
take  the  inspection  of  them.*^  He  judged  it  his 
duty  to  comply  with  this  invitation,  and  began  imme- 
diately to  prepare  for  the  journey.  His  wife  and  mo- 
ther-in-law liad  by  this  time  joined  him  at  Edinburgh  ; 
and  Mrs.  Bowes,  being  now  a  widow,  resolved  to 
accompany  her  daughter  and  her  husband  to  Gene- 
va. Having  sent  them  before  him  in  a  vessel  to 
Dieppe,  Knox  again  visited  and  took  his  leave  of 
the  brethren  in  tlie  different  places  wiiere  he  had 
preached.  Campbell  of  Kineancleugh  conducted 
him  to  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  and  he  preached  for 
some  days  in  Castle  Campbell.  Argyle,  and  the 
laird  of  Glenorchy  urged  him  to  remain  in  Scotland, 
but  he  resisted  all  their  importunities.  ^'  If  God  so 
blessed  their  small  beginnings  (he  said,)  that  they 
continued  in  godliness,  whensoever  they  pleased  to 
command  him,  they  should  find  him  obedient.  But 
once  he  must  needs  visit  that  little  flock,  which  the 
Avickedness  of  men  had  compelled  him  to  leave.'' 
Accordingly,  in  the  month  of  July,  15j6,  Jie  left 
Scotland,  and,  arriving  at  Dieppe,  proceeded  with 
his  family  to  Geneva. f 

No  sooner  did  the  clergy  understand  that  he  had 
quitted  the  kingdom,  than  they  in  a  dastardly  man- 
ner, renewed  the  summons  against  him,  which  they 
had  descried  during  his  presence,  and,  upon  his  non- 
compearance,  passed  sentence  against  him,  adjudging 
iiis  body  to  tlse  flames,  and  his  soul  to  damnation.  As 
his  person  was  out  of  their  reach,  they  caused  his  effigy 
1o  he  ignominiously  ])urned  at  the  cross  of  Edin- 
])urgh.  Against  this  sentence,  he  drew  up  his  Appel- 

*  This  congregation  (wliicli  consisted  of  tliose  who  had  with- 
drawn from  Frankfort.)  as  early  as  September,  1555,  "  eliose 
Knox  and  Goodman  for  their  jiaslor,  and  Gilby  requested  tosup- 
plie  the  rome  till  Knox  returned  owte  oft' France."  Troubles  at 
Franckford.p.  lix. 

t  Historic,  p.  93. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  137 

lation,  which  he  afterwards  published,  with  a  suppli- 
cation  and  exhortation,  directed  to  the  nobility  and 
commonalty  of  Scotland,      It  may  not  be  improper 
here  to  subjoin  his  summary  of  the  doctrine  taught  by 
him,  during  his  late  visit  to  Scotland,  which  was  de- 
clared to  be  so  execrable,  and  subjected  the  preacher 
to  such  horrible  pains.      He  taught,  that  there  was 
no  other  name   by    which  men  could  be   saved  but 
that  of  Jesus,   and  that  all  reliance  on  the  merits  of 
any  other  was  vain  and  delusive  ;  that  He,  having  by 
his    one  sacrifice,  sanctified  and   reconciled   to   God 
those  who  should  inherit  the   promised  kingdom,  all 
other  sacrifices  which  men   pretended  to  offer  for  sin 
were  blasphemous  ;    that  all  men    ought  to  hate  sin 
which  Mas  so   odious  before   God,  that  no  other  sa- 
crifice  could  satisfy  for  it,   except  the   death  of  his 
Son ;  that  they  ought  to  magnify  their  heavenly  Fa- 
ther, who  did  not  spare  the  substance  of  his  glory,  but 
gave  him  up  to  suffer  the  ignominious  and  cruel  death 
of  the  cross  for  us  ;  and  that  those  who  were  wash- 
ed from  their  former  sins  were  bound  to  lead  a  new 
life,  fighting  against  the  lusts  of  the  flesh,  and  study- 
ing to  glorify   God  by  good  works.     In  conformity 
with  the  certification  of  his  master,    that  he  would 
deny  and  be  ashamed  of  those  who  should  deny  and 
be  ashamed   of  him  and  his  words  before  a   wick- 
ed   generation,    he   further    taught,   that   it  was   in- 
cumbent on  those  who  hoped  for  life  everlasting,  to 
avoid  idolatry,  superstition,  and   all  vain  religion,  in 
one  word,  every  way  of  worship  which  was  destitute 
of  authority   from  the  word  of  God.      This  doctrine 
he  did   believe  so  conformable   to  God's  holy  scrip 
tures,  that  he  thought  no  creature  could  have  been 
so  impudent   as  to  deny   any   point  or  article  of  it  : 
yet  him  as  an  heretic,  and  his  doctrine  as  heretical, 
had  the  false   bishops   and  ungodly  clergy   damned, 
pronouncing  against   him  the  sentence  of  death,  iu 


138  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

iestificatioii  of  which,  they  had  burned  his  picture  ; 
from  wliich  sentence  he  appealed  to  a  lawful  and 
general  council,  to  be  held,  agreeably  to  ancient 
laws  and  canons  :  humbly  requiring  the  nobility  and 
commons  of  Scotland,  until  such  time  as  these  con- 
troversies were  decided,  to  take  him,  and  others  ac- 
cused  and  persecuted,  under  their  protection,  and  to 
regard  this  his  plain  appellation  as  of  no  less  effect, 
than  if  it  had  been  made  with  greater  solemnity  and 
ceremonies.* 

The  late  visit  of  our  Reformer  (for  so  he  may  now 
be  fitly  designed)  was  of  vast  consequence.  The  foun- 
dations of  that  noble  edifice,  which  he  was  afterwards  so 
instrumental  in  rearing,  were,  on  this  occasion,  pro- 
perly laid.     Some  may  be  apt  to  blame  him  for  relin- 
quishing, too   precipitately,    an  undertaking    which 
he  had  so  auspiciously  begun.    But,  without  pretend- 
ing to  ascertain  the  train  of  reflections  which  occur- 
red to  his  own  mind,  we  may  trace,  in  his  determina- 
tion, the  wise  arrangement  of  that  providence  which 
watched  over  the  infant  Reformation,  and  guided  the 
steps  of  the  Reformer.     His  absence  was  now  no  less 
conducive  to  the  preservation  of  the  cause,  than  his 
presence  and  personal  labours  had  lately  been  to  its 
advancement.    Matters  were  not  yet  ripened  for  a  ge- 
neral Reformation  in  Scotland  ;  and  the  clergy  would 
never  have  suffered  so  zealous  and   able  a  champion 
of  the   new   doctrines    to  live  in  the   country.     By 
timely    withdrawing,    he    not    only    preserved    his 
own  life  and  reserved  his  labours  to  a  more  fit  op- 
pnrtun'ty,  but  he   averted  the  storm   of   persecution 
from  the  heads  of  his  brethren.      Deprived  of  tlieir 
teacliers,    their  adversaries  became  less    jealous   of 
them  :  while,  in  their  private  meetings,    they  conti- 
nued  to  confirm  one   another  in  the  doctriuer  which 

*  Aopclliition.  ik<'.  upiid  Historie.j*.  42S. 


LIFE    or   JOHN    KNOX.  139 

they  had  received,   and  the   seed  lately   sown  had 
time  to  take  root  and  to  spread. 

Before  he  took  his  departure,  Knox  was  careful  to 
give  his  brethren  such  directions  as  he  judged  most 
necessary  for  them,  particularly  for  promoting  mu- 
tual edification,  when  they  were  deprived  of  the  be- 
nefit of  pastors.     Not  satisfied  with    communicating 
these  orally,  he  committed  them  to  ^yriting  in  a  com- 
mon letter,  which  he  either  left  beliind  him,  or  sent 
from  Dieppe,  to  be  circulated  in  the  different  quarters 
where  he  had  preached.     In  this  letter,  he  warmly  re- 
commended the  exercises  of  worship  and  religious  in- 
struction  in   every  family.     He  advised,    that  those 
belonging   to   different   families    should   meet   toge- 
ther,  if  possible    once  every   week.     In    these  as- 
semblies,   they     should    begin    with     confession    of 
sins,   and  invocation  of  the  divine  blessing.     After  a 
portion   of  scripture  had  been  read,   if  any  brother 
had    any   exhortation,   interpretation,    or    doubt,    he 
might  speak  ;  but    this   ought  to  be  done  with   mo- 
desty and  a  desire  to  edify,  or  to  be  edified  ;  "^^  mul- 
tiplication  of  words,    perplexed   interpretation,   and 
wilfulness  in  reasoning"  being  carefully  avoided.     If 
any  difficulties,  which  they  could  not  solve,  occur- 
red in  the  course   of  reading  or  conference,  he  ad- 
vised   them    to    commit    these    to    writing,    before 
they    dismissed,  that    they    might    submit    them    to 
tlie  judgment  of  the  learned.     He  signified  his  own 
readiness  to  give  them  his  advice  and  opinion,  w  hen- 
ever  it  should  be  required.     Their  assemblies  ought 
always  to  he  closed,  as  well  as  opened,  by  prayer.*^ 
There  is  every  reason  to  conclude,  that  these  direc- 
tions   were   punctually    complied    with  ;    this   letter 
may,  therefore,  be  viewed  as  an  important  document 
regarding    the    state    of   the    protcstant    church    in 

'  M^.  Letters,  p   352 — 3j9. 
W 


140  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

Scotland,  previous  the  establishment  of  the  Re- 
formation,  and  shall  be  inserted  at  large  in  the  Ap- 
pendix.* 

Among  his  letters  are  several  answers  to  questions 
which  the  J  had  transmitted  to  him  for  advice.  The 
questions  are  such  as  might  be  supposed  to  arise 
in  the  minds  of  serious  persons  lately  made  ac- 
quainted with  the  scripture,  diffieulted  with  parti- 
cular expressions,  and  at  a  loss  how  to  apply  some 
of  its  directions  to  their  situation.  They  discover 
an  inquisitive  and  conscientious  disposition ;  and  at 
the  same  time,  illustrate  the  disadvantages  under 
which  ordinary  Christians  labour  when  deprived  of 
the  assistance  of  learned  teachers.  Our  Reformer's 
answers  display  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  scrip- 
ture, dexterity  in  expounding  it,  with  prudence  in 
giving  advice  in  cases  of  conscience,  so  as  not  to  en- 
courage a  dangerous  laxity  on  the  one  hand,  or  scru- 
pulosity and  excessive  rigidity  on  the  other. f 

Knox  reached  Geneva  before  the  end  of  harvest, 
and  took  upon  him  the  charge  of  the  English  congre- 
gation there,!  among  whom  he  laboured  during  the 
two  following  years.  This  short  period  was  the  most 
quiet  of  his  life.  In  the  bosom  of  his  own  family,  hd 
experienced  that  soothing  care  to  which  he  had  hi- 

*  The  letter  is  iiiserihed  "To  liis  Brethren  in  Scotland  efter  hie 
had  bene  qiiyat  aniiina;  thame;"  and  bears  date  "  7.  of  July  15i56.'* 

t  Among  tbeijiiestions  proposed  were  the  following:  Whether 
the  baptism  administered  by  the  popish  priests  was  valid,  and  did 
not  reiinire  rept'tition  ?  Whether  all  the  things  prohibited  in  the 
decree  of  tlie  apostles  and  elders  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  xv.)  were 
still  unlawful?  Whether  the  prohibition  of  the  apostle  John  (2d 
ep.  V.  10.)  extended  to  common  salutation  of  those  who  taught  erro- 
neous doctrine  ?  liow  were  (he  directions  of  the  apostle  Peter  re- 
specting dress  (1st  ep.  ch.  iii.  3.)  to  be  obeyed  ?  In  what  sense  is 
(>od  said  to  repent  ?  A  specimen  of  our  Reformer's  answer  shall  be 
given  in  the  Appendix. 

I  The  congregation  seem  to  have  delayed  the  final  settlement 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  141 

therto  been  a  stranger,  and  which  his  frequent  bo- 
dily ailments  required.  Two  sons  were  born  to  him 
in  Geneva.  The  greatest  cordiality  among  them- 
selves, and  affection  to  him  subsisted  in  the  small 
flock  under  his  charge.  With  his  colleague,  Chris- 
topher Goodman,  he  lived  as  a  brother;  and  was 
happy  in  the  friendship  of  Calvin  and  the  other  pas- 
tors of  Geneva.  So  much  was  he  pleased  with  the 
purity  of  religion  established  in  that  city,  that  he 
warmly  recommended  it  to  his  religious  acquaint- 
ances in  England,  as  the  best  Christian  asylum  to 
which  they  could  flee.  ^^In  my  heart  (says  he,  in  a 
letter  to  his  friend  Mr.  Locke)  I  could  have  wished, 
yea,  and  cannot  cease  to  wish,  that  it  might  please 
God  to  guide  and  conduct  yourself  to  this  place, 
where  I  neither  fear  nor  eshame  to  say,  is  the  most 
perfect  school  of  Christ  that  ever  was  in  the  earth, 
since  the  days  of  the  apostles.  In  other  places  I 
confess  Christ  to  be  truly  preached:  but  manners 
and  religion  so  sincerely  reformed,  I  have  not  yet 
seen  in  any  other  place  beside."* 

But  neither  the  enjoyment  of  personal  accommo- 
dations, nor  the  pleasure  of  literary  society,  nor  the 
endearments  of  domestic  happiness,  could  subdue 
our  Reformer's  ruling  passion,  or  unfix  his  deter- 
mination to  return  to  Scotland,  as  soon  as  an  opportu- 
nity should  offer  for  ad\'ancing  the  Reformation 
among  his  countrymen.  In  a  letter  written  to  some 
of  his  friends  in  Edinburgh,  March  16,  1557,  we 
find  him  expressing  himself  thus:  "My  own  motion 
and  daily  prayer  is,  not  only  that  I  may  visit  you, 
but  also  that  with  joy  I  may  end  my  battle   among 

of  their  order  oi"  worship  and  discipline  until  Knox's  arrival; 
for  the  preface  to  The  order  of  Geneva,  is  dated  '•  the  lOlh  of 
February,  Anno  I5i56,"  i.  e.  1557,  unless  they  followed  the  Ge- 
nevan mode  of  reckoning.  Dunlop's  Collection  of  Confessions^ 
ii.  401.  *  MS.  Letters,  p.  .377. 


14S  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

you.  And  assure  yourself  of  that,  that  whenever  a 
greater  number  among  you  shall  call  upon  me  than 
now  hath  bound  me  to  serve  them,  by  his  grace  it 
shall  not  be  the  fear  of  punishment,  neither  yet  of 
the  deatli  temporal,  that  shall  impede  my  coming  to 
you."*  A  certain  heroic  confidence,  and  assurance 
of  ultimate  success  have  often  been  displayed  by  those 
whom  providence  has  raised  up  to  achieve  great  re- 
volutions in  the  world;  by  which  they  have  been 
borne  up  under  discouragements  which  would  have 
overwhelmed  men  of  ordinary  spirits,  and  embol- 
dened to  face  dangers  from  which  others  would 
have  shrunk  appalled.  This  enthusiastic  heroism 
(I  use  not  the  epithet  in  a  bad  sense)  often  blazed 
forth  in  the  conduct  of  the  great  German  Reformer. 
Knox  possessed  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  the 
same  spirit.  ^^  Satan,  I  confess,  rageth  (says  he 
in  a  letter  nearly  of  the  same  date  with  that  last 
quoted;)  but  potent  is  He  that  promised  to  be  with 
us,  in  all  such  enterprizes  as  we  take  in  hand  at  his 
commandment,  for  the  glory  of  his  name,  and  for 
maintenance  of  his  true  religion.  And  therefore  the 
less  fear  we  any  contrary  power  :  yea,  in  the  boldness 
of  our  God,  we  altogether  contemn  them,  be  they 
kings,  emperors,  men,  angels,  or  devils.  For  they 
shall  be  never  able  to  prevail  against  the  simple  truth 
of  God  which  we  openly  profess  :  by  the  permission 
of  God,  they  may  appear  to  prevail  against  our  bo- 
dies ;  but  our  cause  shall  triumph  in  despite  of  Sa- 
tan."! 

Within  a  month  after  he  wrote  the  letter  last  quoted 
but  one,  James  Symc,  who  had  been  his  host  at  Edin- 
burgh, and  James  Barron,  anotlier  burgess  of  the 
same  city,  arrived  at  Geneva  with  a  letter,  and  cre- 
dence, from  tlie  Earl  of  Glencairn,  Lords  Lorn,  Er- 

♦  MS.  Letters,  p.  108.  t  Ibid.  p.  378. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  HiS 

skine,  and  James  Stewart,  informing  him  that  those 
who  had  professed  the  reformed  doctrine  remained 
stedfast,  that  its  adversaries  were  daily  losing  credit 
in  the  nation,  and  that  those  who  possessed  the  su- 
preme authority,  although  they  had  not  yet  declar- 
ed themselves  friendly,  still  refrained  from  persecu- 
tion ;  and  inviting  him  in  their  own  name,  and  in 
that  of  their  brethren,  to  return  to  Scotland,  M'here 
he  Avould  find  them  all  ready  to  receive  him,  and  to 
spend  their  lives  and  fortunes  in  advancing  the  cause 
M'hich  they  had  espoused.* 

*  KuQX,  Historic,  p.  9T,  98. 


i^4i  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX, 


PERIOD   V. 

VRHII  HIS  IMVITATION  INTO  SCOTLAND,  BY  THE  PKOTEST- 
ANT  NOBILITY,  ANNO  1557,  TO  HIS  SETTLEMENT  AS  MI- 
NISTER OF  EDINBURGH,  VPON  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  0¥ 
THE   REFORMATION,   ANNO   1560. 

This  invitation  Knox  laid  before  his  congregation, 
and  also  submitted  to  Calvin,  and  his  colleagues. 
The  latter  delivered  it  as  their  opinion,  ^*  that  he 
could  not  refuse  the  call,  without  shewing  himself 
rebellious  to  God,  and  unmerciful  to  his  country.'' 
His  congregation  agreed  to  sacrifice  their  particular 
interest  to  the  greater  good  of  the  church;  and  his 
own  family  silently  acquiesced.  Upon  this,  he  re- 
turned an  answer  to  the  letter  of  the  nobility,  signi- 
fying, that  he  meant  to  visit  them  with  all  reason- 
able expedition.  Accordingly,  after  seeing  the  con- 
gregation agreeably  provided  with  a  pastor  in  his 
room,*  and  settling  his  other  aftairs,  he  took  an  af- 

*  This  vvas  William  Whittingham.  He  was  tlie  son  of  "William 
Whittiiigliam,  Esq.  of  Holmeside,  in  t!ie  connty  of  Chester,  was 
born  anno  1521',  educated  at  Oxford,  and  held  in  great  reputation 
for  his  learning.  Upon  the  aceession  of  Queen  Marj',  he  went 
Brst  to  Frankfort,  and  afterwards  to  Geneva,  where  he  married 
Catherine,  the  sister  of  John  Calvin.  He  was  one  of  the  trans- 
lators of  the  Geneva  bible,  and  composed  several  of  the  metrical 
psalms  which  accompanied  it.  He  fell  under  the  displeasure  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  on  account  of  a  commendatory  preface  which 
he  wrote  to  Christopher  Goodman's  book  on  Obedience  to  Siipe- 
rior  Powers,  in  which,  among  other  free  sentiments,  the  govern- 
ment of  women  was  condemned.  But  lie  enjoyed  the  protection  of 
some  of  the  principal  courtiers.  In  1560,  he  accompanied  the 
Ear!  of  Bedford  iu  au  embassy  to  France,  and,  in  1562,  and  in 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  146 

fectionate  leave  of  his  friends  at  Geneva,  and  went 
to  Dieppe,  in  the  beginning  of  October.  Wliile  he 
waited  there  for  a  vessel,  he  received  letters  from 
Scotland,  written  in  a  very  different  strain  from  the 
former.  These  informed  him,  that  new  consulta- 
tions had  been  held ;  that  some  began  to  repent  of 
the  invitation  which  they  had  given  him  to  return  to 
Scotland ;  and  that  the  greater  part  seemed  irreso- 
lute and  faint-hearted. 

This  intelligence  exceedingly  disconcerted  and 
embarrassed  him.  He  instantly  dispatched  a  letter 
to  the  nobility  who  had  invited  him,  upbraiding 
them  for  their  timidity  and  inconstancy.  The  infor- 
mation, which  he  had  just  received,  had  (he  said) 
confounded  and  pierced  him  with  sorrow.  After 
taking  the  advice  of  the  most  learned  and  godly  in 
Europe,  for  the  satisfaction  of  his  own  conscience 
and  theirs,  respecting  this  enterprize,  the  abandon- 
ment of  it  would  reflect  disgrace  upon  either  him  or 
them  :  it  would  argue  either  that  he  had  been  mar- 
vellously forward  and  vain,  or  else  that  they  had  be- 
trayed great  imprudence  and  want  of  judgment  in 
their  invitation.  To  some  it  might  appear  a  small 
matter,  that  he  had  left  his  poor  family  destitute  of 

1363,  acted  as  chaplaiu  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  during  the  de- 
fence of  Havre  de  Grace.  That  brave  nobleman  was  at  a  loss 
for  words  to  express  his  high  esteem  for  him.  In  1563,  he  was 
made  Dean  of  Durham.  I  have  already  mentioned  (p.  43,)  that 
an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  to  invalidate  the  ordination 
which  he  received  at  Geneva.  On  that  occasion  Dr.  Ilutton, 
Dean  of  York,  told  x\rchbishop  Sandys,  that  Whittingham  "  wa* 
ordained  in  a  better  manner  than  even  the  Archbishop  himself;" 
and  the  Lord  President  said,  he  could  not  in  conscience  agree  to 
••  allow  of  the  popish  massing  priests  in  our  ministry,  and  to  dis- 
allow of  ministers  made  in  a  reformed  church."  Whittingham  ne- 
ver conformed  fully  to  the  English  church,  and  died  in  1579. 
Hutchinson's  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  County  Palatine  of 
Durham,  ii.  14-3 — 152.378.    Forbcs's  State  Papers,  ii.  207.  418, 


146  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.' 

a  head,  aiitl  committed  the  care  of  his  small  but 
dearly  beloved  flock  to  another;  but,  for  his  part, 
he  could  not  name  the  sum  that  would  induce  him 
to  go  through  the  same  scene  a  second  time,  and  to 
behold  so  many  grave  men  weeping  at  his  departure. 
What  answer  could  he  give,  on  his  return,  to  those 
who  enquired,  why  he  did  not  prosecute  his  journey  ? 
He  could  take  God  to  witness,  that  the  personal  in- 
conveniences to  which  he  had  been  subjected,  or 
the  mortification  which  he  felt  at  the  disappoint- 
ment, was  not  the  chief  cause  of  his  grief.  But  he 
was  alarmed  at  the  awful  consequences  which  would 
ensue,  at  the  bondage  and  misery,  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral, which  they  would  entail  upon  themselves  and 
their  children,  their  subjects,  and  their  posterity,  if 
they  neglected  tlie  present  opportunity  of  introduc- 
ing the  gospel  into  their  native  country.  In  con- 
science, he  could  except,  from  blame  in  this  matter, 
none  that  bare  the  name  of  nobility  in  Scotland. 
His  vvords  might  seem  sharp  and  indiscreet  ;  but 
charity  would  construe  them  in  the  best  sense,  and 
wise  men  would  consider  that  a  true  friend  cannot 
flatter,  especially  in  a  case  which  iuvolved  the  salva- 
tion of  body  and  soul,  not  of  a  few  persons,  but  of  a 
whole  realm.  '•'  What  are  the  sobs,  and  what  is  the 
aifliction  of  my  troubled  heart,  God  shall  one  day 
declare.  But  this  Avill  I  add  to  my  former  rigour 
and  severity:  to  wit,  if  any  persuade  you,  for  fear  or 
dangers  to  follow,  to  faint  in  your  former  purpose, 
be  he  esteemed  never  so  wise  aud  friendly,  let  him 
be  judged  of  you  both  foolish,  and  your  mortal  ene- 
my.— I  am  not  ignorant  that  fearful  troubles  shall 
ensue  youi-  enterprize  ;  as  in  my  former  letters  I  did 
signify  unto  \ou.  But,  O  !  joyful  and  comfoi-table 
are  tliose  troubles  and  adversities  which  man  sus- 
taineth  for  accompiisliment  of  God's  will  revealed  in 
hii  word.     For  hovr'  teriihle  that  ever  they  appear  to 


LIFB  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  147 

the  judgment  of  natural  men,  yet  are  they  never  able 
to  devour  nor  utterly  to  consume  the  sufferers  ;  for  the 
invisible  and  invincible  power  of  God  sustaineth  and 
preserveth,  according  to  his  promise,  all  such  as  with 
simplicity  do  obey  him. — No  less  cause  have  ye  to 
enter  in  your  former  enterprize,  than  Moses  had  to 
go  to  tbe  presence  of  Pharaoh  ;  for  your  subjects, 
yea  your  brethren,  are  oppressed ;  their  bodies  and 
souls  holden  in  bondage  :  and  God  speaketh  to  your 
consciences,  (unless  ye  be  dead  with  the  blind 
world,)  that  ye  ought  to  hazard  your  own  lives,  be 
it  against  kings  or  emperors,  for  their  deliverance. 
For,  only  for  that  cause  are  ye  called  princes  of  the 
people,  and  receive  honour,  tribute  and  homage  a,t 
God's  commandment,  not  by  reason  of  your  birth 
and  progeny  (as  the  most  part  of  men  falsely  do 
suppose,)  but  by  reason  of  your  office  and  duty; 
which  is,  to  vindicate  and  deliver  your  subjects  and 
brethren  from  all  violence  and  oppression,  to  the 
uttermost  of  your  power/'*^ 

Having  sent  off  this  letter,  with  others,  written  in 
the  same  strain,  to  Erskine  of  Dun,  Wishart  of  Pit- 
tarow,  and  some  other  gentlemen  of  his  acquaint- 
ance, he  resolved  to  spend  some  time  in  the  interior 
of  France,  hoping  to  receive  in  a  little  more  favour- 
able accounts  from  Scotland.!  The  reformed  doe- 
trine  had  been  early  introduced  into  the  kingdom  of 
France ;  it  had  been  watered  with  the  blood  of  many 
martyrs ;  and  all  the  violence  and  barbarity  which 
had  been  employed,  had  not  been  able  to  extirpate 
it,  or  prevent  it  from  spreading  among  all  ranks. 
The  Parisian  protestants  were  at  present  smarting 
under  the  effects  of  one  of  those  massacres,  which  so 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  98 — 100, 

t  I  find  him,  about  this  time,  addressing  a  letter  to  one  of  his 
correspondents  from  Lyons.  !MS.  Letters,  p.  31R.  This  letter 
is  su!.'>-cr;h':'il  Jofm  Sivclair. 

X 


148  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

often  disgraced  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  that 
country,  before  as  well  as  after  the  commencement 
of  the  civil  wars.  Not  satisfied  with  assaulting  them 
when  peaceably  assembled  for  worship  in  a  private 
house,  and  treating  them  with  great  barbarity,  their 
adversaries,  in  imitation  of  their  pagan  predeces- 
sors, invented  the  most  diabolical  calumnies  against 
tliem,  and  circulated  every  where,  that  they  were 
guilty  of  committing  the  most  flagitious  crimes  in 
their  assemblies.^  The  innocent  sufferers  had 
drawn  up  an  apology,  vindicating  themselves  from 
this  atrocious  charge,  and  Knox  having  got  a  copy 
of  this,  translated  it  into  English,  and  wrote  a  pre- 
face and  additions  to  it,  intending  to  publish  it  for 
the  use  of  his  countrymen,  f 

*  Histoire  des  Martyrs,  p.  425.  426.  Anno  1597.  Folio  The 
Cardinal  of  Lorrain,  uncle  to  Mary  the  young  Queen  of*  Scotland, 
Avas  industrious  in  propagating  this  vile  calumny;  a  circumstance 
which  no  doubt  contributed  to  increase  Knox's  bad  opinion  ofthat 
most  determined  enemy  of  the  Reformation.  This  is  mentioneJ 
by  him  in  his  preface  to  the  Parisian  Apology.  "  This  was  not 
bruited  be  the  rude  and  ignorant  pepil;  but  a  Cardinall  (whais 
ipocrisie  nevertheless  is  not  abil  to  cover  his  awn  filthines)  escha- 
mit  not  opinlie  at  his  tabill  to  affirme  that  maist  impudent  and 
manifest  lie  ;  adding  moreover  (to  the  further  declaratioun  whais 
sone  he  was)  that,  in  the  hous  vvhairthay  was  apprehendit,  8  bc- 
dis  wer  preparit.  Wlien  in  verie  deid  in  that  place  whair  tliay 
did  convene,  (except  a  table  for  the  Lord's  Supper  to  have  been 
ministered,  a  ehayr  for  the  preicher,  and  bankis  and  stullis  for 
the  easement  of  the  auditors)  no  preparation  nor  furniture  was 
abill  to  be  proved,  not  even  be  the  verie  enemyis."  MS.  Letters, 
p.  44.;,  440. 

t  MS.  Letters,  p.  442 — 500.  The  apology  of  the  Parisian  pro- 
tectants was  published  ;  but  I  do  not  know  that  ever  Knox's  tians- 
latiou  and  additions  appeanid  in  print.  The  writer  of  the  Life 
of  Knox,  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  his  history,  1732,  page  xxi. 
has  fallen  into  several  blunders  in  speaking  of  this  subject.  There 
are  no  letters  to  the  French  protectants  in  the  MS.  to  which  he 
Tvifrrs  ;  uiid  Jit  apology  "as  written  by  the  Parisians  themselves, 
and  only  translated  partly  by  Knox,  but  "  the  most  part  by  an- 
other, because  of  his  other  labours." 


LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX.  14d) 

Having  acquired  the  French  language,  and  form- 
ed an  acquaintance  with  many  of  the  protestants,  he 
occasionally  preached  to  them  in  passing  through 
the  country.  It  seems  to  have  been  on  the  present 
occasion,  that  he  preached  in  the  city  of  Rochelle, 
when,  having  introduced  the  subject  of  his  native 
country,  he  told  his  audience  that  he  expected, 
within  a  few  years,  to  preach  in  the  church  of  St. 
Giles,  in  Edinburgh.*  There  is  nothing  in  our  Re- 
former's letters  from  which  I  can  learn  whether  he 
found  any  protestants  in  Dieppe,  a  place  which  he 
so  often  visited  during  his  exile  :  it  is  probable  he 
did ;  for  at  an  early  period  of  the  following  century 
they  had  a  very  numerous  church  in  that  town.f 

Having  received  no  intelligence  of  an  encourag- 
ing nature,  Knox  determined  to  relinquish  for  the 
present  his  design  of  proceeding  to  Scotland.     This 

*  '^  Having  particularly  declared  fo  me  (says  Row)  by  those 
nlio  lieard  liim  say,  when  he  was  in  Rochel  in  France,  that  with- 
in two  or  three  years  he  hoped  to  preach  the  gospel  publicly  in 
St.  Giles  kirk  in  Edinburgh.  But  the  persons  who  heard  him  say 
it,  being  papists  for  the  time,  and  yet  persuaded  by  a  nobleman  to 
hear  him  preach  privately,  and  see  him  baptize  a  bairn,  that  was 
carried  many  miles  to  him  for  that  purpose,  thought  that  such  a 
ifejiing  could  never  come  to  pass,  and  hated  him  for  so  speaking; 
yet,  coming  home  to  Scotland,  and  through  stress  of  weather 
likely  to  perish,  they  began  to  think  of  his  preaching,  and  allow- 
ed of  every  part  of  it,  and  vowed  to  God,  if  he  would  preserve 
their  lives,  that  they  would  forsake  papistry  and  follow  t!:e  cal- 
ling of  God ;  whilk  they  did,  and  saw,  and  heard  John  Knox 
preach  openly  in  the  kirk  of  Edinburgh,  at  the  time  whereof  he 
spoke  to  them."  Row's  History,  MS.  p.  8,  9.  The  same  ftict  is 
mentioned  by  Pierre  de  la  Roque,  a  French  author,  in  Recueil 
des  Dernieres  Heures  Editiantes,  apud  Wodrow^  MSS.  No.  15. 
Advocates  Library. 

t  Mr.  Robert  Trail,  minister  first  at  Eiy,  and  afterwards  at 
Edinburgh,  when  he  was  in  France,  between  1625  and  1630,  was 
present  in  a  congregation  at  Dieppe,  when  5000  people  were  as- 
sembled. Note  of  the  most  remarkable  particulars  in  a  MS.  ac- 
count of  Mr.  Robert  Trail,  written  with  his  own  hand,  anno  1069, 
p.  4.  MS.  penes  me. 


150  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

resolution  does  not  accord  with  the  usual  firmness  of 
our  Reformer,  and  is  not  suflBciently  accounted  for 
in  the  common  histories.     The  protestant  nobles  had 
not  retracted  their  invitation ;   the  discouraging  let- 
ters  which  he  had  received  were  written  by  indivi- 
duals, without  any  commission  from  them  ;    and  if 
their  zeal  and  courage  had  begun  to  flag,  there  was 
the  more  need  of  his  presence  to  recruit  them.     His 
private   letters    to   his   familiar   acquaintances   ena- 
ble me  to  state  more  fully  the  motives  by  which  he 
was  actuated  in  taking  this  retrograde  step.     He  was 
perfectly  aware  of  the  struggle  which  would  be  ne- 
cessary in  effectuating   the   Reformation ;    that   his 
presence  in  Scotland  would  excite  the  rage  of  the 
clergy,  who  would  make  every  effort  to  crusli  their 
adversaries,    and    maintain   the  lucrative    system  of 
corruption  ;   and   that  civil  discord,    confusion,  and 
bloodshed  might  be  expected  to  ensue.     The  pros- 
pect of   these   things    rushed    into    his    mind,    and 
(regardless    of    public   tranquillity    as    some    have 
pronounced    him    to    be)    staggered    his    resolution 
in  prosecuting  an  undertaking  which  his  judgment 
approved  as  lawful,  laudable,  and  necessary.     When, 
says  he,  ^  I  heard  such  troubles  as  appeared  in  that 
realm,   I  began  to  dispute  Avith  myself  as  followeth  : 
^^  Shall    Christ,   the  author  of  peace,   concord,  and 
quietness,  be  preached  where  war  is  proclaimed,  se- 
dition   engendered,    and    tumults    appear   to   rise? 
Shall  not  his  evangel  be  accused  as  the  cause  of  all 
this  calamity,  which  is  like  to  follow  ?    What  com- 
fort canst  thou  have  to  see  the  one  half  of  the  peo- 
ple rise  up   against  the  other,  yea,  to  jeopard  the 
one,  to  murder  and   destroy  the  other?    But,  above 
all,  what  joy  shall  it  be  to  thy  heart,  to  behold  with 
thy  eyes  thy   native    country    betrayed    in  [to]  the 
hands  of  strangers,  which  to  no  man's  judgment  can 
be  avoided  j  because  that  those  who  ought  to  defend 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  151 

it,  and  the  liberty  thereof,  are  so  blind,  dull,  and 
obstinate,  that  they  will  not  see  their  own  destruc- 
tion ?"*  To  '^  these  and  more  deep  cogitations'' 
(which  continued  to  distract  his  mind  for  several 
months  after  he  returned  to  Geneva)  he  principally 
imputed  his  abandonment  of  the  journey  to  Scot- 
land. At  the  same  time,  he  was  convinced  that 
they  were  not  sufficient  to  justify  his  desisting  from 
an  undertaking,  recommended  by  so  many  powerful 
considerations.  "  But,  alas  !  (says  he)  as  the  wound- 
ed man,  be  he  never  so  expert  in  physick  or  surge- 
ry, cannot  suddenly  mitigate  his  own  pain  and  do- 
lour ;  no  more  can  I  the  fear  and  grief  of  my  heart, 
although  I  am  not  ignorant  of  what  is  to  be  done.  It 
may  also  be,  that  the  doubts  and  cold  writing  of 
some  brethren  did  augment  my  dolour,  and  some- 
what discourage  me  that  before  was  more  nor  feeble. 
But  nothing  do  I  so  much  accuse  as  myself.*'  What- 
ever were  the  secondary  causes  of  this  step,  I  can- 
not but  again  direct  the  readers  attention  to  the  wis- 
dom of  Providence,  in  tlirowing  impediments  in  his 
way,  by  which  his  return  to  Scotland  was  protracted 
to  a  period,  before  which  it  might  have  been  inju- 
rious, and  at  which  it  was  calculated  to  be  in  the 
highest  degree  useful  to  the  great  cause  wliich  he 
had  at  heart. 

Before  he  left  Dieppe,  he  transmitted  two  long 
letters  to  Scotland:  the  one,  dated  1st  December, 
1557,  was  addressed  to  the  protcstants  in  general, 
the  other,  dated  the  17tb  of  the  same  month,  was 
directed  to  the  nobility.  In  judging  of  Knox's  in- 
fluence in  advancing  the  Reformation,  we  must  take 
into  view  not  only  his  personal  lal>onis,  ])iit  also 
the  epistolary  correspondence  which  he  maintained 
with    his   countrymen.     By  this,  he  instructed  them 

*  M6.  Letters,  p.  319. 


152  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

in  his  absence,  communicated  his  own  advice,  and 
that  of  the  learned  among  whom  he  resided,  upon 
every  difficult  case  wliich  occurred,  and  animated 
them  to  constancy  and  perseverance.  The  letters 
which  he  wrote  at  this  time  deserve  particular  atten- 
tion in  this  view.  In  both  of  them  he  prudently 
avoids  any  reference  to  his  late  disappointment. 

In  the  iirst  letter  lie  strongly  inculcates  purity  of 
morals,  and  warns  all  who  professed  the  reformed 
religion  against  those  irregularities  of  life,  which 
were  impro>ed  to  the  disparagement  of  their  cause, 
by  two  classes  of  persons ;  by  the  papists,  who,  al- 
though the  same  vices  prevailed  in  a  far  higher  de- 
gree among  themselves,  represented  them  as  the 
native  fruits  of  the  protestant  doctrine ;  and  by  a 
new  sect,  who  were  enemies  to  superstition,  and  had 
belonged  to  their  own  society,  but  having  deserted 
il,  had  become  scarcely  less  hostile  to  them  than  the 
papists.  The  principal  design  of  this  letter  was  to 
put  them  on  their  guard  against  the  arts  of  this  class 
of  j)ersons,  and  to  expose  their  leading  errors. 

The  persons  to  whom  he  referred  where  those  who 
went  under  the  general  name  of  ^Anabaptists,  a  sect 
which  sprung  up  in  Germany,  soon  after  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Reformation  under  Luther,  broke 
out  into  the  greatest  excesses,  and  produced  the 
most  violent  commotions  in  different  places.  Being 
suppressed  in  Germany,  it  spread  through  other 
countries,  and  secretly  made  converts  by  high  pre- 
tensions to  seriousness  and  Christian  simplicity  ;  the 
spirit  of  turbulence  and  wild  fanaticism,  Mliicli  at 
iirst  characterized  the  sect,  gradually  subsiding  after 
ihe  first  effervesence.  Ebullitions  of  a  similar  kind 
have  not  unfrequently  accompanied  great  revolu- 
tions; when  the  minds  of  men,  dazzled  by  a 
sudden  irradiation,  and  released  from  the  galling 
fetters    of    despotism,    civil   or  ecclesiastical,    have 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KXOX.  153 

been  disposed  to  fly  to  the  opposite  extreme  of  anar- 
chy and  extravagance.  Nothing  proved  more  vex- 
ing to  the  original  reformers  than  this  ;  it  was  im- 
proved by  the  defenders  of  the  old  system  as  a  po- 
pular argument  against  all  mutation  ;  and  many  who 
had  declared  themselves  friendly  to  reform,  alarm- 
ed, or  pretending  to  be  alarmed,  at  tliis  hideous 
spectre,  drew  back,  and  sheltered  themselves  \^  ithln 
the  sacred  pale  of  the  Catholic  church. 

The  radical  error  of  this  sect,  according  to  the 
more  improved  system  held  by  them  at  the  time  of 
which  I  write,  was  a  fond  conceit  of  a  certain  ideal 
perfection  and  spirituality  which  belonged  to  Chris- 
tians and  the  Christian  church,  by  which  they  differ- 
ed essentially,  and  toto  ctelo,  from  the  Jewish  church, 
which  they  looked  upon  as  a  carnal,  worldly  socie- 
ty. By  this,  tiiey  were  naturally  led  to  abridge  the 
rule  of  faith  and  manners,  by  coniiuing  themselves 
almost  entirely  to  the  New  Testament,  and  to  adopt 
their  other  opinions,  concerning  the  unlawfulness  of 
infant  baptism,  civil  magistracy,  national  churciies, 
oaths,  and  tlefensive  war.  But  besides  these  notions, 
the  anabaptists  were,  at  this  period,  generally  in- 
fected with  the  Arian  and  Pelagian  heresies,  and 
united  with  the  papists  in  loading  the  doctrines 
maintained  by  the  reformers,  respecting  predestina- 
tion and  grace,  Avith  the  most  odious  charges.* 

*  The  Carelesby  Neeessitie,  as  reprinted  in  Knox's  Answer  to 
an  Anabaptist,  1560.  Spauhemii  (Putris)  Disput.  Theol.  Mis- 
cell.  Genevae,  1652,  Spauhemii  (Filii)  Opera,  Tom.  111.  pp.  771 
—798. — ^It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that  the  great  body  of 
those  who,  in  the  present  day,  oppose  the  baptism  of  infants  do 
not  hold  a  number  of  the  tenets  specified  above.  They  are  deci- 
dedly hostile  to  the  Arian  and  Pelagian  errors,  and  friendly  to  the 
doctrine  of  grace.  So  far  from  denying  the  lawfulness  of  magis- 
tracy among  Christians,  they  have  in  general  (at  least  in  Scot- 
land) adopted  the  principle  of  non-resistance  to  civil  rulers  in  all 
cases. 


M» 


154  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

Our  Reformer  had  occasion  to  meet  with  some  of 
these  sectaries,  both  in  England  and  on  the  continent, 
and  had  ascertained  their  extravagant  and  danger- 
ous principles.*      He  was  apprised  that  they  were 
creeping   into   Scotland,   and   was   afraid  that  they 
would  insidiously  instil  their  poison  into  the  minds 
of  some  of  his    brethren.     He  refuted  their  opinion 
respecting  church -communion,  by  shewing  that  they 
required   such    purity    as    was    never    found  in  the 
church,    either   before    or  since    the   completion    of 
the  canon  of  scripture.      In  opposition  to  their  Pe- 
lagian tenets,  lie  gave  the  following  statement  of  his 
sentiments.       ^*  If  there  be   any  thing   which   God 
did  not   predestinate   and  appoint,    then  lacked  he 
wisdom  and  free  regimen  ;  or,  if  any  thing  was  ever 
done,    or  yet  after   shall  be   done  in   heaven    or  in 
earth,  which   lie  might  not  have  impeded,  (if  so  had 
been  his  godly    pleasure,)   then   is  he  not   omnipo- 
tent ;    which  three  properties,    to  wit,  wisdom,  free 
regimen,    and  poAver  denied  to  be  in   God,   1  pray 
you  what  rests  in  his  godhead  ?  The  wisdom  of  our 
God  we  acknowledge  to  be  such,   that  it  compelleth 
the  very  malice  of  Satan,   and  the  horrible  iniquity 

*  When  he  was  in  London,  in  the  year  1553,  one  of  them  came 
to  his  lodging,  and,  after  requiring  of  him  great  secresy,  gave  him 
a  book  written  by  one  of  his  party,  which  he  pressed  him  much  to 
read.  Upon  looking  into  it.  he  perceived  the  following  proposi- 
tion, that  "  God  made  not  the  world,  nor  the  Avicked  creatures  in 
it ;  but  these  were  made  by  the  devil,  who  is  therefore  called  the 
(jrod  of  this  world.^^  Knox  immediately  warned  the  man  against 
■iuch  gross  doctrine,  and  began  to  explain  to  him  the  sense  in 
which  the  devil  is  called  "  the  god  of  tliis  world"  in  scripture. 
*■■'  Tush  for  your  written  word  (answered  the  enthusiast;)  we  Iiave 
as  good  and  as  sure  a  word  and  veritie  that  teachetli  us  this  doc- 
trine, as  ye  have  for  you  and  your  opinion." — Knox  adds,  that  he 
knew  others  of  tliat  sect,  who  maintained  the  old  heresy  of  the 
Maniciieaus.  Answer  to  the  Blasphemous  Cavillations  written 
by  an  Anabaptist,  p.  405,  407.     Anno  1560. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  155 

of  such  as  be  drowned  in  sin,  to  serve  to  his  glory 
and  to  the  profit  of  his  elect.  His  power  we  believe 
and  confess  to  be  infinite,  and  such  as  no  creature 
in  heaven  or  earth  is  able  to  resist.  And  his  regi- 
men we  acknowledge  to  be  so  free,  that  none  of  his 
creatures  dare  present  them  in  judgment,  to  reason 
or  demand  the  question.  Why  hast  thou  done  this 
or  that?  But  the  fountain  of  this  their  damnable 
error  (which  is,  that  in  God  they  can  acknowledge 
no  justice  except  that  which  their  foolish  brain  is 
able  to  comprehend,)  at  more  opportunity,  Grod 
willing,  we  shall  entreat.''* 

He  assigns  his  reasons  for  warning  them  so  parti- 
cularly against  the  seduction  of  these  erroneous 
teachers.  Under  the  cloak  of  mortification,  and  the 
colour  of  a  godly  life,  they  ^'  supplanted  the  dignity 
of  Christ,''  and  *•  were  become  enemies  to  free  jus- 
tification by  faith  in  his  blood."  The  malice  of  their 
popish  adversaries  was  now  visible  to  all  the  world. 
The  hypocrisy  of  mercenary  teachers  and  ungodly 
professors  would  soon  discover  itself.  Seldom  was 
open  tyranny  able  to  suppress  the  true  religion,  when 
once  earnestly  embraced  by  the  body  of  any  nation  or 
province.  ^^But  deceivable  and  false  doctrine  is  a 
poison  and  venom,  which,  once  drunken,  and  re- 
ceived, with  great  difliculty  can  afterward  be  purg- 
ed." Accordingly,  he  obtested  them  to  "  try  the 
spirits"  which  came  unto  them,  'and  to  suffer  no 
man  to  take  the  office  of  preacher  upon  him,  of  his 
own  accord,  without  trial,  and  to  assemble  the  peo- 
ple in  privy  conventions ;  else  Satan  would  soou 
have  his  emissaries  among  them,  who  would  ^'  de- 

*  This  he  afterwards  aceomplished  in  the  book  referred  to  in 
(he  preceding  note,  in  which  he  largely  explains  the  doctrine  of 
predestination,  as  held  by  the  reformed  churches,  and  vindicates  it 
hi^ainsf  the  cavils  and  misrepresentations  of  its  adversaries, 

y 


156  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

stroy  the  plantation  of  our  heavenly  Father."^  Hi^ 
admonitions,  on  this  head,  were  not  without  effect: 
and  the  protestants  of  Scotland  were  not  distracted 
with  these  opinions,  but  remained  united  in  their 
views,  as  to  doctrine,  worship,  and  discipline. 

His  letter  to  the  protestant  lords  breathes  a  spi- 
rit of  ardent  and  uoble  piety.  He  endeavours  to 
purify  their  minds  from  selfish  and  worldly  princi- 
ples ;  to  raise,  sanctify,  and  christianize  their  mo- 
tives, by  exhibiting  and  recommending  to  them  tlie 
spirit  and  conduct  of  the  princes  and  heroes,  cele- 
brated, not  in  profane,  but  sacred  story.  The  glory 
of  God,  the  advancement  of  the  kingdom  of  Jesus 
Christ,  the  salvation  of  themselves  and  their  breth- 
ren, the  emancipation  of  their  country  from  spiri- 
tual and  civil  thraldom ;  these,  and  not  their  own 
honour  and  aggrandizement,  or  the  revenging  of 
their  petty,  private  quarrels,  were  the  objects  which 
they  ought  to  keep  steadily  and  solely  in  view. 

In  this  letter,  he  also  communicates  his  ad- 
vice on  the  delicate  question  of  resistance  to  su- 
preme rulers.  They  had  consulted  him  on  this  ques- 
tion, and  he  had  submitted  it  to  the  judgment  of 
the  most  learned  on  the  continent.  Soon  after  the 
marriage  of  their  young  Queen  to  the  Dauphin  of 
France,  the  Scots  began  to  be  jealous  of  the  designs 
of  the  Frencli  court  against  their  liberties  and  inde- 
pendence.  Their  jealousies  increased  after  the  Re- 
cency was  transferred  to  the  Queen  Dowager,  who 
was  wholly  devoted  to  the  interest  of  France,  and  had 
contrived,  under  diflerent  pretexts,  to  keep  a  body 
of  French  troops  in  the  kingdom.  It  was  not  diffi- 
cult to  excite  to  resistance  the  independent  and 
haughty  barons  of  Scotland,  accustomed  to  yield  but  a 
very  limited  and  precarious  obedience,  even  to  their 
native  princes.     They  had   lately  given  a  proof  of 

*  MS.  Leltersj'p.  408 — 424. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  157 

tMs,  by  their  refusal  to  co-operate  in  the  war  against 
England,  which  they  considered  as  undertaken  mere- 
ly for  French  interests.  How  did  our  Reformer  act 
upon  this  occasion?  Did  he  lay  hold  on  this  occur- 
rence, and  attempt  to  inflame  the  irascible  minds  of 
the  nobility  ?  Did  he  persuade  them  to  join  with  the 
Earl  of  Arran  and  others,  who  were  discontented 
with  the  measures  of  government,  and  to  endeavour 
in  this  way  to  advance  their  cause  ?  No ;  on  the 
contrary,  he  wrote,  that  rumours  were  circulated 
on  the  continent,  that  a  rebellion  was  intended  in 
Scotland  ;  and  he  solemnly  charged  all  that  profess- 
ed the  protestant  religion  to  avoid  all  accession  to 
it,  and  to  beware  of  countenancing  those  who,  for 
the  sake  of  worldly  promotion,  and  other  private 
ends,  sought  to  disturb  the  government.  The  nobi- 
lity were  the  guardians  of  the  national  liberties, 
and  there  were  limits,  beyond  which  obedience  was 
not  due;  but  recourse  ought  not  to  be  had  to  resist- 
ance, until  matters  were  tyrannically  driven  to  ex- 
tremity. It  was  incumbent  on  them  to  be  very  cir- 
cumspect in  all  their  proceedings,  that  their  adver- 
saries might  have  no  reason  to  allege,  that  they  co- 
vered a  seditious  and  rebellious  design  v,  ith  the  cloak 
of  religion.  His  advice  to  Uiem,  therefore,  was  that, 
by  dutiful  and  cheerful  obedience  to  all  lawful  com- 
mands, and  by  humble  and  repeated  requests,  they 
should  endeavour  to  recommend  themselves  to  the 
supreme  authority,  and  procure  its  favour  in  pro- 
moting, or,  at  least,  not  persecuting  the  cause  in 
which  they  were  embarked.  If  all  their  endeavours 
failed,  and  the  Regent  refused  to  consent  to  a  pub- 
lic Reformation,  they  ought  to  provide  that  the  gos- 
pel should  be  preached,  and  the  sacraments  admi- 
nistered to  themselves  and  their  brethren ;  and  if 
attempts  were  made  to  crush  them  by  tyrannical  vio- 
lenee,  it  was  lawful  for  them,  nav,  it  was  a  dutv  in- 


158  LIFE  OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

cumbent  upon  thein,  in  their  high  station,  to  stand  Mp 
in  defence  of  their  brethren.  "  For  a  great  difference 
there  is  betwixt  lawful  obedience,  and  a  fearful  flat- 
tering of  princes,  or  an  unjust  accomplishment  of 
their  desires,  in  things  which  be  required,  or  devis- 
ed, for  the  destruction  of  a  commonwealth."* 

Knox  returned  to  Geneva  in  the  end  of  the  year 
1557.     During  the  following  year,  he  was  engaged, 
along  with  several  learned  men  of  his  congregation, 
in  making  a  new  translation  of  the  Bible  into  Eng- 
lish ;  which,  from  the  place  where  it  was  composed 
and  first  printed,  obtained  the  name  of  The  Geneva 
Bible.-\     It   was  at  this  time  that  he  published  his 
Letter  to  the  Qiieen  JRegent,  and  his  Appellation  and 
Exhortation;    both    of  which  were    transmitted  to 
Scotland,  and  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  spread 
of  the  reformed  opinions.      I  have  already  given  an 
account  of  the  first  of  these  tracts,  which  was  chiefly 
intended  for  removing   the  prejudices    of  Catholics. 
The   last  was    more    immediately   designed  for  in- 
structing and  animating  such  as  were  friendly  to  the 
reformed  religion.     Addressing  himself  to  the  nobi- 
lity and  estates,  he  shews  that  the  care  and  refor- 
mation of  religion  belonged  to  civil  rulers,  and  con- 
stituted  one  of  the   primary   duties  of  their  office. 
This  was  a  dictate  of  nature  as  well  as  revelation ; 
and  he  would   not  insist  long  upon  that  topic,  lest 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  424 — i58. 

t  Strype's  Mem.  of  Parker,  p.  205.  This  translation  was  often 
reprinted  in  Britain.  The  freedom  of  remark,  used  in  the  notes, 
gave  offence  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  her  successor  James;  the 
last  of  whom  said,  that  it  was  the  worst  translation  which  he  had 
seen.  Notwithstanding  this  expression  of  disapprobation,  it  is 
evident  that  the  translators,  appointed  by  his  authority,  made 
great  use  of  it ;  nor  would  our  translation  have  been,  upon  the 
whole,  worse,  if  Ihey  had  followed  it  more.  The  late  Dr.  Oeddes 
had  a  very  different  opinion  of  it  from  the  Royal  critic. 


LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX.  159 

lie  should  seem  to  suppose  them  "lesse  careful  over 
God's  true  religion,  than  where  the  Ethnickes*  over 
their  idolatrie."       Inferior  magistrates,   within   the 
sphere  of  their  jurisdiction,  the  nobles  and  estates 
of  a  kingdom,  as  well  as  kings  and  princes,  were 
bound  to  attend  to  this  high  duty.       He  then  ad- 
dresses himself  to  the  commonalty  of  Scotland,  and 
points  out  their  duty  and  interest,  with  regard   to 
the  important  controversy  in  agitation.     They  were 
rational  creatures,  formed  after  the  image  of  God; 
they  had  souls  to  be  saved  ;  they  were  accountable  for 
their  conduct;     they  were  bound   to  judge    of  the 
truth  of  religion,   and   to  make  profession  of  it,  as 
well  as  kings,  nobles,  or  bishops.      If  idolatry  was 
ipaintained,   if  the    gospel    was    suppressed,  if  the 
blood  of  the  innocent  was  shed,  how  could  they  be 
exculpated,  provided  they  kept  silence,   and  did  not 
exert  themselves  to  prevent  these  evils  ?f 

But  the  most  singular  treatise  published  this  year 
by  Knox,  and  that  which  made  the  greatest  noise, 
was  Tlie  first  Blast  of  the  Trumpet  against  the  mon- 
strous JlegimentX  of  Women  ;  in  which  lie  attacked, 
with  great  vehemence,  the  practice  of  admitting  fe- 
males to  the  government  of  nations.  There  is  some 
reason  to  think  that  his  mind  was  struck  with  the 
incongruity  of  this  practice,  as  early  as  Mary's 
accession  to  the  throne  of  England. $  This  was  pro- 
bably one  of  the  points  on  which  he  had  conferred 
with  the  Swiss  divines  in  1551.11  It  is  certain,  from 
a  letter  written  by  him  in  1556,  that  his  sentiments 
respecting  it  were  then  iixed  and  decided.^!  He 
continued,  however,  to  retain  them  to  himself:    and 

*  i.  e.  heathen. 

t  Appellation,  apud  Historic,  p.  434 — 410,  453,454. 

X  L  e.  regimen,  or  government. 

§  First  Blast,  apud  Historic,  p.  478. 

II  MS.  Letters,  p.  318,  319.  f  Ibid.  p.  32^?,  323. 


160  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

refrained  for  a  considerable  time  from  publishing 
them,  out  of  deference  to  the  opinions  of  others. 
But  at  last,  provoked  by  the  tyranny  of  the  queen 
of  England,  and  wearied  out  with  her  increasing 
cruelties,  he  applied  the  Trumpet  to  his  mouth,  and 
uttered  a  terrible  blast.  "  To  promote  a  woman  to 
bear  rule,  superiority,  dominion,  or  empire,  above 
any  realm,  nation,  or  city,  is  repugnant  to  nature, 
contumely  to  God,  a  thing  most  contrarious  to  his 
revealed  will  and  approved  ordinance;  and,  finally, 
it  is  the  subversion  of  all  equity  and  justice."  Such 
is  the  first  sentence  and  principal  proposition  of  the 
work.  The  arguments  by  which  he  endeavours  to 
establish  it  are,  that  nature  intended  the  female  sex 
for  subjection,  not  superiority  to  the  male,  as  ap- 
pears from  their  infirmities,  corporeal  and  mental 
(he  excepts,  however,  tiuch  as  God  ^'  by  singular 
privilege,  and  for  certain  causes,  exeemed  from  the 
common  rank  of  women ;")  that  the  divine  law,  an- 
nounced at  the  creation  of  the  first  pair,  had  ex- 
pressly assigned  to  man  tlie  dominion  over  woman, 
and  commanded  her  to  be  subject  to  him;  that  fe- 
male government  was  not  permitted  among  the 
Jews;  is  contrary  to  apostolical  injunctions;  and 
leads  to  the  perversion  of  government,  and  many 
pernicious  consequences. 

Knox's  theory  on  this  subject  was  far  from  being 
novel.  In  confirmation  of  his  opinion,  he  could 
appeal  to  the  constitutions  of  the  free  states  of 
antiquity,  and  to  the  authority  of  tlieir  legislators 
and  philosophers.*  In  the  kingdom  of  France, 
females  were,  by  an  express   law,   excluded   from 

*  Tacitus  has  expressed  liis  contempt  of  those  wlio  submit  to 
female  government,  with  his  usual  emphatic  brevity,  in  the  ac- 
count which  he  gives  of  the  Sitones,  a  German  tribe.  "Caetera 
similes,  uno  diflerunt,  quod  faemina  dominatur;  in  tantum,  non 
modo  a  libertate,  sed  ctiam  a  servitute  degeneraut."  De  Mor. 
Germ.  c.  4i5. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  l6l 

succeeding  to  the  crown.  Edward  VI.  some  time  be- 
fore his  death,  had  proposed  to  the  Privy  Council 
the  adoption  of  this  law  in  England  ;  but  the  motion, 
not  suiting  the  ambitious  views  of  the  Duke  of 
Northumberland,  was  overruled.*  Though  his  opi- 
nion was  sanctioned  by  such  high  authorities,  he 
was  by  no  means  sanguine  in  his  expectations  as  to 
the  reception  of  this  performance.  He  tells  us,  in 
his  preface,  that  he  laid  his  account  not  only  with 
the  indignation  of  those  interested  in  the  support  of 
the  reprobated  practice,  but  with  the  disapprobation 
of  such  gentle  spirits  among  the  learned,  as  would  be 
alarmed  at  the  boldness  of  the  attack.  He  did  not 
doubt,  that  he  would  be  called  "  curious,  despiteful,  a 
sower  of  sedition,  and  one  day  per  chance  attainted 
for  treason  :*^  but,  in  uttering  a  truth  of  which  he 
was  deeply  convinced,  he  was  determined  to  "  co= 
ver  his  eyes  and  shut  his  ears"  from  these  dangers 
and  obloquies.  He  was  not  disappointed  in  his  ap- 
prehensions. It  exposed  him  to  the  resentment  of 
two  queens,  during  whose  reign  it  was  his  lot  to 
live  ;  the  one  his  native  princess,  and  the  other  ex- 
ercising a  sway  in  Scotland,  scarcely  inferior  to  that 
of  any  of  its  monarchs.  Several  of  the  exiles  ap- 
proved of  his  opinion, t  and  few  of  them  would  have 
been  displeased  at  seeing  it  reduced  to  practice,  at 
the  time  when  the  Blast  was  published.  But  queen 
Mary  dying  soon  after  it  appeared,  and  her  sister 
Elizabeth  succeeding  her,  tliey  raised  a  great  outcry 

*  Warner's  Eceles.  History  of  England,  ii.  308. 

t  Christopher  Goodman  adopted  the  sentiment,  and  commend- 
ed the  publication  of  his  colleague,  in  his  book  on  Obedience  to 
Superior  Powers.  Whittingham  and  Gilby  did  the  same.  I  might 
also  mention  countrymen  of  his  own,  wlio  agreed  with  Knox  on  ihis 
head;  as  James  Kennedy,  the  celebrated  Archbishop  of  St.  An- 
drews, and  Sir  David  Lindsay.  Bachanaui  Hist.  lib.  xii.  p.  '221 
■^.221.  Ruflim.     Chalmers's  Lindsay-  iii.  1?.5, 


162  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

against  it.  John  Fox  wrote  a  letter  to  tlie  author, 
in  which  he  expostulated  with  him,  in  a  very  friend, 
ly  manner,  as  to  the  impropriety  of  the  publication, 
and  the  severity  of  its  language.  Knox,  in  his  reply, 
did  not  excuse  his  "  rude  vehemency  and  inconsi- 
derate aflBrraations,  which  might  appear  rather  to 
proceed  from  choler  than  of  zeal  and  reason  ;"  but 
signified,  that  he  was  still  persuaded  of  the  principal 
proposition  which  he  had  maintained.* 

His  original  intention  was  to  blow  his  Trumpet 
thrice,  and  to  publish  his  name  with  the  last  Blast, 
to  prevent  the  odium  from  falling  on  any  other  per- 
son. But,  finding  that  it  gave  offence  to  many  of 
his  brethren,  and  being  desirous  to  strengthen  rather 
than  invalidate  the  authority  of  Elizabeth,  he  relin- 
quished the  design  of  prosecuting  the  subject.f  He 
retained  his  sentiments  to  the  last,  but  abstained 
from  any  further  declaration  of  them,  and  from  re- 
plying to  his  opponents ;  although  he  was  provoked 
by  their  censures  and  triumph,  and,  in  his  private 
letters,  sometimes  hinted  that  he  would  break  si- 
lence, if  they  did  not  study  greater  moderation. 

In  the  course  of  the  following  year,  an  answer  to 
the  Blast  appeared,  under  the  title  of  J.n  Harboroive 
for  Faithful  Suhjects.X     Though  anonymous,  like  the 

*  Strype's  Annuls,  i.  127.  Strype  promised  to  insert  Knox's 
letter  at  large  in  the  Appendix,  but  did  not  find  room  for  it.  Fox's 
letter  was  written  before  the  death  of  Queen  Mary. 

t  The  heads  of  the  intended  second  Blast  were  published  at  the 
end  othli  Jlppellation. 

\  "  An  Harborowe  for  Faithful  and  Trewe  Subjeetes,  against 
the  late  blowne  Blaste,  concerning  the  Government  of  Wemen, 
&e.  Anno  MD.  lix.  At  Strasborowe  the  26.  of  Aprill."  The 
Blast  drew  forth  several  defences  of  female  government  beside 
this ;  and  among  the  rest  two  by  Scotsmen.  Bishop  Lesley's 
tract  on  this  subject  w  as  printed  along  with  his  defence  of  queen 
Mary's  honour.  David  Chalmers,  one  of  the  Lords  of  Session, 
published  hi.-;  •'  Diseours  de  la  legitime  succession  des  ferames,'' 


LIFE  or  JOHN  KNOX.  163 

book  to  which  it  was  a  reply,  it  was  soon  declared 
to  be  the  production  of  John  Aylmer,  one  of  the 
English  refugees  on  the  continent,  who  had  been 
archdeacon  of  Stowe,  and  tutor  to  Lady  Jane  Grey. 
It  was  not  undertaken  until  the  accession  of  Eliza- 
beth, and  was  written  (as  Aylmer's  biographer  in- 
forms us)  '^upon  a  consultation  holden  among  the 
exiles,  the  better  to  obtain  the  favour  of  the  new 
queen,  and  to  take  off  any  jealousy  she  might  con- 
ceive of  them,  and  of  the  religion  which  they  pro- 
fessed.''* Tliis,  with  some  other  circumstances, 
led  Knox  to  express  his  suspicion,  that  the  author 
had  accommodated  his  doctrine  to  the  times,  and 
courted  the  favour  of  the  reigning  princess,  by  flat- 
tering her  vanity  and  love  of  power. f  It  is  certain, 
that  if  Knox  is  entitled  to  the  praise  of  boldness  and 
disinterestedness,  Aylmer  carried  away  the  palm  for 
prudence  :  the  latter  was  advanced  to  the  bishopric 
of  London ;  the  former  could,  with  great  difficulty, 
obtain  leave  to  set  his  foot  again  upon  English 
ground.  As  Knox's  Trumpet  would  never  have 
sounded  its  alarm,  had  it  not  been  for  the  tyranny  of 
Mary,  there  is  reason  to  think  that  Aylmer's  "  Har- 
borow"  would  never  have  been  opened  "  for  faith- 
after  he  retired  from  Scotland.  Lord  Hailes's  Catal.  of  the  Lords 
of  Session,  note  23.     Mackenzie's  Lives,  iii.  388,  392. 

*  Strype's  Life  of  Aylmer,  p.  16. 

t  The  same  suspicion  seems  to  have  been  entertained  by  some  of 
Elizabeth's  courtiers.  Ibid.  p.  20.  Aylmer  himself  says,  that  if 
the  author  of  the  Blast  had  not  "  swerved  from  the  particular  ques- 
tion to  the  general ; — if  he  had  kept  him  in  that  particular  person* 
he  could  have  said  nothing  too  much,  nor  in  such  wise  as  to  have 
ofT'ended  any  indifferent  man  ;"  and  he  allows  that  queen  Mary's 
government  was  "  unnatural,  unreasonable,  unjust,  and  unlawful." 
Harborowe,  B.  Strype  says,  contrary  to  the  plain  meaning  of  the 
passage,  that  Aylmer  sp?aks  here  of  "  the  Scotch  Qsieen  Mary." 
hifc  of  Aylmer. p.  230, 

z 


164  lilFB  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

ful   subjects,"  but  for  the  auspicious   succession  of 
Elizabeth. 

Ilanc  veiiiam  petimusque,  damusque  vicissim. 

This,  however,  is  independent  of  the  merits  of 
the  question,  which  I  do  not  feel  inclined  to  exa- 
mine minutely.  The  change  which  has  taken  place 
in  the  mode  of  administering  government,  in  mo- 
dern times,  renders  it  of  less  practical  importance 
than  it  was  formerly,  when  so  much  depended  upon 
the  personal  talents  and  activity  of  the  reigning 
prince.  It  may  be  added,  that  the  evils  incident  to 
a  female  reign  will  be  less  felt  under  such  a  consti- 
tution as  that  of  Britain,  than  under  a  pure  and  ab- 
solute monarchy.  This  last  consideration  is  urged  by 
i5^.ylmer  ;  and  here  his  reasoning  is  most  satisfactory.* 
The  Blast  bears  the  marks  of  hasty  composition.! 
The  Harborow  has  been  written  with  great  care ;  it 
contains  a  good  collection  of  historical  facts  bearing 
on  the  question  ;  and  though  more  distinguished  for 
rhetorical  exaggeration  than  logical  precision,  the 
reasoning  is  ingeniously  conducted,  and  occasionally 
enlivened  by  strokes  of  humour.J  It  is,  upon  the 
whole,  a  curious  as  well  as  rare  work. 

*  See  Note  T. 

}  The  copies  of  the  Blast,  printed  along  with  Knox's  History, 
are  all  extremely  incorreet:  whole  sentences  are  often  omitted. 

I  In  his  answer  to  Knox's  argument  from  Isaiah  iii.  12.  he  con- 
t'liides  thus  :  "  Therefore  the  argiimeute  ariseth  from  wrong  un- 
derstandinge.  As  the  vicar  of  Trumpenton  understode  Eli,  Eli, 
Unna-zabatani,  wiien  he  read  the  Passion  on  Palme  Sondaj. 
When  he  came  totiiat  place,  he  stopped,  and  calling  the  church- 
wardens,  saide, '  Ncighboures !  this  gear  must  he  amended.  Heare 
is  Eli  twice'in  the  book  :  I  assure  you,  if  my  L.  [the  Bishop]  of 
Elie  con»e  this  waye,  and  see  ii,  he  will  have  the  book.  Therefore, 
by  miiie  advice,  we  shall  scrape  it  out,  and  put  in  our  own  towne's 
name,  Trumjjlngton,  Trampiu^ton,  lamah  zabactani.^    They  cqn- 


LIFE  OP  JOHN  KNOX.  l65 

After  all,  it  is  easier  to  vindicate  the  expediency 
of  continuing  the  practice,  where  it  has  been  esta- 
blished by  laws  and  usage,  than  to  support  the  affir- 
mative, when  the  question  is  propounded  as  a  gene- 
ral thesis  on  government.  It  may  fairly  be  ques- 
tioned, if  Aylmer  has  refuted  the  principal  argu- 
ments of  his  opponent;  and  had  Knox  deemed  it 
prudent  to  rejoin,  he  might  have  exposed  the  falla- 
cy of  his  arguments  in  different  instances.  In  reply- 
ing to  the  argument  from  the  apostolical  canon 
(1  Tim.  ii.  11 — 14.)  the  archdeacon  is  not  a  little 
puzzled.  Distrusting  his  distinction  between  the 
greater  office,  '*  the  ecclesiastical  function/''  and 
the  less  ''  extern  policy ;"'  he  argues,  that  the 
apostle's  prohibition  may  be  considered  as  tempora- 
ry, and  peculiarly  applicable  to  the  women  of  hie 
own  time ;  and  he  insists  that  his  clients  shall  not, 
in  toto,  be  excluded  from  teaching  and  ruling  in  the 
church,  any  more  than  in  the  state.  "  Me  thinke,  j? 
(says  he,  very  seriously)  even  in  this  poyute,  we 
must  use  tviu%tici^  a  certain  moderacion,  not  absolute- 
ly, and  in  every  wise,  to  debar  them  herein  (as  it 
shall  please  God)  to  serve  Christ.  Are  there  not, 
in  England,  women,  think  yon,  that  for  their  learn- 
inge  and  wisdom,  could  tell  their  householde  and 
neighbouris  as  good  a  tale  as  the  best  Sir  Jhone 
there?"*  "Who  can  doubt,  that  the  learned  Lady 
Elizabeth,  who  could  direct  the  Dean  of  her  chapel 
to  "  keep  to  his  text,''  was  able  to  make  as  good  a 
sermon  as  any  of  her  clergy  ?  or  that  she  was  better 
qualiiied  for  the  other  parts  of  the  duty,  when  she 
composed  a  book  of  prayers  for  herself,  while  they 
were  obliged  to  use  one  made   to  their  hands  ?     In 

sented  and  he  did  so,  because  he  undcrstode  no  grewe."     Harho- 
rowe.  G.  3.  G.  4. 

*  Harborowe.  G.  4.  H. 


'-4 
166  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

fact,  the  view  which  the  archdeacon  gave  of  the 
text  was  necessary  \£>  vindicate  the  authority  of  his 
queen,  who  was  head,  or  supreme  governor  of  the 
church  as  Avell  as  the  state.  She  who,  by  law,  had 
supreme  authority  over  all  archbishops,  bishops,  &c. 
in  the  land,  with  power  to  superintend,  suspend, 
and  controul  them  in  all  their  ecclesiastical  func- 
tions ;  who,  by  her  injunctions,  could  direct  the  pri- 
mate himself  when  to  preach,  and  how  to  preach  , 
who  could  license  and  silence  ministers  at  her  plea- 
sure, had  certainly  the  same  right  to  assume  the 
personal  exercise  of  the  office,  if  she  choosed  to  do 
so ;  and  must  have  been  bound,  very  moderately 
indeed,  by  the  apostolical  prohibition,  "^  I  suffer  not 
a  woman  to  teach,  nor  to  usurp  authority  over  the 
man,  but  to  be  in  silence."* 

There  are  some  things  in  the  Harborow  which 
might  have  been  unpalatable  to  the  queen,  if  the 
author  had  not  taken  care  to  sweeten  them  with  that 
personal  flattery,  Avhich  was  as  agreeable  to  Eliza- 
beth as  to  others  of  her  sex  and  rank ;  and  which 
he  administered  in  sufficient  quantities  before  conclud- 
ing his  work.  The  ladies  will  be  ready  to  excuse  a 
slight  slip  of  the  pen  in  the  good  archdeacon,  in 
consideration  of  the  handsome  manner  in  which  he 
has  defended  their  right  to  rule ;  but  they  will 
scarcely  believe  that  the  following  description  of  the 
sex  could  proceed  from  him.  "  Some  women  (says 
he)  be  wiser,  better  learned,  discreater,  constaiiter, 
than  a  number  of  men."  But  otliers,  (his  biogra- 
pher says,  ^*  tlie  most  part*')  he  describesf  as  "fond 
foolish,  wanton,  flibbergibs,  tatlers,  triffling,  waver- 
ing, witles,  without  counsel,  feable,  carelcs,  rashe, 
proud,  daintie,  nise,  tale-bearers,  eves-droppers,  ru- 
mour-raisers,   evil-tongued,    worse-minded,   and,    iu 

*  See  Note  U.        t  Harborowe,  G.  3.  Life  of  x\ylmer,  p.  579. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  I67 

every  wise,  doltified  with  the  dregges  of  the  devil's 
doungehill !  !  !"  The  rude  author  of  the  monstrous 
Blast  never  spake  of  the  sex  in  terms  half  so  dis- 
respectful as  these.  One  would  suppose  that  Aylmer 
had  already  renounced  the  character  of  Advocate 
of  the  fair  sex,  and  recanted  his  principles  on  that 
head;  as  he  did  respecting  the  titles  and  revenues 
of  bishops,  which  he  inveighed  against  before  his  re- 
turn from  exile,  but  afterwards  accepted  with  little 
scruple  ;  and,  when  reminded  of  the  language  which 
he  had  formerly  used,  apologized  for  himself,  by  say- 
ing, ^*  AVhen  I  was  a  child,  I  thought  as  a  child  ;  but 
when  I  became  a  man,  I  put  away  childish  things. "* 
— But  it  is  time  to  return,  from  this  digression,  to  the 
narrative. 

Our  Reformer's  letter  to  the  protestant  Lords  in 
Scotland  produced  its  intended  effect,  in  re-animat- 
ing their  drooping  courage.  At  a  consnltative 
meeting  held  at  Edinburgh,  in  December  1357? 
they  unanimously  resolved  to  adhere  to  one  ano- 
ther, and  exert  themselves  for  the  advancement  of 
the  Reformation.  Having  subscribed  a  solemn 
bond  of  mutual  assurance,  they  renewed  their  in- 
vitation to  Knox ;  and  being  afraid  that  he  might 
hesitate  on  account  of  their  former  irresolution 
they  wrote  to  Calvin,  to  employ  his  influence  to  in- 
duce him  to  comply.  Their  letters  did  not  reach 
Geneva  until  November,  i55S.-\  By  the  same  con- 
veyance Knox  received  from  Scotland  letters  of  a 
later  date,  communicating  the  most  agreeable  intel- 
ligence, respecting  the  progress  which  the  reformed 
cause  had  made,  and  the  flourishing  appearance 
Avhich  it  continued  to  wear. 

Through  the  exertions  of  our  Reformer,  during  his 

t 

*  Life  of  Aylmer,  p.  269.  t  Knox,  Historic,  p.  lot. 


168  Lll-K    OF   iOHli   KNOX. 

residence  among  Uiein  in  the  beginning  of  the  yeat 
1556j  and  in  pursuance  of  the  instructions  which  he 
left  behind  him,  the  protestants  had  formed  them- 
selves into  congregations,  which  met  in  different  parts 
of  the  country  with  greater  or  less  privacy,  accord- 
ing to  the  opportunities  which  they  enjoyed.  Having 
come  to  the  resolution  of  withdrawing  from  the 
popish  worship,  they  endeavoured  to  provide  for 
their  religious  instruction  and  mutual  edification, 
jn  the  best  manner  that  their  circumstances  per- 
mitted. As  there  were  no  ministers  among  them, 
they  continued  for  some  time  to  be  deprived  of  the 
dispensation  of  the  sacraments  ;*  but  certain  intel- 
ligent and  pious  men  of  their  number  were  cho* 
sen,  to  read  the  scriptures,  exhort,  and  offer  up 
prayers,  in  their  assemblies.  Convinced  of  the  ne- 
cessity of  order  and  discipline  in  their  societies,  and 
desirous  to  have  them  organized,  as  far  as  within 
their  power,  agreeably  to  the  institution  of  Christ, 
they  next  proceeded  to  choose  elders,  for  the  inspec- 
tion of  their  manners,  to  whom  they  promised  sub- 
jection; and  deacons,  for  the  collection  and  distribu- 
tion of  alms  to  the  poor.f     Edinburgh  was  the  first 

*  Ninian  Winget  says,  that  "  sum  Lordis  and  gentilmen"  ad- 
ministered the  sacrament  of  the  supper  "to  thair  awin  houshald 
servandis  and  tenantis."  If  only  one  instance  of  this  kind  occur- 
red, the  papists  would  exaggerate  it.  The  same  writer  adds,  that 
Knox  blamed  the  persons  who  did  it,  saying,  that  they  had  "  gre- 
tumlie  failzeit."  Winzet's  Buke  of  Fourscoir  Three  Questionis^ 
apud  Keith.  Append,  p.  239.     Comp.  Knox,  p.  117. 

t  Caid.  MS.  i.  257.  "  The  Eleetioun  of  Eldaris  and  Deaconis 
in  the  church  of  Edinburgh,"  apud  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii. 
635,  636.  Calderwood  places  his  account  of  this  under  the 
year  1555  ;  but  I  think  that  date  too  early.  It  was  rather  in  the 
end  of  1556,  or  in  the  course  of  1557.  The  names  of  the  first 
elders  in  Edinburgh  were  George  Smail,  Michael  Robertson, 
Adam  Craig,  John  Cairus,  aud  Alexander  Hope.    There  were  at 


WFE  OF  JOHN  TvNOX.  IflQ 

^lace  in  which  this  order  was  established  ;  Dundee 
the  first  town  in  which  a  reformed  church  was  com- 
pletely organized,  provided  with  a  regular  minister, 
and  the  dispensation  of  the  sacraments. 

During  the  war  with  England,  which  began  in 
autumn  1556,  and  continued  through  the  following 
year,  the  protestants  enjoyed  considerable  liberty  ; 
and,  as  they  improved  it  with  the  utmost  assiduity, 
their  numbers  rapidly  increased.  William  Harlow^ 
John  Douglas,  Paul  Methven,  and  John  Willock, 
who  had  again  returned  from  Embden,  now  began 
to  preach,  with  greater  publicity,  in  different  parts 
of  the  country.*  The  popish  clergy  were  not  indif- 
ferent to  these  proceedings,  and  wanted  not  inclina- 
tion to  put  a  stop  to  them.  They  prevailed  on  the 
queen  regent  to  summon  the  protestant  preachers; 
but  the  interposition  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  West 
country  obliged  her  to  abandon  the  process  against 
them.t  At  length,  the  clergy  determined  to  revive 
those  cruel  measures  which,  since  the  year  1550, 
had  been  suspended  by  the  political  circumstances 
of  the  kingdom,  more  than  by  their  clemency  or  mo- 
deration. On  the  28th  of  ApriJ,  1558,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  St.  Andrews  committed  to  the  flames  Wal- 
ter Milne,  an  aged  priest,  of  the  most  inoffensive 
manners, :f  and  summoned  several  others  to  appear, 
on  a  charge  of  heresy,  before  a  convention  of  the 
clergy  at  Edinburgh. 

first  tvyo  assemblies  in  Edinburgh  ;  but  Ersklne  of  Dun  persua- 
ded them  to  unite  into  one,  which  met  sometimes  in  the  houses  of 
Robert  Watson  and  James  Barron,  and  sometimes  in  the  abbey. 

*  Knox,  94,  102,  117,  118.  Spottiswood,  p.  94 — 97.  Keith, 
64,  65.     App.  90. 

t  Knox,  Historie,  p.  94.  Tiiis  seems  to  have  taken  place  du- 
ring the  year  ^57,  or  the  beginning  of  1558.  In.  November  1558, 
Paul  Methven  was  again  summoned. 

t  When  fastened  to  the  stake,  he  said,  "I  trust  in  Ood  T  slialjt 


170  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

This  barbarous  and  illegal*  execution  produced 
eifects  of  the  greatest  importance.  It  raised  the 
horror  of  the  ufltioQ  to  an  incredible  pitch ;  and  as 
it  was  believedj  at  that  time,  that  the  regent  was 
not  accessory  to  the  deed,  their  indignation  was  di- 
rected wholly  against  the  clergy.  Throwing  aside 
all  fear,  and  those  restraints  which  prudence,  or  a 
regard  to  established  order,  had  hitherto  imposed 
on  them,  the  people  now  assembled  openly  to  join 
in  the  reformed  worship,  and  avowed  their  de- 
termination to  adhere  to  it  at  all  hazards.  The 
prolestant  leaders  laid  their  complaints,  in  a  regular 
and  respectful  manner,  before  the  regent,  and  re- 
peated their  petition,  that  she  would,  by  her  autho- 
rity, and  in  concurrence  with  the  Parliament,  re- 
strain the  tyrannical  proceedings  of  the  clergj',  cor- 
rect the  flagrant  and  insufferable  abuses  which  pre- 
vailed in  the  church,  and  grant  to  them  and  their 
brethren  the  liberty  of  religious  instruction  aad 
worship,  at  least  according  to  a  restricted  plan, 
AUiich  they  laid  before  her,  and  to  which  they  were 
willing  to  submit,  until  such  time  as  their  griev- 
ances were  deliberately  examined  and  redressed.f 
The  Regent's  reply  was  such  as  to  persuade  them 
that  she  was  friendly  to  their  proposals  :  she  pro- 
mised, that  she  would  take  measures  for  carrying 
them  legally  into  effect,  as  soon  as  it  \^  as  in  her 
power ;  and  that,  in  the  mean  time,  they  might  de- 
pend on  her  protection. J 

he  the  last  that  shall  suffer  death,  in  this  land,  for  this  eause." 
Lindsay's  MS.  apiid  Pctrie,  part  ii.  191. 

*  The  secular  ju'l^e  refused  to  take  any  hand  in  the  business^ 
and  the  arelibishop  substituted  one  of  his  own  servants  in  his 
plaee,  Lindsay,  ut  supra. 

I  This  plan  may  be  seen  at  large  in  Knox's  Historic,  p.  119 — 
J  24.     Keith,  p.  78 — 82.     See  also  Note  Y,  at  the  end  of  this  Life. 

\  Kiinx,  Historic,  p.  122.  Bishop  Bale,  who  %vas  then  atBaslc. 
inserted,  in  a  work  he  was  just  publishing,  a  letter  sent   him 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  I7I 

it  did  not  require  many  arguments  to  persuade 
Knox  to  comply  with  an  invitation,  Avhicli  was  ac- 
companied with  such  gratifying  intelligence  ;  and  he 
began  immediately  to  prepare  for  his  journey  to  Scot- 
land. The  future  settlement  of  the  congregation 
^nder  his  charge  occupied  him  for  some  time.  In- 
formation being  received  of  the  death  of  Mary 
queen  of  England,*  and  the  accession  of  Elizabeth, 
tlie  protestant  refugees  hastened  to  return  to  their 
native  country.  The  congregation  at  Geneva,  hav- 
ing met  to  return  thanks  to  God  for  this  deliverance, 
agreed  to  send  one  of  their  number  with  letters  to 
their  brethren  in  different  places  of  the  continent, 
particularly  at  Frankfort ;  congratulating  them  on 
the  late  happy  change,  and  requesting  a  confirma- 
tion of  tlie  mutual  reconciliation  which  had  already 
been  effected,  the  burial  of  all  past  offences,  with  a 
brotherly  co-operation,  in  endeavouring  to  obtain 
such  a  settlement  of  religion  in  England  as  would  be 
agreeable  to  all  the  sincere  well-wishers  of  tlie  Re- 
formation. A  favourable  return  to  their  letters 
being  obtained,!    they  took  leave  of  the  hospitable 

at  this  time,  by  Thomas  Cole,  an  English  rcuigec  vesidiii;;  at  Ge- 
neva, communicating  this  information.  "  Heri  enini  (says  Cole) 
i).  Knoxus  ex  Hcotia  nova  eertissima  <ie  immutata  religione  ac- 
cepit :  Christum  publice  per  totnni  illiid  regiium  doceri ;  et  ita  de- 
mum  homiiunn  corda  occupasse,  ut  omnia  metu  posito  andeant 
publicis  preeibus  interesse  sua  lingua  celebratis,  et  sacramenta 
quoque  habeant  rite  administrata,  impuris  antichristi  ceremoniis 
abjectis. — Xunc  regina  cogitat  Reformationem  religioiiis,  iudicto 
die  quo  conventus  fiat  totius  regni,  &c."  Scriptor.  lUustr.  Ma- 
jor. Britanuix  Poster.  Pars.  Art.  Kno.vus. 

*  "  God  would  not  suffer  her  to  reign  long  (says  a  Catholic 
writer  :)  either  on  account  of  the  sins  of  her  father,  or  on  ac- 
count of  the  sins  of  her  peojile,  who  were  unworthy  of  a  princess 
so  holy,  so  pious,  and  endued  with  such  divine  and  rare  disposi- 
tions!*' Laing.  de.  Vita  Hjsretic.  fol.2S. 

t  Troubles  at  Francki'ord,  p.  1S9. 190. 

A  2' 


17S  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

city,  and  set  out  for  their  native  country.  By 
them  Knox  sent  letters  to  some  of  liis  former  ac- 
quaintances, who  were  now  in  the  court  of  Eliza- 
beth,  requesting  permission  to  travel  through  Eng- 
land, on  his  way  to  Scotland. 

In  the  month  of  January,  1559,  our  Reformer  took 
his  leave  of  Geneva,  for  the  last  time.*  In  addition 
to  former  marks  of  respect,  the  republic,  before 
his  departure,  conferred  on  him  the  freedom  of  the 
city.f  He  left  his  wife  and  family  behind  him,  until 
he  should  ascertain  that  they  could  live  with  safety 
in  Scotland.  Upon  his  arrival  at  Dieppe,  in  the 
middle  of  March,  he  received  information,  that  the 
English  government  had  refused  to  grant  him  liber- 
ty to  pass  through  their  dominions.  The  request 
had  appeared  so  reasonable  to  his  own  mind,  consi- 
dering the  station  which  he  had  held  in  that  coun- 
try, and  the  object  of  his  present  journey,  that  he 
once    thouglit   of     proceeding  to   London,    without 

*  Cald.  MS.  i.  380. 

t  Historie  Litteraire  de  Geneve,  par  Jean  Senebier,  tome  i. 
375.  Geiiev.  1786.  It  is  somewhat  siugular,  that  Calvin  did  not 
obtain  this  honour  until  December,  1559.  "  II  n'y  a  cependant 
point  de  citoyen  (says  Senebier)  qui  ait  achete  ce  titre  honorable 
aussi  chercnient  que  lui  parses  services,  et  je  ne  crois  pas  qu'il  y 
en  ait  beaucoup  qui  I'aient  autant  merite,  et  qui  le  rendrent  aussi 
celebre."     lUid.  p.  230,  231. 

Our  Reformer  obtained  anolher  public  testimony  of  esteem  at 
this  time,  from  Bishop  Bale,  who  dedicated  his  work  on  Scottish 
Writers  to  him  and  Alexander  Aless.  The  praise  which  he  be- 
stows on  hiin  deserves  the  more  notice,  because  the  bishop  had 
been  one  of  his  opponents  at  Frankfort.  "  Te  vero,  Knoxe,  fra- 
ter  amantlssime,  coiijunxit  niihi  An^lta  ct  Germaiiia,  imprimis 
autem  doctrinse  nostrjc  in  Christo  Domino  fratcrna  consensio. 
Nemo  estenimqui  tuam  fidem,constantiam,  patientiani,  tot  erum- 
nis,  tanta.  persecutione,exilioque  diuturno  et  gravi  testatum,  non 
follaudet,  et  non  admiretur,  non  amplectatiir."'  Balei  Script. 
Illus.  Maj.  Brit,  poster,  pars.  p.  175,  176.  Basilix,  ex  cffieint^ 
Joan.  Operini,  1559.     Mense  Fcbruario. 


LIFE    or    JOHN    KNOX.  178 

waiting  a  formal  permission ;  yet  it  was  not  with- 
out some  difficulty  that  those  who  presented  it  eseap. 
ed  imprisonment. 

This  impolitic  severity  was  occasioned  by  the  in- 
formations of  some  of  the  exiles,  who  had  not  forgot- 
ten the  old  quarrel  at  Frankfort,  and  had  accused 
of  disloyalty  and  disaffection  to  the  queen,  not  only 
Knox,  but  all  those  who  had  been  under  his  charge 
at  Geneva,  whom  they  represented  as  proselytes  to 
the  opinion  which  he  had  published  against  fe- 
male government.  There  was  not  an  individual 
who  could  believe  that  Knox  had  the  most  distant 
eye  to  Elizabeth  in  publishing  the  obnoxious  book ; 
nor  a  person  of  Judgment  who  could  seriously  think 
that  her  government  was  exposed  to  the  slightest 
danger  from  him  or  his  associates,  who  felt  no  less 
joy  at  her  auspicious  accession  than  the  rest  of  their 
brethren.*  If  he  had  been  imprudent  in  that  publi- 
cation, if  he  had  "  swerved  from  the  particular 
question  to  the  general,'^  his  error  (to  use  the 
words  of  his  respondent)  "  rose  not  of  malice,  but 
of  zeal,  and  by  looking  more  to  the  present  cruelty, 
than  to  the  inconveniencies  that  after  might  follow  ;" 
and  it  was  the  part  of  generosity  and  policy  to  over- 
look the  fault.  Instead  of  tliis,  Elizabeth  and  her 
counsellors  took  up  the  charge  in  a  serious  light ; 
and  the  accused  were  treated  with  such  harshness 
and  disdain,  that  they  repented  of  leaving  their 
asylum,  to  return  to  their  native  country.  This 
conduct  was  the  more  inexcusable,  as  numbers  who 
had  been  instrumental  in  the   cruelties  of  the  pre- 

*  Tiie  exiles  at  geneva  dedicated,  in  February,  1559,  their  me- 
trical version  of  the  Psalms  to  queen  Elizabeth.  In  the  dedica- 
tion they  join  their  congratulations,  with  tliose  of  all  their  breth- 
ren, for  her  accession  to  the  throne,  and  profess  their  loyalty  in 
fUii  warmest  terms.  They  speak  in  the  same  strain  in  the  dedica- 
tion of  their  Trsinslation  of  Use  Bible,  published  anno  1560. 


174;  LIFE    or  JOHX    KNOX. 

ceding  reigu,  were  admitted  to  favour,  or  allowed 
to  remain  unmolested  ;  and  even  Bonner  was  allow- 
ed to  present  himself  at  court,  and  to  retire  with  a 
simple  frown.* 

De  nobis,  post  haec,  tristis  sententia  fertur  : 
Dat  veiiiani  corvis,  vexat  eeiisura  columbas. 

Juvenal^  Sat.  ii. 

The  refusal  of  his  request,  and  the  harsh  treat- 
ment of  his  flock,  touched  to  the  quick  the  irrita- 
ble temper  of  our  Reformer ;  and  it  was  with  some 
difficulty  that  he  suppressed  the  desire,  which  he 
felt  rising  in  his  breast,  to  prosecute  a  controversy 
Mhicli  he  had  resolved  to  abandon. f  But  greater 
designs  occupied  his  mind,  and  engrossed  his  atten- 
tion. It  was  not  for  the  sake  of  personal  safety,  nor 
from  vanity  of  appearing  at  court,  that  he  desired 
to  pass  through  England.  He  felt  the  natural  wish 
to  visit  his  old  acquaintances  in  that  country,  and 

*  In  the  first  Parliaiiieat  of  Elizabeth,  one  Dp.  Story,  who  had 
!)cen  a  chief  instrument  of  the  cruelties  under  the  former  reign, 
had  the  eifrontery  to  make  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  in 
whtch  he  justified  and  boasted  of  his  crncity;  said,  "  that  he  saw 
nothing  to  be  asJiamed  of,  or  sorry  for;  Avis^lied  that  he  had  done 
more,  and  that  he  and  others  had  been  more  vehement  in  execut- 
ing the  laws  ;  and  said  tJiat  it  grieved  him,  that  they  laboured  only 
a!;o;it  llie  young  and  little  twigs,  wliereas  they  should  have  struck 
at  the  root;"  by  which  lie  was  understood  to  mean  Queen  Eliza- 
beth. Yet  it  does  not  appear  that  he  suffered  any  thing  for  this 
speech.     Sirype's  Annals,  i.  79,  5.16. 

r  '•  My  first  Bla^t  (says  he,  in  a  letter,  dated  Dieppe,  Oth  April, 
i5^?l)  hath  blown  from  me  all  my  friends  in  England.  My  con- 
science bears  record,  that  yet  I  seek  the  favour  of  my  God.  and  so 
1  am  in  the  less  fear.  The  serund  Blast,  1  fear,  shall  sound 
somewjjat  more  sharp,  except  that  men  be  more  moderate  than 
1  liearthey  are. — England  hath  refused  me  :  but  because,  before, 
it  did  refuse  Christ  Jesus,  the  less  do  I  regard  the  loss  of  this  fa- 
miliarity. x\nd  yt't  have  1  been  a  secret  and  assured  friend  to  thee 
OEngland,  in  cases  which  thyself  could  not  have  remedied.'" 
Cald.  MS.  i.  38*.     See  also  Knox's  Historie,  p.  3.04 — 2or. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  1*5 

was  anxious  for  an  opportunity  of  addressing  once 
more  those  to  whom  he  had  preached,  especially  at 
Newcastle  and  Berwick.  But  there  was  another  ob- 
ject which  he  had  still  more  at  heart,  in  which  the  wel- 
fare of  both  England  and  Scotland  were  concerned. 
Notwithstanding  the  flattering  accounts  which 
he  received  from  his  countrymen  of  the  favourable 
disposition  of  the  queen  regent,  and  the  direction? 
which  he  sent  them  to  cultivate  this,  he  always  en- 
tertained suspicions  of  the  sincerity  of  her  professions. 
But,  since  he  left  Geneva,  they  had  been  confirmed  ; 
and  the  information  which  he  had  procured,  in  tra- 
velling through  France,  conspired  with  the  intelli- 
gence which  he  had  lately  received  from  Scotland^ 
in  convincing  him,  that  the  immediate  suppression 
of  the  Reformation  in  his  native  country,  and  its 
consequent  suppression  in  the  neighbouring  kins;- 
dom  were  intended.  The  plan  projected  by  the  gi- 
gantic ambition  of  the  princes  of  Lorrain,  brothers  of 
the  queen  regent  of  Scotland,  has  been  developed, 
and  described  with  great  accuracy  and  ability,  by  a 
celebrated  modern  historian.*  Suffice  it  to  say 
here,  that  the  court  of  France,  under  their  influ- 
ence, had  resolved  to  set  up  the  claim  of  the  vounc 
queen  of  Scots  to  the  crown  of  England;  to  attack 
Elizabeth  and  wrest  the  sceptre  from  her  hands  as 
a  bastard  and  a  heretic  ;  and,  as  Scotland  was  the  onl  v 
avenue  by  which  this  attack  could  be  successfully 
made,  to  begin  by  suppressing  the  Reformation, 
and  establishing  their  power  iu  that  country.  Knox, 
in  the  course  of  his  journies  tlirough  France,  had  form- 
ed an  acquaintance  with  some  persons  about  the  court : 
and,  by  their  means,  had  gained  some  knowledge  of 
the    plan.t     He    was   convinced   tliat    the    Scottish 

*  Robertson's  History  of  ScofJand.B.  ii.  ad  Ann.  15.59. 
t  Knox,  Historie,  p.  206,  214,  260.     He  ha<I  au  opporluiiii  v  of 
reeeivini^  a  confirmation  of  (his  intejiigenpp  dnrin;^  his  vovasce  to 


/ 


176  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

reformers  were  unable  to  resist  the  power  of  France, 
which  was  to  be  directed  against  them  ;  and  that  it 
was  the  interest,  as  well  as  duty,  of  the  English 
court  to  afford  them  the  most  effectual  support. 
Uut  he  was  afraid  that  a  selfish  and  narrow  policy 
might  prevent  them  from  doing  this,  until  it  was 
too  late  ;  and  was  therefore  anxious  to  call  their  at- 
tention to  this  subject  at  an  early  period,  and  to  put 
them  in  possession  of  the  facts  that  had  come  to  his 
knowledge.  The  assistance  which  Elizabeth  grant- 
ed to  the  Scottish  protestants,  in  1559  and  1560, 
was  dictated  by  the  soundest  policy.  It  baffled 
and  defeated  the  designs  of  her  enemies  at  the  very 
outset ;  it  gave  her  an  influence  over  Scotland, 
which  all  her  predecessors  could  not  obtain  by  the 
terror  of  their  arms,  nor  the  influence  of  their  money  ; 
it  secured  the  stability  of  her  government,  by  ex- 
tending and  strengthening  the  protestant  interest, 
the  principal  pillar  on  which  it  rested.  And  it  re- 
flects not  a  little  credit  on  our  Reformer's  sagacity, 
that  he  !:ad  formed  this  plan  in  his  mind  at  so  early 
a  period,  was  the  first  person  who  proposed  it,  and 
persisted  (as  we  shall  see)  to  urge  its  adoption,  un- 
til his  endeavours  were  crowned  with  success. 

Scotland.  lit  the  same  ship  in  which  he  sailed,  there  Mas  sent 
hy  the  French  court,  to  the  Queen  Regent,  astaff  of  state,  with 
a  great  seal,  on  which  were  engraved  the  arms  of  France,  Scot- 
land, and  England.  This  was  shewn  to  him  in  great  secre- 
cy. The  English  court,  after  they  were  awakened  from  their 
lethargy,  and  convinced  of  tlie  hostile  designs  of  France,  applied 
to  Knox  for  tliat  information  wliich  they  might  have  had  six 
months  before.  Cotton  MSS.  Caligula,  B.  ix.  f.  38,  74.  Sad- 
ler's State  Papers,  i.  10;?,  688.  Keith,  Ap.  p.  38,  43.  The  En 
glisli  certainly  suftered  themselves  to  be  amused  at  the  treaty  of 
Chatcan-Cambrcnsis,  while  the  courts  of  France  and  Spain  con- 
certed measures  dangerous  to  PiUgland,  and  the  whole  protestant 
interest.  I)r.  Wotton,  one  of  tlie  commissioners,  complains,  in  a 
letter  (o  Cecil,  of  want  of  intelligence,  and  that  the  English  had 
)io  spies  on  the  contincnl.     Foibcs's  State  Papers,  i.  iZ. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  177 

Deeply  impressed  with  these  considerations,  he 
resolved,  although  lie  had  already  been  twice  re- 
pulsed, to  brook  the  mortification,  and  make  ano- 
ther  attempt  to  obtain  an  interview  with  some  confi- 
dential agent  of  the  English  government.  With  this 
view,  he,  on  the  10th  of  April,  wrote  a  letter  to 
Secretary  Cecil,  with  whom  he  had  been  personally 
acquainted  during  his  residence  in  London.  Ad- 
verting to  the  treatment  of  the  exiles  who  had  re- 
turned from  Geneva,  he  exculpated  them  from  all 
responsibility  as  to  the  offensive  book  which  he  had 
published,  and  assured  him  that  he  had  not  consulted 
with  one  of  them  previous  to  its  publication.  As  for 
himself,  he  did  not  mean  to  deny  that  he  was  the 
author,  nor  was  he  yet  prepared  to  retract  the  lead- 
ing sentiment  which  it  contained.  But  he  was  not, 
on  that  account,  less  friendly  to  the  person  and  go- 
vernment of  Elizabeth,  in  whose  exaltation  he  cor- 
dially rejoiced  :  although  he  rested  the  defence  of 
her  authority  upon  grounds  different  from  the  com- 
mon. This  was  the  third  time  that  he  had  craved 
liberty  to  pass  througli  England.  He  had  no  desire 
to  visit  the  court,  nor  to  remain  long  in  the  coun- 
try ;  but  be  was  anxious  to  communicate  to  him,  or 
some  other  trusty  person,  matters  of  importance, 
which  it  was  not  prudent  to  commit  to  writing,  nor 
to  entrust  to  an  ordinary  messenger.  If  his  request 
was  refused,  it  would  turn  out  to  the  disadvantage 
of  England.* 

The  situation  in  which  he  stood,  at  this  time,  with 
the  court  of  England  was  so  well  known,  that  it 
was  with  difficulty  that  he  could  find  a  messenger 
to   carry  the   letter  ;t    and,   cither  despairing  of  the 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  201,  206. 

t  The  person  Mhom  he  at  last  persuaded  to  tak^  his  Ictlcr  ^vas 
Richard  Harrison.  But  tl;e  lionest  spy,  (for  such  uiis  l\is  em- 
ployment at  that  time)  dreading  tluit  Knox   liad  laadr   him  the 


17S  J-liK  <J1?   JOHN   KNOX. 

success  of  his  application,  or  hastened  by  intel- 
ligeuce  received  from  Scotland,  he  sailed  from 
Dieppe  on  the  22d  of  April,  and  landed  safely  at 
Leith  in  the  beginning  of  May.* 

On  his  arrival,  he  found  matters  in  the  most  cri- 
tical state  in  Scotland.  The  queen  regent  had 
thrown  of  the  mask  which  she  had  long  worn,  and 
avowed  her  determination  forcibly  to  suppress  the 
Reformation.  As  long  as  she  stood  in  need  of  the 
assistance  of  the  protestants,  to  support  her  authori- 
ty against  the  Hamilton s,  and  procure  the  matrimo- 
nial crown  for  her  son-in-law,  the  Dauphin  of  France, 
she  courted  their  friendship,  listened  to  their  plans 
of  reform,  professed  dissatisfaction  with  the  corrup- 
tion and  tyranny  of  the  ecclesiastical  order,  and  her 
desire  of  correcting  them  as  soon  as  a  iit  opportunity 
offered,  and  flattered  them,  if  not  with  the  hopes  of 
her  joining  their  party,  at  least  with  assurances  that 
she  would  shield  them  from  the  fury  of  the  clergy. 
So  completely  were  they  duped  by  her  consumate 
address  and  dissimulation,!  that  they  complied  with 
all  her  requests,  restrained!  some  of  their  preachers 
from  teaching  in  public,  and  desisted  from  present- 
ing to  the  late  Parliament  a  petition  which  they  had 
prepared ;  nor  would  they  believe  her  insincere, 
even  after  different  parts  of  her  conduct  had  afforded 
strong  grounds  for  suspicion.  But,  having  accom- 
plished the  great  objects  whicli  she  had  in  view,  she  at 
last,  in  conformity  with  instructions  from   France, 

hearer  of  aiiotlier  ^/asf,  which,  if  it  did  not  endanger  the  throne 
of  Elizabeth,  might  blow  up  his  credit  with  the  court,  prudently 
carried  tlie  suspicious  packet  to  Sir  Nicholas  Throkmorton,  the 
English  ambassador  at  tlie  court  of  France,  and  obtained  his  sanc- 
tion and  safe-condiict  before  conveying  it  to  London.  Letter 
from  Throkmorton  to  Cecil,  15th  of  May,  1559.  Forbes's  Stale 
Papers,  i.  90,  91. 

*  Cald.  MS.  392,  393.     Knox,  Historic,  p.  127,  207. 

*  See  Note  W. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN'  KNOX.  179 

aud  secret  engagements  with  the  clergy,  adopted 
measures  which  completely  undeceived  them,  and 
discovered  the  gulph  into  which  they  were  ready  to 
be  precipitated.  Some  of  the  protestant  leaders 
having  waited  on  her  to  intercede  in  behalf  of  their 
preachers,  who  had  been  summoned  by  her,  she 
told  them  in  plain  terms,  that,  ^'  in  spite  of  them, 
they  should  be  all  banished  from  Scotland,  although 
they  preached  as  truly  as  ever  St  Paul  did  ;*'  and 
when  they  reminded  her  of  the  repeated  promises  of 
protection  that  she  had  given  them,  she  unblu shing- 
ly replied,  that  ^'  it  became  not  su1)jects  to  bur- 
den their  princes  with  promises,  farther  than  they 
pleased  to  keep  them."  They  told  her  that  if  she 
violated  the  engagements  which  she  came  under  to  lier 
subjects,  they  would  consider  themselves  as  released 
from  allegiance  to  her,  and  warned  her  very  freely  of 
the  dangerous  consequences  ;  upon  which  she  adopt- 
ed milder  language,  and  engaged  to  prevent  the 
trial.  But  soon  after,  upon  hearing  that  tlie  exer- 
cise of  the  reformed  i-eligion  had  been  introduced 
into  the  town  of  Perth,  she  renewed  the  process,  and 
summoned  all  the  preacliers  to  appear  at  Stirling,  on 
the  10th  of  May,  to  undergo  a  trial  * 

The  state  of  our  Reformer's  mind,  upon  receiving 
this  information,  will  appear  from  the  following  let- 
ter, hastily  written  by  him  on  the  day  after  he  land- 
ed in  Scotland. 

^'  The  perpetual  comfort  of  the  Holy  Ghost  for 
salutation. 

'•  These  few  lines  are  to  signify  unto  you,  dear  sis- 
ter, that  it  hath  pleased  the  merciful  providence  of 
my  heavenly  Father  to  conduct  me  to  Edinburgh, 
where  I  arrived   the    2d   of  May  :  uncertain  as  yet 

»  Buchanan  Hut.  lib.  xvi.p.  313,  313.  Oper.  Rn(lim.  Knox, 
Spottlswood. 

B  3 


180  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

what  God  shall  further  work  in  this  country,  except 
that  I  see  the  battle  shall  be  great.  For  Satan  rag- 
eth  even  to  the  uttermost,  and  I  am  come,  I  praise 
my  God,  even  in  the  brunt  of  the  battle.  For  my 
fellow  preachers  have  a  day  appointed  to  answer  be- 
fore the  Queen  Regent,  the  10th  of  this  instant, 
when  I  intend  (if  God  impede  not)  also  to  be  pre- 
sent ;  by  life,  by  death,  or  else  by  both,  to  glorify 
his  godly  name,  who  thus  mercifully  hath  heard  my 
long  cries.  Assist  me,  sister,  with  your  prayers, 
that  now  I  shrink  not,  when  the  battle  approacheth. 
Other  things  I  have  to  communicate  with  you,  but 
travel  after  travel  doth  so  occupy  me,  that  no  time 
is  granted  me  to  write.  Advertise  my  brother,  Mr. 
Goodman,  of  my  estate  ;  as,  in  my  other  letter  sent 
unto  you  from  Dieppe,  I  willed  you.  The  grace  of 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  rest  with  you.  From  Edin- 
burgh, in  haste,  the  3d  of  May."* 

Although  his  own  cause  was  prejudged,  and  sen- 
tence already  pronounced  against  him,  he  did  not 
hesitate  a  moment  in  resolving  to  present  himself 
voluntarily  at  Stirling,  to  assist  his  brethren  in  their 
defence,  and  share  in  their  danger.  Having  rested 
only  a  single  day  at  Edinburgh,  he  hurried  to 
Dundee,  where  he  found  the  principal  protestants 
in  Angus  and  Mearns  already  assembled,  determin- 
ed to  attend  their  ministers  to  the  place  of  trial,  and 
to  avow  their  adherence  to  tlie  doctrines  for  which 
they  were  accused.  The  providential  arrival  of  such 
an  able  champion  of  the  cause,  at  this  crisis,  must 
have  been  very  encouraging  to  the  assembly  ;  and 
the  liberty  of  accompanying  them,  which  he  re- 
quested, was  readily  granted. 

Lest  the  unexpected   approach  of  such  a   multi- 
tude, though  unarmed,    sliould   alarm  or  offend  the 

*  Letter  to  Mrs.  Anue  Locke,  apud  Cald.  MS.  i.  393, 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  481 

regent  the  Congregation.*  (for  so  the  protestants 
began  at  this  time  to  be  called)  agreed  to  stop  at 
Perth,  and  sent  Erskine  of  Dun  before  them  to  Stir- 
ling, to  acquaint  her  with  the  peaceable  object  and 
manner  of  their  coming.  Apprehensive  that  their 
presence  would  disconcert  her  measures,  the  regent 
had  again  recourse  to  dissimulation.  She  persuaded 
Erskine  to  write  to  his  brethren  to  desist  from  their 
intended  journey,  and  authorized  him  to  promise  in 
her  name,  that  she  would  put  a  stop  to  the  trial.  The 
congregation  testified  their  paciiic  intentions  by  a 
cheerful  compliance  with  this  request,  and  the  greater 
part,  confiding  in  the  royal  promise,  returned  to  their 
homes.  But  when  the  day  of  trial  came,  the  summons 
was  called  by  the  orders  of  the  queen,  the  accused 
were  outlawed  for  not  appearing,  and  all  were  pro- 
hibited, under  the  pain  of  rebellion,  from  harbouring 
or  assisting  them. 

Escaping  from  Stirling,  Erskine  brought  to  Perth 
the  intelligence  of  this  disgraceful  transaction,  which 
could  not  fail  to  incense  the  protestants.  It  happen- 
ed that,  on  the  same  day  on  which  the  news  came, 
Knox,  who  remained  at  Perth,  preached  a  sermon, 
in  which  he  exposed  the  idolatry  of  the  mass,  and  of 
image-worship.     Sermon  being  ended,  the  audience 

*  Dr.  Robertson  says  that  they  were  distinguished  by  this  name 
••  from  their  union  ;"'  others  say,  that  they  received  it  from  their 
calling  themselves  so  frequently  "  tlie  Congregation  of  Clirist," 
particularly  in  the  covenant  which  they  had  lately  subscribed.  It 
is  of  more  importance  to  observe,  that-  from  the  time  tliat  they  be- 
gan to  suspect  the  regent's  hostile  intentions,  the  protestants  were 
industrious  in  obtaining  subscriptions  to  this  covenant.  Copies 
of  it  were  committed  to  the  priiieipal  persons  among  them  in  dif- 
ferent districts,  who  received  the  names  of  all  such  as  w  ere  friend- 
ly to  the  Reformation.  By  this  means  they  were  firmly  bound  to 
oue  another,  and  had  also  an  opportunity  of  exactly  ascertaining 
their  number.  Buchanan.  Hist.  lib.  xvi.  p.  311.  Oper.  Rudim. 
Ktitb,  p.  68,  69. 


^'»L 


iS2  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

quietly  dismissed  ;  a  few  idle  persons  only  loitered 
in  the  cluireh  :  when  an  imprudent  priest,  wishing 
either  to  try  the  disposition  of  the  people,  or  to  shew 
his   contempt  of   the    doctrine  which  had  been  just 
delivered,    uncovered  a    rich  altar-piece,    decorated 
with  images,  and  prepared  to  celebrate  mass.     A  boy^ 
having  uttered    some   expressions  of  disapprobation^ 
was  struck  by  the  priest.     He  retaliated  by  throw- 
ing a  stone  at  the  aggressor,  which,  falling,  on  the 
altar,  broke  one  of  the  images.     This  operated  like 
a  signal  upon  the  people  present,   who  had   taken 
part  with  the  boy  ;  and,  in  the  course  of  a  few  mi- 
nutes, the  altar,    images,    and  all  the  ornaments  of 
the  church    were    torn   down,    and  trampled   under 
foot.     The  noise  soon  collected  a  mob,  who  finding 
no  employment  in  the  churcii,  by  a  sudden  and  ir- 
resistible impulse,    flew  upon  the  monasteries ;  nor 
could  they  be  restrained  by  the  authority  of  the  ma- 
gistrates and  the  persuasions  of  the  preachers  (who 
assembled  as  soon  as  they  heard  of  the  riot,)  until 
the  houses  of  the  grey   and  black   friars,   with  the 
costly  ediiice  of  the  Carthusian  monks,  were  laid  in 
ruins.     None  of  the  gentlemen  or  sober  part  of  the 
congregation  Avere  concenied  in  this  unpremeditated 
tumult ;  it  was  w  holly  confined  to  the  baser  inhabi- 
tants, or  (as  Knox  designs  them)  ^'  the  rascall  mul- 
titude.*'* 

The  demolition  of  the  monasteries  having  beea 
represented  as  the  first-fruits  of  our  Reformer's  la- 
bours on  this  occasion,  it  was  necessary  to  give  this 
minute  account  of  the  causes  which  produced  that 
event.  Whatever  his  sentiments  were  as  to  the  de- 
structiion  of  the  instruments  and  monuments  of  ido- 
latry, he  wished  this  to  be  accomplished  in  a  regu- 

*  K.ao\,  Historic,  p.  128. 


1.IFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  183 

lar  manner;  he  was  sensible  that  such  tumultuary 
proceedings  were  prejudicial  to  the  cause  of  the  re- 
formers in  present  circumstances  ;  and,  instead  of 
instigating,  he  exerted  himself  in  putting  a  stop  to 
the  ravages  of  the  mob.  If  it  must  be  traced  to  a 
remote  cause,  we  must  impute  it  to  the  wanton  and 
dishonourable  perfidy  of  the  queen.  ^ 

In  fact,  nothing  could  be  more  favourable  to  tlie 
designs  of  the  resjent  than  tliis  riot.  Bv  her  recent 
conduct,  she  had  forfeited  the  confidence  of  the 
protestants,  and  even  exposed  herself  in  the  eyes  of 
the  sober  and  moderate  of  lier  own  party.  This 
occurrence  afforded  her  an  opportunity  of  turn- 
ing the  public  indignation  from  herself,  and  di- 
recting it  against  the  Congregation.  She  did  not 
fail  to  improve  it  with  her  usual  address.  Having 
assembled  the  nobility,  she  magnified  the  acciden- 
tal tumult  into  a  dangerous  and  designed  rebel- 
lion. To  the  Catholics  she  dwelt  upon  the  sacri- 
legious  overthrow  of  those  venerable  structures 
which  their  ancestors  had  dedicated  to  the  service 
of  God.  To  the  Protestants  who  had  not  joined 
those  at  Perth,  she  complained  of  the  destruction  of 
the  Royal  foundation  of  the  Charter- house,  protested 
that  she  had  no  intention  of  offerins:  violence  to 
their  consciences,  and  promised  her  protection,  pro- 
vided they  assisted  her  in  punishing  those  who  had 
been  guilty  of  this  violation  of  public  order.  Having 
inflamed  the  minds  of  all  against  them,  she  advanced 
to  Perth  with  an  army,  threatening  to  lay  waste  the 
town  with  fire  and  sword,  and  to  inflict  tiie  most  ex- 
emplary vengeance  on  all  who  had  been  instrumeu-. 
tal  in  producing  the  riot.* 

*  A  writer  has  given  the  name  of  ••  belliim  !ma<rinarium''  to 
this  war,  undertaken  by  the  Regent  to  avt;n2;e  the  destruetion  of 
fhe  imu^ei^nd  altars,  and  the  crimes  oharsred  npou  the  congregu- 


184  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

The  protestants  of  the  North  were  not  insensible 
of  their  danger,  and  did  all  in  their  power  to  ap- 
pease the  rage  of  the  queen.  They  wrote  to  her,  to 
the  commanders  of  the  French  troops,  to  the  po- 
pish nobles,  and  to  those  of  their  own  persuasion  : 
they  solemnly  disclaimed  all  rebellious  intentions  : 
they  protested  their  readiness  to  yield  all  due  obe- 
dience to  the  government ;  they  obtested  and  ad- 
monished all  to  refrain  from  offering  violence  to 
peaceable  subjects,  who  sought  only  the  liberty  of 
their  consciences.  But  finding  all  their  endeavours 
fruitless,  they  resolved  not  to  suffer  themselves  and 
their  brethren  to  be  massacred,  and  prepared  for  a 
defence  of  the  town  against  an  illegal  and  furious 
assault.  So  prompt  and  vigorous  were  their  mea- 
sures, that  the  regent,  when  she  approached,  deem- 
ed it  imprudent  to  attack  them,  and  proposed  over- 
tures of  accommodation,  to  which  they  readily  ac- 
ceded.* 

While  the  two  armies  lay  before  Perth,  and  ne- 
gociations  were  going  on  between  them,  our  Re- 
former obtained  an  interview  with  the  prior  of  St. 
Andrevv's  and  the  young  earl  of  Argyle,  who  adher- 
ed to  the  regent ;  he  reminded  them  of  the  solemn 
engagements  which  they  had  contracted,  and  charg- 

tion,  he  denominates  "  mere  imuginaria  seditio  et  rebellio."  His- 
toric of  the  Church  of  Scotland  to  1566.  MS.  Adv.  Lib.  A.  5.  43. 
*  When  the  overtures  were  proposed  to  the  congregation,  they 
exclaimed  with  one  voice;  "Cursit  be  they  that  seik  eftusioun  of 
blude,  weir,  or  dissentioun.  Lat  ns  possess  Christ  Jesus,  and  the 
benefileof  hisevangell.andnai/ie  within  Scotland  sail  be  mairobe- 
dient  subjeetis  than  we  sail  be."  Knox,  Historic,  p.  isr.  When 
the  armies  lay  before  Perth,  the  regent's  army  consisted  of  8000. 
that  of  the  congregation  of  i5000  men.  This  seems  to  have  been 
the  number  of  the  latter,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  earl  of 
Glencairn,  with  a  reinforcement  from  the  West.  Gleneairn  'aad 
joined  them  before  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  a  circumstance. 
\\hieh  did  nol  alter  tlieir  pacific  wishes.     Cald.  MS.  i.   126. 


I 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KXOX.  185 

ed  them  with  violating  these,  by  abetting  measures 
which  tenderi  to  the  suppression  of  the  reformed  re- 
ligion, and  the  enslaving  of  their  native  country.  The 
noblemen  assured  him  that  they  held  their  engage- 
ments sacred  ;  the  regent  had  requested  them  to  use 
their  best  endeavours  to  bring  the  present  differences 
to  an  amicable  termination  :  if.  however,  she  violated 
the  present  treaty,  they  promised,  that  they  Mould  no 
longer  adhere  to  her,  but  Avould  openly  take  part 
with  the  rest  of  the  congregation.  The  queen  was 
not  long  in  atfording  them  the  opportunity  of  verify- 
ing this  promise. 

Convinced,  by  numerous  proofs,  that  the  queeu 
regent  had  formed  a  systematical  plan  for  supj)ress- 
ing  the  Reformation,  the  lords  of  the  Congregation  re- 
newed their  bond  of  union,  and  concerted  measures 
for  counteracting  her  designs.  For  a  full  account  of 
the  interesting  struggle  that  ensued,  which  was  in- 
terrupted by  treaties  artfully  proposed  and  perfi- 
diously violated  by  the  regent,  and  at  last  broke 
out  into  an  open,  though  not  very  bloody,  civil  war, 
I  must  refer  to  the  general  histories  of  the  period. 
The  object  of  the  present  work  does  not  admit  of 
entering  into  a  detail  of  this,  except  in  as  far  a«  our 
Reformer  was  immediately  engaged  in  it,  or  as 
may  be  requisite  for  illustrating  his  conduct. 

The  protestaut  leaders  had  frequently  supplicated 
the  regent,  to  employ  her  authority  and  influence  for 
removing  those  corruptions  in  religion,  which  could 
no  longer  be  palliated  or  concealed.  They  had  made 
the  same  application  to  the  clergy,  but  wiiliout  suc- 
cess. ^'  To  abandon  usurped  power,  to  renounce 
lucrative  error,  are  sacrifices  which  the  virtue  of  in- 
dividuals has,  on  some  occasions,  offered  to  truth  ; 
but  from  any  society  of  men  no  such  effort  can  be 
expected.      The  corruptions   of  a   society,    recom- 


186  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

mended  by  common  utility,  and  justified  by  univev- 
sal  practice,  are  viewed  by  its  members  without 
shame  or  horror ;  and  reformation  never  proceeds 
from  themselves,  but  is  always  forced  upon  them  by 
some  foreign  hand."*  The  scandalous  lives  of  the 
clergy,  their  total  neglect  of  the  religious  instruc- 
tion of  the  people,  and  the  profanation  of  Christian 
worship  by  gross  idolatry,  were  the  most  glaring 
abuses.  A  great  part  of  the  nation  loudly  demand- 
ed their  correction  ;  and  if  regular  measures  had  not 
been  adopted  for  this  purpose,  the  popular  indigna- 
tion would  have  effected  the  work.  The  lords  of 
the  Congregation  now  resolved  to  introduce  a  refor- 
mation, in  those  places  to  which  their  authority  or 
influence  extended,  and  where  the  greater  part  of 
the  inhabitants  were  friendly,  by  abolishing  the  po- 
pish superstition,  and  setting  up  the  protestant  wor- 
ship in  its  room.  The  feudal  ideas  respecting  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  nobility,  which  at  that  time  pre- 
vailed in  Scotland,  in  part  justified  this  step  :  the 
urgent  and  extreme  necessity  of  the  case  forms  its 
best  vindication. 

St.  Andrews  was  the  place  fixed  on  for  beginning 
these  operations.  With  this  view,  lord  James  Stew- 
art, who  was  prior  of  the  abbey  of  St.  Andrews,  and 
the  earl  Argyle,  made  an  appointment  with  Knox 
to  meet  them  on  a  certain  day,  in  that  city.  Travel- 
ling along  the  east  coast  of  Fife,  he  preached  at  Au- 
struther  and  Crail,  and  on  the  9th  of  June,  came  to 
St.  Andrews.  The  archbishop,  apprised  of  his 
design  to  preach  in  his  cathedral,  assembled  an  arm- 
ed force,  and  sent  information  to  him,  that  if  he 
appeared  in  the  pulpit,  he  would  give  orders  to  the 
soldiers  to  fire  upon  him.  The  noblemen,  having 
met  to  consult  what  ought  to  be  done,  were  of  opi- 
nion that  Knox  should  desist  from  preaching  at  that 

*  Dr.  Robertson. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  187 

time.  Their  retinue  was  very  slender  ;  they  had  not 
yet  ascertained  the  disposition  of  the  town ;  the 
queen  lay  at  a  small  distance  with  an  army,  ready 
to  come  to  the  bishop's  assistance  ;  and  his  appear- 
ance in  the  pulpit  might  lead  to  the  sacrifice  of  his 
own  life,  and  the  lives  of  tliose  who  were  determined 
to  defend  liim  from  violence. 

There  are  occasions  on  which  it  is  a  proof  of  su- 
perior wisdom  to  disregard  the  ordinary  dictates  of 
prudence ;  on  which,  to  face  danger  is  to  evite  it,  to 
flee  from  it,  is  to  incur  it.     Had  the  reformers,  after 
announcing  their    intentions,    suffered  themselves  to 
be  intimidated  by  the  bravading  attitude  and  threats 
of   the  archbishop,    their  cause  would,    at  the  very 
outset,  have  received  a  blow,  from  which  it   would 
not  easily  have  recovered.     This  was  prevented  by 
the    firmness  and  intrepidity  of  Knox.     Fired  with 
the  recollection  of  the  part  which  he  had  formerly 
acted  on  that  spot,  and  with   the  near    prospect   of 
realizing  the  sanguine  hopes  which  he  had  cherish- 
ed in  his  breast  for  many  years,   he  replied  to  tlie 
solicitations  of   his    brethren :    That   he  could    take 
God  to  witness,  that  he  never  preached  in  contempt 
of  any  man,  nor  with  the  design  of  hurting  an  earth- 
ly creature ;  but  to  delay  to  preach  next  day  (unless 
forcibly  hindered,)  he  could  not  in  conscience  agree  : 
In  that  town,  and  in  that  church,  had  God  first  rais- 
ed him  to  the  dignity  of  a  preacher,   and  from   it  he 
had  been  reft  by  French  tyranny,  at  the  instigation 
of  the  Scots  bishops  ;    The  length   of  his   imprison- 
ment, and  the   tortures  which   he  had  endured,   he 
would  not  at  present  recite  ;   but  one  thing  he  could 
not  conceal,  that,  in  tlxe  hearing  of  many  yet  alive, 
he  had  expressed  his  confident  hope  of  again  preach- 
ing  in  St.   Andrews  :   Now,  therefore,  when  provi- 
dence^ beyond    all   men's   expectation,  had  brought 

c  2 


188      ,  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

him  to  that  place,  he  besought  them  not  hinder 
him.  "  As  for  the  fear  of  danger,  that  may  come 
to  me  (continued  he,)  let  no  man  be  solicitous ;  for 
my  life  is  in  the  custody  of  Him  whose  glory  I  seek. 
I  desire  the  hand  nor  weapon  of  no  man  to  defend 
me.  I  only  crave  audience  ;  which,  if  it  be  denied 
here  unto  me  at  this  time,  I  must  seek  where  I  may 
have  it." 

This  intrepid  reply  silenced  all  further  remon- 
strances ;  and  next  day  Knox  appeared  in  the  pul- 
pit, and  preached  to  a  numerous  assembly,  without 
meeting  with  the  slightest  opposition  or  interrup- 
tion. He  discoursed  on  tlie  subject  of  our  Saviour's 
ejecting  the  profane  traflickers  from  the  temple  of 
Jerusalem  ;  from  which  he  took  occasion  to  expose 
the  enormous  corruptions  which  had  been  introduc- 
ed into  the  church,  under  the  papacy,  and  to  point 
out  what  was  incumbent  upon  Christians,  in  their 
different  spheres,  for  removing  them.  On  the  three 
following  days  he  preached  in  the  same  place;  and 
such  was  the  influence  of  his  doctrine,  that  the  pro- 
vost, bailies,  and  inhabitants,  harmoniously  agreed 
to  set  up  the  reformed  worship  in  the  town :  the 
church  was  stripped  of  images  and  pictures,  and  the 
monasteries  pulled  dowu. 

The  example  of  St.  Andrews  was  quickly  followed 
in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom  ;  and,  in  the  course  of 
a  few  weeks,  at  Crail,  at  Cupar,  at  Liudores,  at  Stir- 
ling, at  Linlithgow,  and  at  Edinburgh,  the  houses  of 
the  monks  were  overthrown,  and  all  the  instruments, 
which  had  been  employed  to  foster  idolatry  and  image- 
worship,  were  destroyed.* 

*  Letter  written  hy  Kiiox  from  St.  Andrews,  23d  June,  155% 
apud  Cald.  MS.  i.  426, 428.  Historio,  p.  140,  111.  The  demo- 
lition of  t!ie  monasteries  at  St,  Andrc.vs  began  vn  the  14th  of 
June. 


LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX.  180 

These  proceedings  were  celebrated  in  the  singu- 
lar lays,  which  were  at  that  time  circulated  among 
the  reformers. 

His  cardinalles  hes  cause  to  niourne, 

His  bishops  are  borne  a  backer 

His  abbots  gat  an  uncouth  turne, 

When  shavellinges  went  to  sacks. 

With  burges  wifes  they  led  their  lives, 

And  fare  better  than  wee. 

Hay  trix,  trim  goe  trix,  under  the  greene  wod-tree. 

His  Carmelites  and  Jacobinis, 
His  Dominikes  had  great  adoe  ; 
His  Cordeilier  and  Augustines, 
Sanct  Francis's  ordour  to  : 
The  sillie  friers,  mony  yeiris 
With  babling  bleerit  our  ee. 
Hay  trix,  &c. 

llad  not  your  self  begun  the  weiris, 
Yourstepillis  had  bene  standand  yit; 
It  was  the  flattering  of  your  friers 
That  ever  gart  Sanct  Francis  flit : 
Ye  grcM  !>a  superstitious 

In  wickednesse. 
It  gart  us  grow  malicious 

Coutrair  yourmesse.* 

Scarcely  any  thing  in  the  progress  of  the  Scottish 
Reformation  has  been  more  frequently  or  more  loud- 
ly condemned  than  the  demolition  of  those  edifices, 
upon  which  superstition  had  lavished  all  the  orna- 
ments of  the  chissel  and  pencil.  To  the  Roman 
Catholics,  who  anathematized  all  who  were  engaged 
in  this  work  of  inexpiable  sacrilege,  and  represented 
it  as  involving  the  overthrow  of  all  religion,!  have 

*  Gude  and  godly  Ballates,  apud  Dalyell's  Scotish  Poems  of 
the  15th  century,  ii.  192. 198. 

t  Tlietolbooth  of  Musselburgh  was  built  out  of  the  ruins  of  the 
chapel  of  Loretto  :  on  which  account  the  good  people  of  tUat  toVf-n 
were,  till  lately,  annually  excommunicated  at  Rome-.     Sibbald's 


190  ^FFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

succeeded  another  race  of  writers,  who,  although  they 
do  not,  iu  general,  make  high  pretensions  to  devotion, 
have  not  scrupled  at  times  to  borrow  the  language 
of  their  predecessors,  and  have  bewailed  the  wreck 
of  so  many  preciows  monuments,  in  as  bitter  strains 
as  ever  idolater  did  the  loss  of  his  gods.  These  are 
the  warm  admirers  of  Grothic  architecture,  and  other 
reliques  of  ancient  art ;  some  of  whom,  if  we  may 
judge  from  their  language,  would  welcome  back  the 
reign  of  superstition,  with  all  its  ignorance  and  bi- 
gotry, if  they  could  recover  the  objects  of  their  ado- 
ration.* AVriters  of  this  stamp  depict  the  devasta- 
tion and  ravages,  which  marked  the  progress  of  the 
Reformation,  iu  colours  as  dark,  as  ever  were  employ- 
ed by  the  historian  in  describing  the  overthrow  of 
ancient  learning,  by  the  irruptions  of  the  barbarous 
Huns  and  Vandals.  Our  Reformer  cannot  be  men- 
tioned by  them  without  symptoms  of  horror,  and 
iu  terms  of  detestation,  as  a  barbarian,  a  savage,  a 
ringleader  of  mobs,  for  overthrowing  whatever  wa^ 
venerable  in  respect  of  antiquity,  or  sacred  in  respect 
of  religion.     It  is  unnecessary  to  produce  instances. 

Expectes  eadem  a  sutnmo  miniraoque  poeta. 

Chronicle  of  Scottish  Poetry,  iii.  19.  Those  ^ho  wish  to  see  a 
specimen  of  Catholic  declamation  on  this  subject,  will  find  it  in 
note  X. 

*  The  reader  may  take  one  example,  which  I  adduce,  not  be- 
cause it  is  the  strongest,  but  because  it  happens  to  be  at  hand. 
"  This  abbey  [Kelso]  was  demolished  15(59,  in  eon&equence  of  the 
enthusiastic  Ileformation,  which,  in  its  violence,  was  a,  greater 
disgrace  to  religion  (lum  all  the  errors  it  was  intended  to  subvert. 
Reformation  has  hitherto  always  appeared  in  the  form  of  a  zealot, 
full  of  lunatic  fury,  Mith  violcjiec  subduing,  but  tlirough  madness, 
creating  almost  as  many  mischiefs  in  its  oversights,  as  it  over- 
throws errors  in  its  pursuit.  Religion  has  received  n  greater 
shock  from  the  present  struggle  to  repress  some  formularies  and 
save  some  scr'.iptes.  than  it  ever  did  by  the  growtli  of  superstition." 
Hutcliinson's  History  of  Northumberland,  and  of  an  Excursion  to 
rlie  Abbey  of  Melrose,  i.  2&5. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN    KNOX.  191 

To  remind  such  persons  of  the  divine  mandate  to 
destroy  all  monuments  of  idolatry  in  the  land  of  Ca- 
naan, would  be  altogether  insufferable,  and  might 
provoke,  from  some  of  them,  a  profane  attack  upon 
the  authority  from  which  it  proceeded.  To  plead  the 
example  of  the  early  Christians,  in  demolishing  the 
temples  and  statues  dedicated  to  pagan  polytheism, 
would  only  awaken  the  keen  regrets  which  are  felt 
for  the  irreparable  loss.*  It  would  be  still  worse  to 
refer  to  the  apocalyptic  predictions,  which  some 
have  been  so  fanatical  as  to  think  Avere  fulfilled  in 
the  miserable  spoliation  of  that  "Great  City,** 
which,  under  all  her  revolutions,  has  so  eminently 
proved  the  nurse  of  the  arts,  and  given  encourage- 
ment to  painters,  statuaries,  and  sculptors,  to  "harp- 
ers, and  musicians,  and  pipers,  and  trumpeters,  and 
craftsmen  of  whatsoever  craft ;"  who,  to  this  day,  have- 
not  forgotten  their  obligations  to  her,  nor  ceased  to 
bewail  her  destruction.  In  any  apology  which  I 
make  for  the  reformers,  I  would  rather  alleviate 
than  aggrevate  the  distress  wliich  is  felt  for  the 
wreck  of  so  many  valuable  memorials  of  antiquity. 
It  has  been  observed  by  high  authority,  that  ther^ 
are  certain  commodities  which  derive  their  principal 
value  from  their  great  rarity,  and  which,  if  found  in 
great  quantities,  would  cease  to  be  sought  after  or 
prized. t  A  nobleman  of  great  literary  reputation 
has,  indeed,  questioned  the  justness  of  this  observa- 

*  "  Alas  I  liow  little  of  its  former  splendour  have  time  and  tiie 
fanatic  rage  of  the  early  Christians  left  to  the  Roman  forum  ?  The 
covered  passage,  with  a  flight  of  steps,  founded  by  Tarquia  the 
elder,  is  no  more  here  to  shelter  us  from  bad  weather,  or  to  serve 
for  the  spectators  to  entertain  themselves  with  mountebanks  in  the 
market-place.*'  A  most  deplorable  loss,  truly  !  The  writer  adds, 
that  the  statues  of  the  twelve  gods  are  yet  standing :  no  great  proof, 
one  would  iniagiue,  of  the  fanatic  rage  of  the  Christians.  Kotze- 
Lue's  Travels  through  Italy,  vol.  i.  p.  200.  Lond.  1S07. 
■!■  Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  iv.  p.  34S. 


192  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

lion,  as  far  as  respects  precious  stones  and  metals.* 
But  I  flatter  myself,  that  the  noble   author  and  the 
learned   critic,   however  much  they  differ  as  to  pub- 
lic wealth,  will  agree  that  the  observation   is  per- 
fectly just,  as   applied  to  those  commodities  which 
constitute   the   wealth  of  the   antiquary.     With  him 
rarity  is   alv^ays   an  essential    requisite.     His   pro- 
perty,   like    that    of    the    possessor    of  the   famous 
Sibylline  books,  does  not  decrease  in   value  by  the 
reduction    of    its    quantity,    but,    after    the    greater 
part   has  been   destroyed,    becomes  still    more    pre- 
cious.    If  the  matter  be  vieAved  in  this   light,  anti- 
quarians  have   no  reason  to  complain  of  the  ravages 
of  the  reformers,  who  have  left  them  such  valuable  re- 
mains, and  placed  them  in  that  very  state  which  awa- 
kens in  their  minds  the  most  lively  sentiments  of  the 
sublime  and  beautiful,  by  reducing  them  to — Ruins. 
But  to  speak  seriously,  I  would  not  be  thought  such 
an  enemy  to  any  of  the  fine  arts,  as  to  rejoice  at  the 
wanton  destruction   of  their  models,  ancient  or  mo- 
dern, or  to  vindicate  those  who,  from  ignorance  or 
fanatical    rage,    may   have  excited  the    mob   to   this 
work.      At    the    same   time,   I  must   reprobate   that 
spirit   which  disposes    persons  to  magnify  irregulari- 
ties,  and   dwell   with   unceasing  lamentations    upon 
losses,!  which,  in  the  view   of  an   enlightened  and 
liberal   mind,   will   sink  and  disappear,  in  the  mag- 
nitude of  the  incalculable   good  which  rose  from  the 
wreck  of  the  revolution.     What !    do  we  celebrate, 
witli  public  rejoicings,   victories  over  the  enemies  of 
our  country,   in  the  gaining  of  which,   the   lives   of 
thousands  of  our  fellow- creatures  have  been  sacri- 
ficed? and  shall  solemn  masses  and   sad  dirges,  ac- 
companied with  direful  execrations,  be  everlastingly 

*  Tiord  Lai!(kr<]a!e's  Observations  on  Edinburgh  Review. 
\  The  ravages  cliaiged  upon  the  reformers,  and  the  losses  sus- 
tained, have  been  greatly  exaggerated.     See  Note  Y. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  193 

sung,  for  the  mangled  members  of  statues,  torn  pic- 
tures, and  ruined  towers  ?  I  will  go  farther,  and  say, 
that  I  look  upon  the  destruction  of  these  monu- 
ments as  a  piece  of  good  policy,  which  contributed 
materially  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Roman  Catholic  re- 
ligion, and  the  prevention  of  its  re- establishment.  It 
was  chiefly  by  the  magnificence  of  temples,  and  the 
splendid  apparatus  of  its  worship,  that  the  popish 
church  facinated  the  senses  and  imaginations  of  the 
people.  There  could  not,  therefore,  be  a  more  suc- 
cessful method  of  attacking  it  than  the  demolition 
of  these.  There  is  more  wisdom,  than  many  seem  to 
perceive,  in  the  maxim,  which  Knox  is  said  to  have 
inculcated,  ^^that  the  best  way  to  keep  the  rooks 
from  returning,  was  to  pull  down  their  nests.''  In 
demolishing,  or  rendering  uninhabitable  all  those 
buildings  which  had  served  for  the  maintainance  of 
the  ancient  superstition  (except  what  were  requisite 
for  the  protestant  worship,)  the  reformers  only  act- 
ed upon  the  principles  of  a  prudent  general,  who 
razes  the  castles  and  fortifications  which  he  is  unable 
to  keep,  and  which  might  afterwards  be  seized,  and 
employed  against  him,  by  the  enemy.  Had  they 
been  allowed  to  remain,  the  popish  clergy  would  not 
have  ceased  to  indulge  hopes,  and  to  make  efforts  to 
be  restored  to  them ;  occasions  would  have  been 
taken  to  tamper  with  the  credulous,  and  inflame  the 
minds  of  the  superstitious  ;  and  the  reformers  might 
soon  have  found  reason  to  repent  their  ill-judged 
forbearance. 

■ — Wlien  we  had  quelled 

The  strengthof  AzUan,  we  should  have  thrown  down 
Her  altars,  cast  her  idols  to  tlie  fire. 

The  priests  combined  to  save  their  craft ; 

And  soon  the  rumour  ran  of  evil  signs 
And  tokens;  in  the  temple  had  been  heard 
Waitings  and  loud  lament;  theeternaJ  fire 
Oave  dismally  a  dim  and  doubtful  flame  : 


194  LIFE  OF   JOHN    KXOX» 

And  from  the  censer,  which  at  morn  should  steam 
Sweet  odours  to  the  sun,  a  foetid  cloud, 

Black  and  portentous  rose. ■ 

Southey's  Madoc.  part  i.  b.  ii. 

Our  Reformer  continued  at  St.  Andrews  till  the 
end  of  June,  when  he  came  to  Edinburgh,  from 
which  the  Regent  and  her  forces  had  retired.  The 
protestants  in  this  city  fixed  their  eyes  upon  him, 
and  chose  him  immediately  for  their  minister.  He 
accordingly  entered  upon  that  charge ;  but  the 
Lords  of  the  Congregation  having  soon  after  con- 
cluded a  treaty  with  the  regent,  by  which  they  de- 
livered up  Edinburgh  to  her,  they  judged  it  unsafe 
for  him  to  remain  there,  on  account  of  the  extreme 
personal  hostility  with  which  the  papists  were  in- 
flamed against  him.  Willoek,  as  being  less  obnoxi- 
ous to  them,  was  therefore  substituted  in  his  place, 
while  he  undertook  a  tour  of  preaching  through 
the  kingdom.*  This  itineracy  had  great  influence 
in  extending  the  reformed  interest.  The  wide 
field  which  was  before  him,  the  interesting  situation 
in  which  he  was  placed,  the  dangers  by  which  he 
was  surrounded,  and  the  hopes  which  he  cherished, 
increased  the  ardour  of  his  zeal,  and  stimulated  him 
to  extraordinary  exertions  botii  of  body  and  mind. 
Within  less  than  two  months,  he  travelled  over  the 
greater  part  of  Scotland.  He  visited  Kelso,  and 
Jedburgh,  and  Dumfries,  and  Ayr,  and  Stirling, 
and  Perth,  and  Brechin,  and  Montrose,  and  Dun- 
dee, and  returned  again  to  St.  Andrews.  The  at- 
tention of  the  nation  w  as  aroused  ;  their  eyes  were 
opened  to  the  errors  by  which  they  had  been  delud 
ed  ;  and  they  panted  for  the  Avord  of  life  which  they 
had  once  tasted. f     I  cannot  better  describe  the  emo- 

•  Knox,  Historic,  p.  15S. 

jCald.  MS.  i.  4^2,  473.     Forbes,  i.  131,  155.     Sadler,  i.  4J1.. 
43^. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  SOB 

m  fheir  favour,  but  feared  that  they  would  have 
cause  to  "  repent  the  drift  of  time,  when  the  remedy 
shall  not  be  so  easy."* 

This  is  the  only  instance  in  which  I  have  found 
our  Reformer  recommending  any  thing  like  dissimu- 
lation, which  was  very  foreign  to  the  openness  of 
his  natural  temper,  and  the  blunt  and  rigid  ho- 
nesty which  marked  all  his  actions.  Kis  own  opi- 
nion was,  that  the  English  court  ought  from  the  first 
to  have  done  what  they  found  themselves  obliged  at 
last  to  do,  to  declare  openly  their  resolution  to  sup- 
port the 'Congregation.  Keith  praises  Croft's  "just 
reprimand  on  Mr.  Knox's  double-fac'd  proposition,'^ 
and  Cecil  say«,  that  his  "^udacite  was  v»ell  tamed." 
We  must  not,  however,  imagine  that  either  of  these 
statesmen  had  any  scruple  of  conscience  or  honour 
on  the  point.  For,  on  the  very  day  on  which  Croft 
answered  Knox's  letter,  he  wrote  to  Cecil  that  be 
thought  the  queen  ought  openly  to  take  part  with 
the  Congregation.  And  in  the  same  letter  in  which 
Cecil  speaks  of  Knox's  audacity,  he  advises  Croft  to 
a  material  adoption  of  the  measure  which  he  had  re- 
commended, though  in  a  more  plausible  shape,  by 
sending  five  or  six  oflBeers,  who  should  ''  steal  from 
thence  with  appearance  of  displeasure  for  lack  of  in- 
lerteynment ;"  and  iu  a  subsequent  letter,  he  gives 
directions  to  send  three  or  four  fit  for  being  cap- 
tains, who  should  give  out  that  they  left  Berwick, 
"  as  men  desyrous  to  be  exercised  in  the  warres,  ra- 
ther  than  to  lye  idely  in  that  towne."t 

*  Keithj  Ap.  40—43.  Sadler,  i.  p.  5:23.  In  fact,  if  a  stoi  in  Iia«l 
not  disj)ersetl  and  shattered  the  French  fleet,  which  had  on  hoard 
the  Marquis  D'Elfeiif,  and  a  lar5;e  body  of  French  troops,  desti- 
ned for  the  reinforcement  of  the  queen  regent  of  Scotland,  the  En- 
glish, afier  so  long  delay,  would  nave  found  it  very  difficult  to 
expel  the  Fjench  I'rom  Scotland.         t  Sadler,  i.  532,  53i!.  568. 

E  3 


20h  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX, 

Not  withstanding  the  prejudice  which  existed  in 
the  English  court  against  our  Reformer,*  on  ac- 
count of  his  ^^  audacity"  in  attacking  female  prero- 
gative^ they  were  too  well  acquainted  with  his  inte- 
grity and  influence  to  decline  his  services.  Cecil 
kept  up  a  correspondence  with  him  ;  and  in  the  di- 
rections sent  from  London  for  the  management  of 
the  subsidy,  it  was  expressly  provided,  that  he 
should  be  one  of  the  council  for  examining  the  re- 
ceipts and  payments,  to  see  that  it  was  applied  to 
the  common  action,  and  not  to  any  private  use.f 

In  the  mean  time,  his  zeal  and  activity,  in  the 
cause  of  the  Congregation,  exposed  him  to  the 
deadly  resentment  of  the  queen  regent  and  the  pa- 
pists. A  reward  was  publicly  offered  to  the  person 
who  should  seize  or  kill  him  ;  and  numbers,  actuat- 
ed by  hatred  or  avarice,  lay  in  wait  for  his  appre- 
hension. But  he  was  not  deterred  by  this  from  ap- 
pearing in  public,  nor  from  travelling  through  the 
country,  in  tlie  discharge  of  his  duty.  His  exertions 
at  this  period  were  incredibly  great.  By  day  he  was 
employed  in  preaching,  by  night  in  writing  letters 
on  public  business.     He  was  the  soul  of  the  Congre- 

*  The  lords  of  the  Congregation  having  proposed  to  send  our 
Reformer  to  London  as  one  of  their  commissioners,  Cecil  found  it 
necessary  to  discourage  the  proposal.  "  Of  all  others,  Knoxees 
name,  if  it  l)e  not  Goodman's  is  most  odlose  here  ;  and  therefore, 
I  wish  no  mention  of  him  [coming]  hitiier."  And  in  another  letter 
he  says  ;  "  his  writings  [i.  e.  Knox's  letters]  doo  no  good  here ;  and 
therefore  1  doo  rather  suppress  them,  and  yet  1  meane  not  but 
that  ye  should  contynue  in  sending  of  ihom."  Sadler,  i.  532,  535. 
The  editor  of  Sadler  supposes,  witliout  any  reason,  thiit  Knox  and 
Goodman  were  obnoxious  to  the  court  on  account  of  their  Geneva 
discipline,  and  republican  tenets.  They  had  both  been  guilty  of 
one  offence,  and  that  a  very  different  one.  1  shall  afterwards  have 
occasion  to  notice  the  prosecution  to  whiehgondman  was  subject- 
ed for  this,  upon  his  return  to  England. 

t  Sadler,  i.  510.  Kcitli,  A  p.  40. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  205 

gation  ;  was  always  present  at  the  post  of  dan- 
ger ;  and  by  his  presence,  his  public  discourses,  and 
private  advices,  animated  the  whole  body,  and  de- 
feated the  schemes  employed  to  corrupt  and  disunite 
them.* 

Our  Reformer  was  now  called  to  take  a  share  in 
a  very  delicate  and  important  measure.  When  they 
first  had  recourse  to  arms  in  their  own  defence,  the 
lords  of  the  Congregation  had  no  intention  of  mak- 
ing any  alteration  in  the  government,  nor  of  assum- 
ing the  exercise  of  the  supreme  authority.!  Even 
after  they  had  adopted  a  more  regular  and  perma- 
nent system  of  resistence  to  the  measures  of  the 
regent,  they  continued  to  recognize  the  station 
which  she  held,  presented  petitions  to  her,  and  lis- 
tened respectfully  to  the  proposals  which  she  made, 
for  removing  the  grounds  of  variance.     But  finding 

*  "In  twenty-four  hours,  I  have  not  four  free  to  natural  rest, 
and  easce  of  this  wicked  carcass.  Remember  my  last  request  for 
my  mother,  and  say  to  Mr.  George  [Mr.  George  Bowes,  his  bro- 
ther-in-law] that  I  have  need  of  a  good  and  an  assured  horse ;  for 
great  w  atch  is  laid  for  my  apprehension,  and  large  money  promiss- 

ed  till  any  that  shall  kyll  me. And  this  part  of  my  care  now 

poured  in  your  bosom,  1  cease  farther  to  trouble  you,  being  troubled 
myself  in  body  and  spirit,  for  the  troubles  that  be  present,  and  ap- 
pear to  grow. — At  mydnicht. 

Many  things  I  have  to  writ,  which  now  tym  suffereth  not  but 
after,  if  ye  mak  haste  with  this  messinger,  ye  shall  undirstand 
more.  R  ryt  I  write  m  ith  sleaping  eis."' 

Knox's  Letter  to  Raylton,  23d  October,  1559.  Keith,  Ap.  38. 
Sadler,  i.  681,  682. 

The  letter,  written  with  the  Reformer's  own  hand,  is  in  the  Bri- 
tish Museum.  Cotton  MSS.  Calig.  B.  ix.  f.  38.  The  conclusion  of 
the  letter,  which  is  here  printed  in  imitation  of  the  original,  is  very 
descriptive  of  the  state  of  the  «  riter  at  the  time. — It  appears  from 
the  same  letter,  that,  amidst  his  other  employments,  he  had  al- 
ready begun  and  made  considerable  progre«is  in  his  History  of  the 
Reformation. 
*  See  Note  A  A. 


206  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

that  she  was  fully  beat  upon  the  execution  of  her 
plan  for  subverting  the  national  liberties,  and  that 
the  title  which  she  held  gave  her  great  advantages 
in  carrying  on  this  design,  they  began  to  deliberate 
upon  the  propriety  of  adopting  a  different  line  of 
conduct.  Tlieir  sovereigns  were  minors,  in  a  fo- 
reign country,  and  under  the  management  of  per- 
sons who  had  been  the  principal  instruments  in 
producing  all  the  evils  of  which  they  complain- 
ed. The  queen  dowager  held  the  regency  by 
the  authority  of  Parliament ;  and  might  she  not  be 
deprived  of  it  by  the  same  authority?  In  the  present 
state  of  the  country,  it  was  impossible  for  a  free  and 
regular  Parliament  to  meet ;  but  the  greater  and 
better  part  of  the  nation  had  declared  their  dissatis= 
faction  with  her  administration ;  and  was  it  not 
competent  for  them  to  provide  for  the  public  safety 
which  was  exposed  to  such  imminent  danger  ?  Thes« 
w^ere  questions  which  formed  the  topic  of  frequent 
conversation  at  this  time. 

After  much  deliberation  on  this  important  point,  a 
numerous  assembly  of  nobles,  barons,  and  representa- 
tives of  boroughs  met  at  Edinburgh  on  the  21st  of 
October,  to  bring  it  to  a  solemn  issue.  To  this  as- 
sembly Knox  and  Willock  were  called ;  and  the 
c^uestion  being  stated  to  them,  they  were  required 
to  deliver  their  opinions  as  to  the  lawfulness  of  the 
measure.  Willock,  who  officiated  as  minister  of 
Edinburgh,  being  iirst  asked,  declared  it  to  be  his 
judgment,  founded  upon  reason  and  scripture,  that  the 
power  of  rulers  was  limited  ;  that  they  might  be  de- 
prived of  it  upon  valid  grounds ;  and  that  the  queen 
regent  having,  by  the  fortification  of  Leith,  and  the 
introduction  of  foreign  troops,  evinced  a  fixed  de- 
termination to  oppress  and  enslave  the  kingdom, 
miglit  justly   be   deprived   of  her   authority,   ])y  the 

nobles   and    barous;,   the    native   counsellors  of  the 
i 


WPE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  20/ 

irealm^  whose  petitions  and  remonstrances  she  had  re- 
peatedly rejected.  Knox  assented  to  the  opinion  de- 
iivered  by  his  brother,  and  added,  that  the  assem- 
bly might,  with  safe  consciences,  act  upon  it,  pro- 
vided they  attended  to  the  three  following  things, 
first,  that  they  did  not  suffer  the  misconduct  of  the 
queen  regent  to  alienate  their  affections  from  due 
allegiance  to  their  sovereigns,  Francis  and  Mary  ; 
second,  that  they  were  not  actuated  in  the  mea- 
sure by  private  hatred  or  envy  of  the  queen  dowa- 
ger, but  by  regard  to  the  safety  of  the  common- 
wealth  ;  and,  third,  that  any  sentence  which  they 
might  pronounce  at  this  time  should  not  preclude 
her  re-admission  to  the  office,  if  she  afterwards  dis- 
covered sorrow  for  her  conduct,  and  a  disposition  to 
submit  to  the  advice  of  the  counsellors  of  the  realm. 
After  this,  the  whole  assembly,  having  severally 
delivered  their  opinions,  did  by  a  solemn  deed,  sus- 
pend the  queen  dowager  from  her  authority  as  re- 
gent of  the  kingdom,  until  the  meeting  of  a  free  par- 
liament ;*  and,  in  the  interval,  elected  a  council  for 
the  management  of  public  affairs. | 

The  preachers  have  been  blamed  for  interposing 
their  advice  on  this  question,  as  incompetent  to  per- 
sons of  their  character,  and  exposing  tliem  to  unne- 

*  Dr.  Robertson  says,  "  It  was  tlie  work  but  of  one  day  to  exa- 
mine and  resolve  this  nice  problem,  concerning  tbe  behaviour  o-f 
subjects  towards  a  ruler  wlio  abuses  Ins  power."  But  it  may  be 
observed,  that  this  was  but  the  formal  determination  of  the  ques- 
tion. It  had  been  discussed  among  the  protestanls  frequently  be- 
fore this  meeting,  and,  as  early  as  the  beginniiig  of  Keptember, 
they  were  nearly  unanimous  about  it.  Sadler,  i.  1-33.  It  should 
also  be  noticed,  that  the  queen  was  only  snspev.ded  from,  not  ab- 
solutely "  deprived  of  her  office." 

t  Knox,  182 — 187.  Alexander  Gordon,  bisho]>  of  Calloway 
(who  had  embraced  the  Reformation,)  Kuox,  Gooduum,  and  Wil- 
lock,  were  appointed  to  bo  on  the  conueil,  f'»r  maKers  of  religion. 
Sadler,!.  610,  511. 


M^^ 


208  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

cessary  odium.*  But  it  is  not  easy  to  see  Low  they 
could  have  been  excused  in  refusing  to  deliver  their 
opinion,  when  required  by  those  who  had  submitted 
to  their  ministry,  upon  a  measure  which  involved  a 
case  of  conscience,  as  well  as  a  question  of  law  and 
political  right.  The  advice  which  was  actually  given 
and  followed  is  a  matter  of  greater  consequence, 
than  the  quarter  from  which  it  came.  As  this  pro- 
ceeded upon  principles  very  different  from  those 
"which  produced  resistance  to  princes,  and  the  limita- 
tion of  their  authority,  under  feudal  governments, 
and  as  our  Reformer  has  been  the  object  of  much 
animadversion  for  inculcating  these  principles,  the 
reader  will  pardon  another  digression  from  the  nar- 
rative. 
I  >  Among  the  various  causes  which  effected  the  ge- 
neral state  of  society  and  government  in  Europe, 
during  the  middle  ages,  we  are  particularly  led  to 
notice  the  influence  of  religion.  Debased  by  igno- 
rance and  fettered  by  superstition,  the  minds  of  men 
v>ere  prepared  to  acquiesce  without  examination  in 
the  claims  of  authority,  and  to  submit  tamely  to 
every  yoke.  The  genius  of  popery  is  in  every  view 
friendly  to  slavery.  The  Romish  court,  while 
it  aimed  directly  at  the  establishment  of  a  spi- 
ritual despotism  in  the  hands  of  ecclesiastics,  con- 
tributed to  rivet  the  chains  of  political  servitude 
upon  the  people.  In  return  for  the  support  which 
princes  yielded  to  its  arrogant  claims,  it  was  content 
to  invest  them  with  an  absolute  authority  over  the 
bodies  of  their  subjects.  By  the  priestly  unction 
performed  at  the  coronation  of  kings  in  the  name  of 
(he  Holy  See,  a  sacred  character  was  understood  to 
be  communicated,  which  raised  them  to  a  superiori- 

*  S|jotli-\vood,  p.  137.     Keith,  104. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  209 

ty  over  their  nobility  which  they  did  not  formeily 
possess^,  rendered  their  persons  inviolable,  and  their 
office  divine.  Although  the  sovereign  pontiffs 
claimed,  and  on  different  occasions,  exercised  the 
power  of  dethroning  kings,  and  absolving  subjects 
from  their  allegiance,  yet  any  attempt  of  this  kind, 
when  it  proceeded  from  the  people  themselves,  was 
denounced  as  a  crime  deserving  the  severest  punish- 
ment in  this  world,  and  damnation  in  the  next. 
Hence  sprung  the  diviue  right  of  kings  to  rule  inde- 
pendently of  their  people,  and  of  passive  obedience 
and  non-resistance  to  their  will ;  under  the  sanction  of 
which  they  were  encouraged  to  sport  with  the  lives 
and  happiness  of  their  subjects,  and  to  indulge  in 
the  most  tyrannical  and  wanton  acts  of  oppression, 
without  the  dread  of  resistance,  or  of  being  called 
to  an  account.  Even  in  countries  where  the  people 
were  understood  to  enjoy  certain  political  privileges, 
transmitted  from  remote  ages,  or  wrested  from  their 
princes  on  some  favourable  occasions  (as  in  England.) 
these  principles  were  generally  prevalent ;  and  it 
was  easy  for  an  ambitious  and  powerful  monarch  to 
avail  himself  of  them,  to  violate  the  rights  of  the 
people  with  impunity,  and  upon  a  constitution,  the 
forms  of  which  were  friendly  to  popular  liberty,  to 
establish  an  administration  completely  despotic  and 
arbitrary. 

The  contest  between  Papal  sovereignty  and  the 
authority  of  General  Councils,  which  was  carried 
on  during  the  fifteenth  century,  struck  out  s'ome 
of  the  radical  principles  of  liberty,  which  were 
afterwards  applied  to  political  government.  The  re- 
vival of  learning,  by  unfolding  the  principles  of  le- 
gislation and  modes  of  government  in  the  republics 
of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome,  gradually  led  to  more 
liberal  notions  on  this  subject.  But  these  were  con- 
fined to  a  few,  and  had  no  influence  upon  the  general 


210  LIIE  OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

state  of  society.  The  spirit  infused  by  philosophy 
aud  literature  is  too  feeble  and  contracted  to  pro- 
duce a  radical  reform  of  established  abuses  ;  and 
learned  men  satisfied  with  their  own  superior  illumi- 
nation, and  the  liberty  of  indulging  their  speculations, 
have  generally  been  too  indifferent  or  too  timid  to  at- 
tempt the  improvement  of  the  multitude.  It  is  to  the 
religious  spirit  excited  during  the  sixteenth  centurj'', 
ivhicli  spread  rapidly  through  Europe  and  diffused 
itself  among  all  classes  of  men,  that  we  are  chiefly 
indebted  for  the  propagation  of  the  genuine  principles 
of  rational  liberty,  and  the  consequent  amelioration 
of  government. 

Civil  and  ecclesiastical  tyranny  were  so  closely 
combined,  that  it  was  impossible  for  men  to  eman- 
cipate themselves  from  the  latter  witliout  throwing 
off  the  former  ;  and  from  arguments  which  establish- 
ed their  religious  rights,  tlie  transition  was  easy,  and 
almost  unavoidable,  to  disquisitions  about  their  civil 
privileges.  In  those  kingdoms  in  which  the  rulers 
threw  off  the  Romish  yoke,  and  introduced  the  Re- 
formation by  their  authority,  the  influence  was  more 
imperceptible  and  slow ;  and  in  some  of  them,  as  in 
England,  the  power  taken  from  the  ecclesiastical 
was  thrown  into  the  regal  scale,  which  proved  in  so 
far  prejudicial  to  popular  liberty.  But  where  the 
Reformation  was  embraced  by  the  body  of  a  nation, 
while  the  ruling  powers  continued  to  oppose  it,  the 
effect  was  visible  and  immediate.  The  interested 
and  obstinate  support  which  rulers  gave  to  the  old 
system  of  error  and  ecclesiastical  tyranny,  and  their 
cruel  persecution  of  all  who  favoured  the  new  opi- 
nions, drove  their  subjects  to  inquire  into  the  just 
limits  of  authority  and  obedience.  Their  judgments 
once  informed  as  to  the  rights  to  which  they  were 
intitled,  and  their  consciences,  satisfied  respecting 
•the  means    which    they   might    employ    to    acquire 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  211 

them,  the  immense  importance  of  the  immediate  ob- 
ject in  view,  their  emancipation  from  religious  bon- 
dage, and  the  salvation  of  themselves  and  their  pos- 
terity, impelled  them  to  make  the  attempt  with  an 
enthusiasm  and  perseverance  which  the  mere  love 
of  civil  liberty  could  not  have  inspired. 

In  effecting  that  memorable  revolution,  which 
terminated  in  favour  of  religious  and  political  li- 
berty in  so  many  nations  of  Europe,  the  public 
teachers  of  the  protestant  doctrine  had  a  principal 
influence.  By  their  instructions  and  exhortations, 
they  roused  the  people  to  consider  their  rights  and 
exert  their  power ;  they  stimulated  timid  and  wary 
politicians  ;  they  encouraged  and  animated  princes, 
nobles,  and  confederated  states,  with  their  armies, 
against  the  most  formidable  opposition,  and  under 
the  most  overwhelming  difficulties,  until  their  exer- 
tions were  crowned  \Aith  the  most  signal  success. 
These  facts  are  now  admitted,  and  this  honour  at 
last,  through  the  force  of  truth,  conceded  to  the  re- 
ligious leaders  of  the  protestant  Reformation,  by 
philosophical  Avriters,  Avho  had  too  long  branded 
them  as  ignorant  and  fanatical.* 

Our  national  Reformer  had  caught  a  large  portion 
of  the  spirit  of  civil  liberty.  We  have  already  advert- 
ed to  the  circumstance  in  his  education  which  direct- 
ed his  attention,  at  an  early  period,  to  some  of  its  prin- 
ciples.! His  subsequent  studies  introduced  him  to 
acquaintance  with  tlie  maxims  and  modes  of  govern- 
ment in  the  free  states  of  antiquity  ;  and  it  is  rea- 
sonable to  suppose  that  his  intercourse  with  the  re- 
publics of  Switzerland  and  Geneva  bad  some  in- 
fluence  on   his  political  creed.     Having  formed  his 

*  Villers's  Essay  on  the  Spirit  and  Infiuence  of  the  Reibrmatioa 
af  Luther,  Mill's  Translation,  p.  183,  ISG,  321,327. 
t  See  above,  p.  7 — 9. 

f2 


Si  3  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX» 

sentiments  independent  of  the  prejudices  arising 
from  established  laws,  long  usage,  and  commonly 
received  opinions,  his  zeal  and  intrepidity  prompted 
him  to  arow  and  propagate  them,  when  others,  less 
sanguine  and  resolute,  would  have  been  restrained 
by  fear,  or  despair  of  success.*  Extensive  observa- 
tiou  had  convinced  him  of  the  glaring  perversion  of 
government  in  the  most  of  the  European  kingdoms. 
But  his  principles  led  him  to  desire  their  reform,  not 
their  subversion.  His  admiration  of  the  policy  of 
republics,  ancient  or  modern,  was  not  so  great  or 
Indiscriminate  as  to  prevent  him  from  separating 
the  essential  principles  of  equity  and  freedom  which 
they  contained,  from  others  which  were  incompati- 
ble  with  monarchy.  He  was  perfectly  sensible  oC. 
the  necessity  of  regular  government  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  justice  and  order  among  mankind,  and 
aware  of  the  danger  of  setting  men  loose  from  its  sa- 
lutary restraints.  He  uniformly  inculcated,  a  con- 
scientious obedience  to  the  lawful  commands  of 
rulers,  and  respect  to  their  persons  as  well  as  to  their 
authority,  even  when  they  were  chargeable  with  va- 
rious mismanagements  ;  as  long  as  they  did  not  break 
through  all  the  restraints  of  law  and  justice,  and 
cease  to  perform  the  essential  duties  of  their  office. 

But  he  held  that  rulers,  supreme  as  well  as  subor- 
dinate, were  invested  with  authority  for  the  public 
good ;  that  obedience  was  not  due  to  them  in  any 
thing  contrary  to  the  divine  law ;  that,  in  every 
free  and  well  constituted  government,  the  law  of  the^ 
land  was  superior  to  the  will  of  the  prince,  and  that 
inlerior  magistrates  and  subjects  might  restrain  the 
supreme  magistrate  from  particular  illegal  acts,  with- 

*  *•  I  prais  my  God  (saiil  he)  I  liavc  not  learned  to  cry  conjura- 
tion and  treiouu  at  every  thing  that  the  godlcs  multitude  does  con- 
dem,  neither  yet  to  fear  the  tilings  that  they  fear."  Confereucc- 
with  Murray  aud  MaitiaJid,  liistoric,  p.  339. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX.  S13 

«ut  throwing  off  their  allegiance^  or  being  guilty  of 
rebellion ;  that  no  class  of  men  have  an  original,  in- 
herent, and  indefeasible  right  to  rule  over  a  people, 
independently  of  their  will  and  consent ;  that  a  na- 
tion have  a  right  to  provide  and  require  that  they 
be  ruled  by  laws,  agreeing  with  the  divine,  and  cal- 
culated to  promote  their  welfare :  that  there  is  a 
mutual  compact,  tacit  and  implied,  if  not  formal 
and  explicit,  between  rulers  and  their  subjects  ;  and 
if  the  former  shall  fragrantly  violate  this,  employ 
that  power  for  the  destruction  of  a  commonwealth, 
which  was  committed  to  them  for  its  preservation 
and  benefit ;  in  one  word,  if  they  shall  become  ha- 
bitual tyrants  and  notorious  oppressors,  that  the 
people  are  absolved  from  allegiance,  have  a  right  to 
resist  them,  formally  to  depose  them  from  their  place, 
and  to  elect  others  in  their  room. 

The  real  power  of  the  Scottish  kings  was,  indeed, 
always  limited,  and  there  are  in  our  history,  previ- 
ous to  the  sera  of  the  Reformation,  many  instances 
of  resistance  to  their  authority.  But,  though  tliese 
were  pleaded  as  precedents  on  this  occasion,  it  must 
be  confessed  that  we  cannot  trace  them  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  genuine  liberty.  They  were  the  effect, 
either  of  sudden  resentment  on  account  of  some  flag- 
rant act  of  mal-administration,  of  tlio  ambition  of 
some  powerful  baron,  or  of  the  jealousy  with  which 
the  feudal  aristocracy  watched  over  the  prerogatives 
of  their  order.  The  people  who  followed  the  stand- 
ards of  their  chiefs  had  little  interest  in  the  struggle, 
and  derived  no  benefit  from  the  limitations  which 
were  imposed  upon  their  sovereign.  But,  at  this 
time,  more  just  and  enlarged  sentiments  were  diffus- 
ed through  the  nation,  and  the  idea  of  a  common- 
wealtli,  including  the  mass  of  tlie  people  as  well  as 
the  privileged  orders  began  to  be  entertained.  Our 
Beformer.  whose  notions  of   hereditary  right,  whe- 


214*  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX» 

tlier  in  kings  or  nobles,  were  not  exalted,  stndied 
to  repress  the  insolence  and  oppression  of  the  nobles, 
lie  reminded  them  of  the  original  equality  of  men 
and  the  ends  for  which  some  were  raised  above  others  ; 
and  be  taught  the  people  that  they  had  rights  to  pre- 
serve, as  well  as  duties  to  perform.* 

Such,  in  substance,  were  the  political  sentiments 
of  our  Reformer.  With  respect  to  female  govern- 
ment he  never  moved  any  question  among  his 
countrymen,  nor  attempted  to  gain  proselytes  to 
his  opinion.  But  the  principles  just  stated  were 
strenuously  inculcated  by  him,  and  acted  upon  in 
Scotland  in  more  than  one  instance  during  his  life. 
That  they  should,  at  that  period,  have  exposed 
those  who  held  them  to  the  charge  of  treason 
from  despotical  rulers  and  their  numerous  satellites ; 
that  they  should  have  been  regarded  with  a  suspi- 
cious eye  by  some  of  the  learned,  who  had  not  alto- 
gether  thrown  off  common  prejudices,  in  an  age 
when  the  principles  of  political  liberty  were  only  be- 
ginning to  be  understood, — is  not  much  to  be  won- 
dered at.  But  it  must  excite  both  surprize  and  in- 
dignation, to  find  writers,  in  the  present  enlightened 
age,  and  under  the  sunshine  of  British  liberty  (if 
our  sun  is  not  fast  going  down,)  expressing  their  ab- 
horrence of  these  sentiments,  and  exhausting  upon 
their  authors  all  the  invective  and  virulence  of  the 
former  Anti-nionarcho-machif  and  advocates  of  passive 
obedience.  They  are  essentially  the  principles  upon 
which  the  free  constitution  of  Britain  rests ;  the 
most  obnoxious  of  them  Mas  reduced  to  practice  at 
the  memorable  sera  of  tlie  Revolution,  when  the  ne- 
cessity of  employing  tliem  was  not  more  urgent  or 
unquestionable,  than  it  was  at  the  suspension  of  the 

*  Tlie  autlionties  for  this  stalenicut  of  Knox's  polilical  opin- 
iong  will  be  found  in  Note  BR. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  2i5 

queen   regent   of  Scotland,    and  the  subsequent  se- 
questration of  her  daughter. 

I  have  said  essentially :  for  I  would  not  be  under- 
stood  as  meaning,  that  every  proposition    advanced 
by  Knox,  on  this  subject,  is  expressed  in   the  most 
guarded   and  unexceptionable  manner,    or  that   all 
the  cases,  in  which  he  was  led  to   vindicate  forcible 
resistance  to  rulers,  were  such  as  rendered  it  neces- 
sary, and  may  be  pleaded  as  precedents  in  modern 
times.     The  political    doctrines  maintained  at   that 
time  received  a   tincture  from  the  spirit  of  the  age, 
and    were   accommodated    to    a    rude    and    unset- 
tled state  of  society   and  government.     The  checks 
which  have  since  been  introduced  into  the  constitu- 
tion,  and   the  influence  which  public  opinion,    ex- 
pressed by    the   organ    of    a    free    press,  has   upon 
the    conduct    of  rulers,    are    sufficient,  in    ordinary 
cases,    to  restrain  dangerous  encroachments,    or  af- 
ford  the    means   of   correcting  them  in   a  peaceable 
way ;  and  have  thus  happily  superseded  the  neces- 
sity of  having  recourse  to   those  desperate  but   deci- 
sive remedies  which  were  formerly  applied  by  an  op- 
pressed and  indignant  people.      But  if  ever  the  time 
come  when  these  principles  shall  be  generally  re- 
nounced   and   abjured,  the  extinction  of  the  boasted 
liberty  of  Britain  will  not  be  far  off. 

Tbose  who  judge  of  the  propriety  of  any  measure 
from  the  success  with  which  it  is  accompanied,  will 
be  disposed  to  condemn  the  suspension  of  the  queen 
regent.  Soon  after  this  step  was  taken,  the  affairs 
of  the  Congregation  began  to  wear  a  gloomy  appear- 
ance. The  messenger  whom  they  had  sent  to  Ber- 
wick to  receive  a  remittance  from  the  English  court, 
was  intercepted  on  his  return,  and  rifled  of  the  trea- 
sure ;  their  soldiers  mutinied  for  want  of  pay ;  they 
were  repulsed  in  a  premature  assault  upon  theforti- 


216  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

ficatioiis  of  Leitb,  and  worstect  in  a  skirmish  with  the 
French  troops  ;  the  secret  emissaries  of  the  regent 
were  too  successful  among  them  ;  their  numbers  daily 
decreased  ;  and  the  remainder  disunited,  dispirited, 
and  dismayed,  came  to  the  resolution  of  abandoning 
Edinburgh  on  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  November,  and 
retreated  with  precipitation  and  disgrace  to  Stirling. 

Amidst  the  universal  dejection  produced  by 
these  disasters,  the  spirit  of  Knox  remained  unsub- 
dued. On  the  day  after  their  arrival  at  Stirling,, 
he  mounted  the  pulpit,  and  delivered  a  discourse, 
which  had  a  wonderful  effect  in  rekindling  the 
zeal  and  courage  of  the  Congregation.  Their 
faces  (he  said)  were  confounded,  their  enemies  tri- 
umphed, their  hearts  had  quaked  for  fear,  and  still 
remained  oppressed  with  sorrov/  and  shame.  What 
was  the  cause  for  which  God  had  thus  dejected 
them  ?  The  situation  of  their  affairs  required  plain 
language,  and  he  would  use  it.  In  the  present  dis- 
tressed state  of  their  minds,  they  were  in  danger  of 
fixing  upon  an  erroneous  cause  of  their  misfortunes, 
and  of  imagining  that  they  had  offended  in  taking 
the  sword  of  self-defence  into  their  hands  ;  just  as 
the  tribes  of  Israel  did  when  twice  discomfited  in 
the  war  wliich  they  undertook,  by  divine  direction, 
against  their  brethren  the  Benjamites.  Having  di- 
vided the  Congregation  into  two  classes,  those  who 
had  been  embarked  in  this  cause  from  the  beginning, 
and  those  who  had  lately  acceded  to  it,*  he  pro- 
ceeded to  point  out  what  he  considered  as  blameable 
in  the  conduct  of  each  ;  and  after  exhorting  all  to 

*  Some  time  before  tliis,  the  earl  of  Arran,  havini^  escaped 
from  France,  (where  Jiis  life  was  in  imminent  danger,  on  account 
of  his  attachment  to  the  reformed  doctrine.)  and  come  into  Seot- 
Jand,  persuaded  his  father,  the  Duke  of  Chastellierauit,  to  join 
the  Congregation,  who  was  followed  by  the  most  of  his  retainers. 
The    Duke  was  considered  as  the    president    or  chief  person 


LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX.  SI/ 

amendment  of  life,  prayers,  and  works  of  charily,  he 
tioncluded  with  an  animating  address.  God  (he 
said)  often  suffered  the  wicked  to  triumph  for  a 
while,  and  exposed  his  chosen  congregation  to 
mockery,  dangers,  and  apparent  destruction,  in  or- 
der to  abase  their  self-confidence,  and  induce  tlieui 
to  look  to  him  for  deliverance  and  victory.  If  they 
turned  unfeignedly  to  the  Eternal,  he  no  more 
doubted  that  their  present  distress  would  be  convert- 
ed into  joy,  and  followed  by  success,  than  he  doubt- 
ed that  Israel  was  finally  victorious  over  the  Benja- 
mites,  after  being  twice  repulsed  Vith  ignominy. 
The  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged  would,  in 
spite  of  all  opposition,  prevail  in  Scotland.  It  was 
the  eternal  truth  of  the  eternal  God  which  they 
maintained  ;  it  might  be  oppressed  for  a  time,  but 
would  ultimately  triumph. 

The  audience  who  had  entered  the  church  in  deep 
despondent^y  left  it  with  renovated  courage.  In 
the  afternoon  the  council  met,  and  after  prayer  by 
the  Reformer,  unanimously  agreed  to  dispatch  Mait-^ 
land  to  London  to  supplicate  more  effectual  assist- 
ance  from  Elizabeth.  In  the  mean  time,  as  they 
were  unable  to  keep  the  field,  they  resolved  to  di- 
vide, and  that  the  one  half  of  the  council  should  re- 
main at  Glasgow,  and  the  other  at  St.  Andrews, 
Knox  was  appointed  to  attend  the  latter.  The 
French  having,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1560. 
penetrated  into  Fife,  he?  encouraged  that  small  band^ 
which,  under  the  earl  of  Arran,  and  tlie  prior  of  St, 

in  the  reformed  council,  and  was  present  at  tlie  sermon.  That 
part  of  the  discourse  which  related  to  his  condiiet,  is  a  striking 
specimen  of  that  boldness  and  freedom  with  which  the  preacher 
reproved  the  faults  of  the  most  powei-ful,  a  freedom  wliieli,  on  the 
present  occasion,  does  not  seem  to  have  given  any  oft'euee.  Knox 
has  preserved  in  his  History,  (p.  194 — 19",)  the  principal  topics 
on  which  he  insisted  in  this  sermon,  vhich  has  been  praised  both 
bv  Buchanan  and  Robertson. 


S18  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

Andrews,  bravely  resisted  their  progress,  until  the 
appearance  of  the  English  fleet,  obliged  them  to 
make  a  precipitate  retreat.* 

The  disaster  which  caused  the  protestant  army  to 
leave  Edinburgh,  turned  out  to  the  advantage  of 
their  cause.  It  obliged  the  English  court  to  aban- 
don the  line  of  cautious  policy  which  they  had  hi- 
therto pursued.  On  the  S7th  of  February,  1560, 
they  concluded  a  formal  treaty  with  the  lords  of  the 
Congregation ;  and,  in  the  beginning  of  April,  the 
English  army  entered  Scotland.  The  French  troops 
retired  within  'the  fortifications  of  Leith,  and  were 
invested  by  sea  and  land ;  the  queen  regent  died  in 
the  castle  of  Edinburgh  during  the  siege  ;  and  the 
ambassadors  of  France  were  forced  to  agree  to  a 
treaty,  by  which  it  was  provided,  that  the  French 
troops  should  be  removed  from  Scotland,  an  am- 
nesty granted  to  all  who  had  been  engaged  in  the 
late  resistance  to  the  measures  of  the  regent,  their 
principal  grievances  redressed,  and  a  free  parliament 
called  to  settle  the  other  affairs  of  the  kingdom.! 

During  the  continuance  of  the  civil  war,  while  the 
protestant  preachers  were  assiduous  in  disseminat- 
ing the  knowledge  of  the  truth  through  all  parts  of 
the  kingdom,  the  popish  clergy  used  no  exertions  to 
counteract  them.  Too  corrupt  to  think  of  reform- 
ing their  manners,  too  illiterate  to  be  capable  of  de- 
fending their  errors,^  they  placed  their  forlorn  hope 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  197,  201,  21^     Spottiswood,  p.  140. 

t  Leith,  p.  131— 444.  Knox,  229— 234.  Spottiswood,  p.  147 
— 149.  The  treaty  was  signed  by  the  deputies  on  the  6th  July, 
1560. 

I  The  French  court  sent  into  Scotland  the  bishop  of  Aniieii?, 
who  was  invested  with  tl:e  title  of  papal  legate,  and  three  doc- 
tors of  the  Sorbonne,  w  ho  gave  out  that  they  had  come  to  con- 
found the  lii  reties.  and  bring  back  the  erring  Scots  to  the  bosom 
of  the  cliureh.  by  the  force  of  argument  and  persuasion.  Lesley 
boasts  of  their  success  ;  but  it  appears  that  these  foreign  divines 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  Si 9 

\ipon  the  successor  the  French  arms,  and  looked 
forward  to  the  issue  of  the  contest,  as  involving  the 
establishment  or  the  ruin  of  their  religion.  One 
attempt  they,  indeed,  made  to  recover  their  lost  re- 
putation, and  support  their  sinking  cause,  by  reviv- 
ing the  stale  pretence  of  miracles  wrought  at  the 
shrines  of  their  saints.*  But  the  detection  of  the 
imposture  exposed  them  to  derision,  and  was  the  oc- 
casion of  their  losing  a  person,  who,  by  his  learning 
and    integrity,  was   the  greatest  ornament    of  their 

party,  t 

The  treaty,  which  put  an  end  to  hostilities,  made 
no  settlement  respecting  religious  diiferences  ;  but, 
on  that  very  account,  it  was  fatal  to  popery. J     The 

instead  of  disputing  with  the  heretics,  confined  themselves  to  the 
more  easy  task  of  instructing  the  Scottish  clergy  in  the  canonical 
method  of  purifying  the  churches  which  had  been  polluted  by  the 
profane  worship  of  the  protestants.  Spottiswood,  133,  ISl. 
Keith,  102.  Sadler  says  that  the  bishop  came  •'  to  curse,  and 
also  to  dispute  with  the  protestants,  and  to  reconcile  them,  if  it 
wolbe."  Vol.  i.  470, 

*  The  farce  referred  to  was  acted  at  the  chapel  of  Lorretto,  near 
Musselburgh  (during  the  course  of  the  year  155Q,)  in  the  pre- 
sence of  a  great  concourse  of  people,  collected  by  previous  intima- 
tion from  diiferent  parts  of  the  country  to  witness  it.  A  young 
man,  said  to  have  been  bliiid  from  his  youth,  was  brought  upon 
the  stage  by  the  priests  and  friars,  who,  after  performing  a  num- 
ber of  ceremonies,  accompanied  with  prayers,  restored  him  to 
tlie  use  of  his  sight,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  spectators.  A  gen- 
tleman of  Fife,  who  happened  to  be  present  at  the  time,  suspect- 
ing the  fraud,  persuaded  the  young  man  to  follow  him,  and  drew 
from  him  the  secret,  that  he  had  connterfeited  blindness  at  (he  de- 
sire of  the  friars;  which  tlje  gentleman  immediately  published  in 
the  most  open  manner.  Row's  MS.  Historic,  p.  35C,  of  a  copy 
transcribed  anno  1726.  A  full  account  of  the  pretended  miracle 
and  its  detection  was  inserted  ia  the  Weekly  Magazijie  for  June 
1772,  which  has  been  lately  republished  in  Scott's  History  of  the 
Scottisli  Reformers,  p.  159 — 1G2. 

t  This  was  Mr.  John  Row,  of  w  horn  I  shall  after^vards  have  oc- 
casion to  speak  more  particularly. 

t  The  English  anibi\s;adors.  in  a  letter  to  Elizabeth,  say  : 

G   a 


SSO  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

power  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  protestants.  The 
Roman  Catholic  worship  was  almost  universally  de- 
serted  through  the  kingdom,  except  in  those  places 
which  had  been  occupied  by  the  regent  and  her  fo- 
reign auxiliaries  ;  and  no  provision  was  made  for 
its  restoration.  The  firm  hold  which  it  once  had  of 
the  opinions  and  affections  of  the  people  was  com- 
pletely loosened  ;  it  was  supported  by  force  alone  ; 
and  the  moment  that  the  French  troops  embarked, 
that  fabric,  which  had  stood  for  ages  in  Scotland^ 
fell  to  the  ground.  Its  feeble  and  dismayed  priests 
ceased,  of  their  own  accord,  from  the  celebration  of 
its  rites ;  and  the  reformed  service  was  peaceably 
set  up,  wherever  ministers  could  be  found  to  per- 
form it.  The  parliament,  when  it  met,  had  little 
else  to  do  respecting  religion,  than  to  sanction  what 
the  nation  had  previously  adopted. 

Tims  did  the  reformed  religion  advance  in  Scot- 
land, from  small  beginnings,  and  amidst  great  op- 
position, until  it  attained  a  legal  establishment.  Be- 
sides the  secret  benediction  which  accompanied  the 
labours  of  the  preachers  and  confessors  of  the  truth* 
the  serious  and  inquisitive  reader  will  trace  the  hand 
of  Providence,  in  that  concatenation  of  events  which 
contributed  to  its  rise,  preservation,  and  increase  ; 
in  the  over-ruling  of  the  ca]>rice,  the  ambition,  the 
avarice,  and  the  interested  policy  of  princes  and  ca- 

"  Two  things  have  bene  to  whott  (too  hot)  for  tlie  French  to 
meddle  withal;  and  therefore  they  he  passed,  and  left  as  they 
found  them.  The  tirst  is  the  matter  of  religion,  which  is  here 
as  freely,  and  rather  more  earnestly  (as  I  the  Secretary  thynk) 
reeeaved  than  in  Ena;land :  a  hard  thyng  now  to  alter,  as  it  is 
planted."  Haynes,  p.  ^52.  Dr.  Wotton,  Dean  of  Windsor,  is 
one  of  the  siibsi-ribers  of  this  letter:  but  as  it  would  rather  have 
been  too  much  for  him  to  say  that  religion  was  more  earnestly  re- 
ceived in  Scotland  than  iu  England,  the  Secretary  alone  vouches 
i'rtr  that  fact. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  §lSl 

binets,  many  of  whom  had  nothing  less  in  view  than 
to  favour  that  cause,  which  they  were  so  instrumental 
in  promoting. 

The  breach  of  Henry  VIII.  of  England  with  the 
Romish  See,  awakened  the  attention  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  northern  part  of  the  island  to  a  contro- 
versy, which  had  hitherto  been  carried  on  at  too 
great  a  distance  to  interest  them,  and  led  not  a  few 
to  desire  a  reformation  more  improved  than  the  mo- 
del which  he  had  held  out  to  them.  The  premature 
death  of  James  V.  of  Scotland  was  favourable  to 
these  views ;  and  during  the  short  period  in  which 
they  received  the  countenance  of  civil  authority, 
at  the  commencement  of  Arran's  regency,  the 
seeds  of  the  reformed  doctrine  were  so  widely  spread, 
and  had  taken  such  deep  root,  as  to  be  able  to  re- 
sist the  violent  measures  which  the  regent,  after  his 
recantation,  employed  to  extirpate  them.  Those 
who  were  driven  from  the  country  by  persecuticn 
found  an  asylum  in  England,  under  the  decidedly 
protestant  government  of  Edward  VI.  After  his 
death,  the  alliance  of  England  with  Spain,  and  of 
Scotland  with  France,  the  two  great  contending 
powers  on  the  continent,  prevented  any  concert  be- 
tween the  two  courts  which  might  have  proved  fatal 
to  the  protestant  religion  in  Britain,  While  the 
cruelties  of  the  English  queen  drove  preachers  into 
Scotland,  the  political  schemes  of  the  queen  regent 
induced  her  to  favour  the  protestants,  and  connive 
at  the  propagation  of  their  opinions.  At  the  criti- 
cal moment  when  she  had  accomplished  her  favour- 
ite designs,  and  was  preparing  to  crush  the  Refor- 
mation, Elizabeth  ascended  the  throne  of  England, 
who,  from  motives  of  policy  no  less  than  religion, 
was  inclined  to  Support  the  Scottish  reformers.  The 
princes  of  Lorrain,   who,  by  the  accession  of  Fran- 


222  LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

cis  II.  Lad  obtained  the  sole  direction  of  the  French 
court,  were  resolutely  bent  on  their  suppression,  and 
being  at  peace  with  Spain,  seemed  to  have  it  in  their 
power  to  turn  the  whole  force  of  the  empire  against 
them ;  but  at  this  very  time,  those  intestine  dissentions, 
which  continued  so  long  to  desolate  France,  broke 
out,  and  forced  them  to  accede  to  that  treaty,  which 
put  an  end  to  the  French  influence,  and  Roman  Cath^ 
olic  religion,  in  Scotland. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  223 


PERIOD  VI. 


FROM    HIS    SETTLEMENT    AS    MINISTER   OF    EDINBURGH, 
AT  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  REFORMATION,   ANNO 
1560,    TO    HIS    ACt^UITTAL,    FROM    A    CHARGE  OF  TREA- 
SON,   BY    THE   PRIVY    COUNCIL,    ANNO    1563. 

In  the  assignation  of  ministers  to  the  different  parts 
of  the  kingdom,  a  measure  which  engaged  the  at- 
tention of  the  protestants  immediately  after  the 
proclamation  of  peace,  the  temporary  arrangements 
formerly  made  were,  in  general,  confirmed  ;  and  our 
Reformer  resumed  his  station  as  minister  of  Edin- 
burgh. During  the  month  of  August,  he  was  employ- 
ed in  composing  the  protestant  Confession  of  Faith, 
which  was  presented  to  the  Parliament,  who  ratified 
it,*  and  abolished  the  papal  jurisdiction  and  worship. 

The  organization  of  the  reformed  church  was  not 
yet    completed.     Hitherto    The    Book    of  Common 

*  When  the  confession  was  read  in  Parliament,  all  who  Iiad  any 
objections  to  it  were  called  upon  to  state  them,  and  ample  liberty 
allowed  them.  The  protestant  ministers  were  in  ( he  house,  stand- 
ing prepared  to  defend  it.  Another  day  was  appointed,  on  which 
it  was  read  article  by  article.  The  earlof  Athole,  with  lords  Som- 
erville  and  Borthwiek,  were  the  only  persons  who  voted  against  it. 
assigning  this  truly  catholic  reason,  fVe  will  beleve  as  ourfovefalh- 
erishelevit.  " The bisehopisspak  nothing."  The  earl  Marischal 
protested,  that  if  any  of  the  ecclesiastical  estate  afterwards  opposed 
this  confession,  they  should  not  be  entitled  to  credit,  but  be  regard- 
ed as  seeking  their  own  commodity,  and  not  the  truth,  seeing,  after 
long  advisement,  (hey  could  make  no  objection  to  it.  Knox,  253, 
254.  Spottisvvood,  150.  Keith  is  at  a  great  loss  to  account  for,  and 
excuse  the  silence  of  the  popish  dignitaries  (to  whom  he  is  uniform- 
ly partial ;)  and  he  was  obliged  to  retract  one  apology  which  he 
had  made  for  them,  viz.  that  they  were  hindered  from  speaking  liy 
threateuings.     History,  p.  HO,  150,  188,  note  [n.) 


334!  LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

Order,  agreed  upon  by  tlie  English  church  at  Ge- 
neva, had  been  chiefly  followed  as  a  directory  for 
worship  and  government.  I5ut  this  having  been 
compiled  for  the  use  of  a  single  congregation  (com- 
posed too,  for  the  most  part,  of  men  of  education,) 
was  found  inadequate  for  an  extensive  church,  con- 
sisting of  a  multitude  of  confederated  congregations. 
Sensible  of  the  great  importance  of  ecclesiastical 
polity,  for  the  maintenance  of  order,  the  preservation 
of  purity  of  dotrine  and  morals,  and  the  general 
flourishing  of  religion  in  the  kingdom,  our  Refor- 
mer, at  an  early  period,  called  tlie  attention  of  the 
protestants  to  this  sulrject,  and  urged  its  speedy  set- 
tlement.* In  consequence  of  this,  the  lords  of  the 
privy  council  appointed  him,  and  otiier  five  mini- 
sters, to  draw  out  such  a  plan  as  they  judged  most 
agreeable  to  scripture,  and  conducive  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  religion.  They  met  accordingly,  and 
with  great  pains,  and  much  unanimity,  formed  the 
book,  which  was  afterwards  called  The  First  Boole 
of  Discipline. ■[ 

As  our  Keformer  liad  a  chief  hand  in  the  compila- 
tion of  this   book,  and  the  subject  is  interesting,  it 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  237. 

t  "  The  ministers  (says  Row)  took  not  their  example  from 
any  kirk  in  the  world,  no,  not  from  Geneva ;  but  laying  God's 
word  before  them,  made  reformation  according  thereto."  In 
drawing  up  this  book,  the  compilers  divided  the  different  heads 
among  them.  They  afterwards  met  logether,  and  examined  them 
with  "  great  pains,  much  rea<ling,  and  meditation,  with  earnest 
in  calling  on  the  name  of  God.  The  book  was  approved  by  the 
General  Assembly,  after  some  articles,  which  were  thought  too 
large,  were  abridged.  Row's  MS.  Historie,  p.  12, 16,  17.  The 
assembly  referred  to  was  probably  the  convention  mcntioni-d  by 
Knox,  (Historie,  p.  261,  295,)  which  met  i5th  Jan.  1561.  The  first 
General  Assembly  appointed  a  meeting  to  be  held  at  that  time, 
(Buikofthe  Uuiversall  Kirk,  p.  3,)  but  there  is  no  account  of 
its  proceedings  in  any  register  which  I  have  had  access   to  see. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  235 

may  not  be  altogether  foreign  to  the  object  of  the 
present  work,  to  give  a  sliglit  sketch  of  the  form 
and  order  of  the  church  of  Scotland,  at  the  first  esta- 
blishment of  the  Reformation.  Some  more  minute 
particulars,  which  are  not  generally  known,  shall  be 
thrown  into  the  notes. 

The  ordinary  and  permanent  oiSce-bearers  of  the 
church  were  of  four  kinds  :  the  minister  or  jjastor^  to 
whom  the  preaching  of  the  gospel  and  administra- 
tion of  the  sacraments  belonged ;  the  doctor  or 
teacher^  whose  province  it  was  to  interpret  scripture, 
and  confute  errors  (including  those  who  taught  the- 
ology in  schools  and  universities  ;)  the  ruling  elder, 
who  assisted  the  minister  in  exercising  ecclesiastical 
discipline  and  government;  and  the  deacon^  who  had 
the  special  oversight  of  the  revenues  of  the  church 
and  the  poor.  But  besides  these,  it  was  found  ne 
cessary  at  tliat  time,  to  employ  some  persons  in 
extraordinary  and  temporary  charges.  As  there 
were  not  a  sufficient  number  of  ministers  to  supply 
the  different  parts  of  the  country,  that  the  peopW 
might  not  be  altogether  destitute  of  public  worshif) 
and  instruction,  serious  persons  v/ere  appointed  [o 
read  the  scriptures  and  the  common  prayers.  These 
were  called  readers.  If  they  advanced  in  knowledgt'. 
they  were  encouraged  to  add  a  few  plain  exhorta- 
tions to  the  reading  of  the  scriptures.  In  this  case 
they  were  called  exlwrters ;  but  they  were  examined 
and  admitted,   before  entering  upon  this  employ  menu 

In  the  copy  of  the  First  Book  of  Discipline,  pii^^islied  (hy  CaU!- 
erwood,  I  believe,)  anno  1621,  p.  33,  70,  niid  iuDuiilop's  Coaros- 
sions,  ii.  517,  605,  it  is  said  that  the  order  for  eonipiliiig  it  Wiss 
given  on  the  29th  April,  1560 ;  and  thiit  it  was  finished  by  tiu-Ki 
on  the  20th  May  4'oHoniiig.  But  as  the  civil  war  was  ntd  thi-n 
concluded,  I  am  iiielined  to  prefer  the  account  which  Knox  ^ivcs, 
that  it  \vas  undertaken  subsequent  to  the  nieeriug  of  Parliua-.esit 
in  August,  that  year.    Historie,  p.  236. 


226  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

Tlie  same  cause  gave  rise  to  another  temporary, 
expedient.     Instead  of  fixing  all  the  ministers  in  par- 
ticular charges,  it  was  judged  proper,  after  supply- 
ing the  principal  towns,  to  assign  to  the  rest  the  su- 
perintendence   of  a  large  district,    over  Avhich  they 
were  appointed  regularly   to  itinerate,   for  the  pur- 
pose  of  preaching,  planting  churches,   and  inspect- 
ing the  conduct  of  ministers,  exhorters,  and  readers. 
These  were  called  superintendents.    The  number  ori- 
ginally proposed  was  ten  ;  but  owing  to  the  scarcity 
of  proper  persons,  or  rather  the  want  of  necessary 
funds,    there    were   never  more  than  six  appointed. 
The  deficiency  was  supplied  by  commissioners  or  vi- 
sitors, appointed  from  time  to  time  by  the  General 
Assembly. 

The  mode  of  admission  to  all  these  offices  was  by 
the  free  election  of  the  people,*  examination  of  the 
candidate,  and  public  admission,  accompanied  Mith 
prayer  and   exhortation. f      The  affairs  of  each  con- 
gregation were  managed  by  tlie  minister,  elders,  and 
deacons,    who    constituted  the    session,    which  met 
once  a  week,  or  oftener.     There  was  a  meeting  call- 
ed the  iceekly  exercise,  or  jjrophesying,  held  in  every 
considerable    town,    consisting  of  the  ministers,  ex 
horters,    and    learned  men  in   the  vicinity,    for  ex- 
pounding the  scriptures.     This  was  afterwards  con 
verted  into  the  preshijtenj,  or  classical  assembly.    The 
superintendent  met  with  the  ministers   and  delegat- 
ed elders  of  his  district,  twice  a-year  in  the  provin- 
cial synod,  which  took  cognizance  of  ecclesiastical 
affairs  witiiin  its  bounds.     And  i\\Q  general  assembly. 
which   was   composed  of  ministers  and  elders  com 

*I)ui»I()p"s  Confessions,  ii.  .'524,  5  20,  ."JJj,  5TT.  63S,  639. 

t  Imposilion  of  liattds  at  tlie  ori!ina<ion  of  ministers  uas  not 
practised  in  Scotland  at  the  beginning  of  the  IJeformalion,  1( 
was,  !iovvever,  appointed  lo  be  used  by  the  Second  Rook  of  Disci- 
pline.    Diiulop,  ii.  520.  T6«..  T69. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  %^ 

missioned  from  the  different  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
met  twice,  sometimes  thrice  in  the  year,  and  attended 
to  the  interests  of  the  whole  national  church.  Pub- 
lic worship  was  conducted  according  to  the  Book  of 
Common  Order,  with  a  few  variations.* 

The  compilers  of  the  First  Book  of  Discipline  paid 
particular  attention  to  the  state  of  education.  They 
required  that  a  school  should  be  erected  in  every 
parish,  for  the  instruction  of  youth  in  the  principles 
of  religion,  grammar,  and  the  Latin  tongue.  They 
proposed  that  a  college  should  be  erected  in  every 
^^  notable  town,"  in  which  logic  and  rhetoric  should 
be  taught  along  with  the  learned  languages.  They 
seem  to  have  had  it  in  their  eye  to  revive  the  system 
adopted  in  some  of  the  ancient  republics,  in  whicli 
the  youth  were  considered  as  the  property  of  the 
public  rather  than  of  their  parents,  by  obliging  the 
nobility  and  gentry  to  educate  their  children, 
and  providing,  at  the  public  expence,  for  the  educa- 
tion of  the  children  of  the  poor  who  discovered  talents 
for  learning.  Their  regulations  for  the  three  national 
universities  discovered  an  enlightened  regard  to  the 
interests  of  literature,  and  may  suggest  hints  which 
deserve  attention  in  the  present  age.t  If  they  were 
not  carried  into  effect,  the  blame  cannot  be  imputed 
to  the  reformed  ministers,  but  to  those  persons  wlio, 
through  avarice,  defeated  the  execution  of  their  plans. 
But  even  as  matters  stood,  and  notwithstanding  the 
confusions  in  which  the  country  was  involved,  learn 
ing  continued  to  make  great  j)rogress  in  Scotland, 
from  this  period  to  the  close  of  the  century. 

We  are  ready  to  form  very  false  and   exaggerated 
notions  of  the  rudeness  of  oiiv  ancestors.     Perhaps 

*  See  Note  CC. 

t  First  Book  of  Discipline,  Chan,  vii.     Diiulop.  ii.  ."jIT— i70J. 
H  % 


228  LIFE  OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

some  of  our  literati,  who  entertain  such  a  diminutive 
idea  of  the  taste  and  learning  of  those  times,  might 
be  surprised,  if  they  could  be  set  down  at  the  table 
of  one  of  our  Scottish  reformers,  surrounded  with  a 
circle  of  his  children  and  pupils,  where  the  conversa- 
tion was  all  carried  on  in  French,  and  the  chapter  of 
the  Bible,  at  family  worship,  was  read  by  the  boys  in 
Hebrew,  Greek,  Latin,  and  French.  Perhaps  they 
might  have  blushed,  if  the  book  had  been  put  into 
their  hands,  and  they  had  been  required  to  perform  a 
part  of  the  exercises.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  this 
was  the  common  practice  in  the  house  of  Mr.  John 
Rowe,  minister  of  Perth,  with  whom  many  of  the 
nobility  and  gentry  boarded  their  children,  for  their 
instruction  in  the  Greek  and  Hebrew  languages,  the 
knowledge  of  which  he  contributed  to  spread  through 
the  kingdom.  Nor  was  the  improvement  of  our 
native  tongue  neglected  at  this  time.* 

Judicious  as  its  plan  was,  and  well  adapted  to  pro- 
mote the  interests  of  religion  and  learning  in  the  na- 
tion, the  Book  of  Discipline,  when  presented  to  the 
Privy  Council,  was  coldly  received,  and  its  formal 
ratification  evaded.  This  did  not  arise  from  any  dif- 
ference of  sentiment  between  them  and  the  minis- 
«ters  respecting  ecclesiastical  government,  but  part- 
ly from  aversion  to  the  strict  discipline  which  it  ap- 
pointed to  be  exercised  against  vice,  and  partly  from 
reluctance  to  comply  with  its  requisition  for  the  ap- 
propriation of  the  revenues  of  the  popish  church  to 
the  sui)port  of  the  new  religious  and  literary  esta- 
blishment.! However,  it  was  subscribed  by  the 
greater  part  of  the  members  of  the  council ;  and  as 
the  grounds  of  prejudice  against  it  were  well  known, 
it   was    submitted   unto  by  the  nation,  and  carried 

♦  See  Note  DD.  t  See  Note  EE. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  22Q 

into  effect  in  all  its  principal   ecclesiastical  regula- 
tions.* 

The  first  General  Assembly  of  the  reformed  church 
of  Scotland,  sat  down  at  Edinburgh  on  the  20th  of 
December  1560.  It  consisted  of  forty  members,  on- 
ly  six  of  whom  were  ministers.!  Knox  was  one  of 
these ;  and  he  continued  to  sit  in  most  of  its  meet- 
ings  until  the  time  of  his  death.  Their  deliberations 
were  conducted  at  first  with  great  simplicity  and 
unanimity.  It  is  a  singular  circumstance,  that  they 
had  seven  different  meetings  without  a  president  or 
moderator.  But  as  the  number  of  members  increas- 
ed, and  business  became  more  complicated,  a  mo- 
derator was  appointed  to  be  chosen  at  every  meet- 
ing ;  he  was  invested  with  authority  to  maintain  or- 
der ;  and  regulations  were  enacted  concerning  the 
constituent  members  of  the  court,  the  causes  which 
ought  to  come  before  them,  and  the  order  of  proce- 
dure.! 

In  the  close  of  this  year  our  Reformer  suffered  a 
heavy  domestic  loss,  by  the  death  of  his  valuable 
wife,  who,  after  sharing  in  the  hardships  of  her  hus- 
band's exile,  was  removed  from  him  when  he  had 
obtained  a  comfortable  settlement  for  his  family.^ 
He  was  left  with  the  charge  of  two  young  children, 
in  addition  to  his  other  cares.  His  mother-in-law 
was  still  with  him  ;  but  though  he  took  pleasure  in 
her  religious  company,  the  dejection  of  mind  to 
which  she  was  subject,  and  which  all  his  efforts  could 
never  completely  cure,  rather  increased  than  light- 
ened his  burden. II     His   acute  feelings  were  severe- 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  256,  257,  295,296.  Keith,  496,  497.  Dhu- 
lop,  ii.  fioe — 608. 

t  Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  2.  MS.  Adv.  Lib.  Keith,  498. 

\  See  NotcFF.  §  Knox,  Historic,  p.  200. 

!l  Preface  to  a  Letter,  added  to  An  Answer  to  a  Letier  of  a  Je- 


S30  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

ly  wounded  by  this  stroke ;  but  he  endeavoured  to 
moderate  his  grief  by  the  consolations  which  he  ad- 
ministered to  others,  and  by  application  to  public 
duties.  He  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving,  on 
this  occasion,  a  letter  from  his  much  respected  friend 
Calvin,  in  which  expressions  of  great  esteem  for  his 
deceased  partner  were  mingled  with  condolence  for 
his  loss.*  I  may  take  this  opportunity  of  mention- 
ing, that  Knox,  with  the  consent  of  his  brethren,  con- 
suited  the  Genevan  reformer  upon  several  difficult 
questions  which  occurred  respecting  the  settlement 
of  the  Scottish  Reformation,  and  that  a  number  of 
letters  passed  between  them  on  this  subject. f 

Anxieties  on  a  public  account  were  felt  by  Knox 
along  with  his  domestic  distress.  The  Reformation 
had  hitherto  advanced  with  a  success  equal  to  his 
most  sanguine  expectations  ;  and,  at  this  time,  no 
opposition  was  publicly  made  to  the  new  establish- 
ment. But  matters  were  still  in  a  very  critical  state. 
There  was  a  party  in  the  nation,  by  no  means  incon- 
siderable in  numbers  and  power,  who  remained  ad- 
dicted to  popery  ;  and,  tliough  they  had  given  way 
to  the  torrent,  they  anxiously  waited  for  an  opportu- 
nity to  embroil  the  country  in  anotlier  civil  war,  for 
the  restoration  of  the  ancient  religion.  Queen  Mary, 
and  her  husband  the  king  of  France,  had  refused  to 
ratify  the  late  treaty,  and  had  dismissed  the  deputy, 
sent  by  the  Parliament,  with  marks  of  the  highest 

suit,  iiiiinetl  'I'j  I'io,  be  J(ii:no  Knox. — Sanctaiidrois — Anno  Do. 

*Calvini  S^pisloliic,  j).  l.'ia,  apiul  Oper.  tome  ix.  '^'Yiduitas 
tua  niilii,  nt  (libel,  tristis  et  aeer'oa  est.  Uxorcm  uaelns  eras  eui 
lion  reperiimtiir  passim  similes,"  &e.  In  a  letter  to  C'Juist.  Good- 
man. >'iritten  at  tlie  sanie  time,  Calvin  says,  "  Fratrem  nostrum 
Knoxuin,  elsi  uon  parum  doleosnavissima  uxorefuisse  privatum, 
gandeo  tanien  ejus  morte  non  ita  I'uisse  aillictuni,  quin  streniie 
operam  suani  Christo  et  c'ccle>ii,x:  impendat."     Ibid. 

t  See  IS'ole  GO. 


LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX.  S31 

displeasure  at  the  innovations  which  they  had  pre- 
sumed to  introduce.  A  new  army  was  preparing  in 
France  for  the  invasion  of  Scotland  against  the 
spring  ;  emissaries  were  sent,  in  the  mean  time,  to 
encourage  and  unite  the  Roman  Catholics ;  and  it 
was  doubtful  if  the  queen  of  England  would  subject 
herself  to  new  expenceand  odium,  by  protecting  them 
against  a  second  attack. *^ 

The  danger  was  not  unperceived  by  our  Refor- 
mer, who  exerted  himself  to  prepare  his  country- 
men, by  impressing  their  minds  with  a  due  sense 
of  it,  and  exciting  them  speedily  to  complete  the 
settlement  of  religion  throughout  the  kingdom, 
which  he  was  persuaded,  would  prove  the  princi- 
pal bulwark  against  the  assaults  of  their  adversaries. 
In  the  state  in  which  the  minds  of  men  then  were, 
his  admonitions  were  listened  to  by  many  who  had 
formerly  treated  them  with  indifference. f  Tlie 
threatened  storm  blew  over  in  consequence  of  the 
death  of  the  French  king  :  but  this  necessarily  led  to 
a  measure  which  involved  the  Scottish  protestants  in 
a  new  struggle,  and  exposed  the  reformed  cliurch  to 
d.angers  less  obvious  and  striking,  but,  on  thai  account, 
not  less  to  be  dreaded  than  open  violence  and  hostility. 
This  was  the  invitation  given  by  the  protestant  nobi- 
lity to  their  young  queen,  who,  on  the  19th  of  August, 
1561,  arrived  in  Scotland,  and  assumed  the  reins  of 
government  into  her  own  hands. 

The  education  which  Mary  had  received  in  France, 
whatever  embellishments  it  added  to  her  beauty,  was 
tiie  very  worst  which  can  be  conceived,  for  fitting 
lier  to  rule  her  native  country,  in  the  present  juncture. 
Of  a  temper   naturally  violent,   the  devotion  which 

*  Kuox,  25r,  25S.  Bucbanan,  p,  22Q,  327.  SpottiswoocI,  150, 
151.     Keith,  154,  157.  t  Kuox,  260. 


m 


232  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

she  had  heeii  accustomed  to  see  paid  to  her  personal 
charms,  rendered  her  incapable  of  bearing  contradic- 
tion.* Habituated  to  the  splendour  and  gallantry 
of  the  most  luxurious  and  dissolute  court  in  Europe, 
she  could  not  submit  to  those  restraints  which  the 
severe  manners  of  her  subjects  imposed :  and  while 
the  freedom  of  her  behaviour  gave  offence  to  them, 
she  could  not  conceal  the  antipathy  and  disgust  which 
she  felt  at  theirs,  f  Full  of  high  notions  of  royal  prero- 
gative, she  regarded  the  late  proceedings  in  Scot- 
land as  a  course  of  rebellion  against  her  authority. 
Every  means  was  employed,  before  she  left  France, 
to  strengthen  the  blind  attachment  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion,  in  which  she  had  been  nursed 
from  her  infancy,  and  to  inspire  her  with  aversion 
to  the  religion  which  had  been  embraced  by  her 
subjects.  She  was  taught  that  it  would  be  the  great 
glory  of  her  reign  to  reduce  her  kingdom  to  the  obe- 
dience of  the  Romish  See,  and  co-operate  with  the 
popish  princes  on  the  continent  in  extirpating  here- 
sy. If  she  forsook  the  religion  in  which  she  had 
been  educated,  she  would  forfeit  their  powerful 
friendship ;  if  she  persevered  in  it,  she  might  de- 
pend upon  their  assistance  to  enable  her  to  chastise 
her  rebellious  subjects,  and  prosecute  her  claims  to 
the  English  crown  against  a  heretical  usurper. 

Witli  these  fixed  prepossessions,  Mary  came  into 

*  Mr.  Hume's  letter, printed  in  the  Life  of  Dr.  Robertson,  apnd 
History  of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  25.  Lond.  1809.  Anderson's  Collec- 
tions, vol.  iv.  part  i.  p.  Tl,  T2,  T-i,  79. 

t  "  How  sone  tliat  ever  her  French  fillokcs,fidlars,  and  utheris  of 
that  band  i;at  tlic  hous  alone,  thair  niycht  be  scnc  skipping  not 
veray  comeiie  for  honest  wemen.  Her  coniiine  talk  was  in  secrete, 
that  sehe  saw  nothing  in  Scotland  bot  gravity,  quhilk  repugned 
altogidder  to  her  nature,  for  sehe  was  brocht  up  in  joycusetie." 
Knox.  Hiistorie.  p,  294. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX.  333 

Scotland,  and  she  adhered  to  them  with  singular 
pertinacity  to  the  end  of  her  life.  To  examine  the 
subjects  of  controversy  between  the  papists  and  pro- 
testants,  with  the  view  of  ascertaining  on  Avhat  side 
the  truth  lay ;  to  hear  the  preachers,  or  admit  them 
to  state  the  grounds  of  their  faith,  even  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  clergy  whom  she  had  brought  along 
with  her ;  to  do  any  thing  which  might  lead  to  a 
doubt  in  her  mind  respecting  the  religion  in  which 
she  had  been  brought  up,  she  had  formed  an  unal- 
terable determination  to  avoid.  As  the  protestanta 
w^ere  at  present  in  possession  of  the  power,  it  was 
necessary  for  her  to  temporize  ;  but  she  resolved  to 
withhold  her  ratification  of  the  late  proceedings,  and 
to  embrace  the  first  favourable  opportunity  to  over- 
turn them,  and  re-establish  the  ancient  system.* 

*  See  Throkmorton's  conference  with  Mary,  before  she  Ief( 
France.  Knox.  Historie,  275 — 277.  Keith.  History,  161 — 
167.  Life  of  Bishop  Lesley,  apud  Anderson's  Collections,  i.  4.  iil. 
9.  The  letters  of  the  Cardinal  de  St.  Croix  (ambassador  from  the 
Pope  to  the  court  of  France,)  extracted  from  the  Vatican  library, 
afford  a  striking  demonstration  of  the  intentions  of  the  qneen.  St. 
Croix  writes  to  Cardinal  Borromeo,  that  the  Grand  Prior  of  France 
(one  of  Mary's  uncles)  and  Mons.  Danville  had  arrived  from  Scot- 
land on  the  l7th  November,  (1561,)  and  brought  information,  that 
the  queen  was  going  on  successfully  to  the  surmounting  of  all  op- 
position to  her  in  that  kingdom.  Being  informed  one  day  that 
some  heretics  had  extinguished  the  candles  on  her  altar,  she  re- 
paired to  the  chapel,  and  having  ascertained  the  fact,  commanded 
a  baron,  one  of  the  most  powerful  and  most  addicted  to  Lutheran- 
ism,  to  re-light  the  candles,  and  place  them  on  the  altar:  in 
which  she  was  instantly  obeyed.  After  relating  another  instance 
of  her  spirited  conduct  against  the  magistrates  of  a  certain  borough 
who  had  banished  the  popish  priests,  the  Cardinal  adds  :  "  by 
these  means  she  has  acquired  greater  authority  and  power, /or 
enabling  her  to  restore  the  ancient  religion  y''  "  con  che  acquesta 
tutta  via  maggior  autorita  et  forze,  per  posser  restituer  en  quel 
regno  I'antica  religione.*'  Aymon's  Synodes  Xationaux  des 
Kglises  Reft)rmpcs  de  France,  torn.  i.p.  t7. 18. 


23^4  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

The  reception  which  she  met  with  on  her  first  ar- 
rival in   Scotland  was  flattering ;   but  an  occurrence 
which  took  place  soon  after,  damped  the  joy  which 
had  been  expressed,  and  prognosticated  future  jea- 
lousies and  confusion.     Resolved  to  give  her   sub- 
jects an  early  proof  of  her  firm  determination  to  ad- 
here to  the  Roman  Catholic  worship,  Mary  directed 
preparations  to  be  made  for  the  celebration  of  a  so- 
lemn mass  in  the  chapel  of  Holyroodhouse,  on  the 
first  Sunday  after  her  arrival.     So  great  was  the  hor- 
ror with  which  the  protestants  viewed  this   service, 
and  the  alarm  Avhich   they  felt  at  finding  it  counte- 
nanced by  their  queen,  that  the  first  rumour  of  the 
design  excited  violent  murmurs,  which  would  have 
burst  into  an  open  tumult,   had  not  the  leaders   in- 
terfered, and  by  their  authority  repressed  the  zeal 
of  the  multitude.     Knox,  from  regard  to  public  tran- 
quility,   and  to  avoid   giving  offence  to  the   queen 
and  her  relations,  at  the  present  juncture,  used  his 
influence   in  private    conversation  to  allay   the  fer- 
vour of  the  more  zealous,  who  were  ready  to  pre- 
vent the  service  by   force.      But    he    Avas   not   less 
alarmed  at  the  precedent  than  the  rest  of  his  breth- 
ren ;  and  having  exposed  the  evil  of  idolatry  in  his 
sermon   on   the   following    Sabbath,    he    said,    that 
"  one  mess  was   more    fearfuU    unto    liim,    then    if 
ten  thousand  armed  enemies  wer  landed  in  ony  parte 
of  the  realmc,  of  purpose  to  suppres  the    hole  reli- 
gioun."* 

At  this  day,  we  are  apt  to  be  struck  with  surprise 
at  tlie  conduct  of  our  ancestors,  to  treat  their  fears 
as  visionary,  or  at  least  highly  exaggerated,  and  sum- 
marily to  pronounce  tliem  guilty  of  the  same  into- 
lerance of  which  they  complained  in  their  adversa- 
ries.    Pesecution  for  conscience'   sake  is  so  odious, 


i 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  235 

the  least  approach  to  it  is  so  dangerous,  that  we 
reckon  we  can  never  express  too  great  detestation 
of  any  measure  which  involves  it.  But  let  us  be 
just  as  well  as  liberal.  A  little  reflection  upon  the 
circumstances  in  which  our  reforming  forefathers 
were  placed,  may  serve  to  abate  our  astonishment, 
and  qualify  our  censures.  They  were  actuated,  it 
is  true,  by  a  strong  abhorrence  of  popish  idolatry, 
and  unwilling  to  siiflFer  the  land  to  be  again  polluted 
with  it.  But  they  were  influenced  also  by  a  proper 
regard  for  their  own  preservation  ;  and  neither  were 
their  fears  fanciful,  nor  their  precautions  unneces- 
sary. 

The  warmest  friends  of  toleration  and  liberty  of 
conscience  (some  of  whom  will  not  readily  be  charged 
with  protestant  prejudices)  have  agreed,  that  perse- 
cution of  the  most  sanguinary  kind  was  inseparable 
from  the  system  and  spirit  of  popery  which  was  at 
that  time  dominant  in  Europe ;  and  they  cannot 
deny  the  inference,  that  the  profession  and  propa- 
gation of  it  were,  on  this  account,  justly  subjected  to 
penal  restraints,  as  far,  at  least,  as  was  requisite  to 
prevent  it  from  obtaining  the  ascendancy,  and  re- 
acting the  bloody  scenes  which  it  had  already  exhi- 
bited.* The  protestants  of  Scotland  had  these  scenes 
before  their  eyes,  and  fresh  in  their  recollection  ;  and 
criminal  indeed  would  they  have  been,  if,  under 
a  false  security,  and  by  listening  to  the  Syren  song 
of  toleration  (by  which  their  adversaries,  with  no 
less  impudence  than  artifice,  now  attempted  to  lull 

*  Bayle,  C'ommentaire  Pliilosopliique,  tome  i.  pref.  xiv,  part  ii. 
f'nap.  V.  p.  343,  347.  Anno  1686,  and  Critique  Geuerale  de  I'his- 
t«»ire  du  Calvinisme,  p.  486,  501 — 519.  Hame's  Hist,  of  Eng- 
land, vol.  vii.  chap.  i.  p.  24.  Loud.  1793,  12inn.  Robertson's 
History  of  Scotland,  vol.  ii.  p.  P2,  143,3  52.  Lnnd.  1809.  See 
also  Xotc  HH.  at  the  end  of  this  Life. 

I  2 


^36  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNQX. 

them  asleep,)  they  had  suffered  themselves  to  be 
thrown  off  their  guard,  and  neglected  to  provide 
against  the  most  distant  approaches  of  the  danger  by 
which  they  were  threatened.  Could  they  be  igno- 
rant of  the  perfidious,  barbarous,  and  unrelenting 
cruelty  with  which  protestants  were  treated  in  every 
Roman  Catholic  kingdom?  in  France,  where  so 
many  of  their  brethren  had  been  put  to  death,  un- 
der the  influence  of  the  relations  of  their  queen  ;  in 
the  Netherlands,  where  such  multitudes  had  been 
tortured,  beheaded,  hanged,  drowned,  or  buried 
alive  ;  in  England,  where  the  flames  of  persecution 
w^ere  but  lately  extinguished,  and  in  Spain,  where 
they  continued  to  blaze?  Could  they  have  forgot 
what  had  taken  place  in  their  own  country,  or  the 
perils  from  which  they  had  themselves  narrowly 
escaped?  '^  God  forbid  !  (exclaimed  the  lords  of  the 
privy  council,  in  the  presence  of  queen  Mary,  at  a 
time  when  they  were  not  disposed  to  offend  lier) 
"  God  forbid  !  that  the  lives  of  the  faithful  stood  in 
the  power  of  the  papists :  for  just  experience  has 
taught  us  what  cruelty  is  in  their  hearts."* 

Nor  was  this  an  event  so  improbable,  as  to  render 
the  most  jealous  precautious  unnecessary.  The  rage 
for  conquest,  on  the  continent,  was  now  converted 
into  a  rage  for  proselytism  ;  and  steps  had  already 
been  taken  towards  forming  that  league  among  the 
Catholic  princes,  which  had  for  its  object  the  uni- 
versal extermination  of  the  protestants.  The  Scots 
queen  was  passionately  addicted  to  the  intoxicating 
cup  of  which  so  many  of  ^'^  the  kings  of  the  earth 
had  drunk.*'  There  were  numbers  in  the  nations  si- 
milarly disposed.  The  liberty  taken  by  the  queen 
would  soon  be  demanded  for  all  who  declared  them- 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  341. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  g37 

selves  Catholics.  Many  of  those  who  had  hitherto 
ranged  under  the  protestant  standard  ^A'ere  lukewarm 
in  the  cause  ;  the  zeal  of  others  had  already  suffer- 
ed a  sensible  abatemeut  ;*  and  it  was  to  be  feared, 
that  the  favours  of  the  court,  and  the  blandishments 
of  an  artful  and  engaging  princess  would  make  prose- 
lytes of  some,  and  lull  others  into  a  dangerous  securi- 
ty, while  designs  were  carried  on  pregnant  with  ruin 
to  the  religion  and  liberties  of  the  nation.  It  was  in 
this  manner  that  some  of  the  most  wise  persons  in 
the  country  reasoned,!  and,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
uncommon  spirit  which  at  that  time  existed  among 
the  reformers,  there  is  every  reason  to  think  that 
their  predictions  would  have  been  verified. 

To  those  who  compare  the  conduct  of  the  Scot- 
tish protestants  on  this  occasion,  to  the  intolerance 
of  Roman  Catholics,  I  would  recommend  the  fol- 
lowing  statement  of  a  sensible  French  author,  who 
had  formed  a  more  just  notion  of  these  transMctions 
than  many  of  our  own  writers.  ^<  Mary  (says  he) 
was  brought  up  in  France,  accustomed  to  see  pro- 
testants burned  to  death,  and  instructed  in  the 
maxims  of  her  uncles,  the  Guises,  who  maintained 
that  it  was  necessary  to  exterminate,  without  mercy, 
the  pretended  reformed.  With  these  dispositions 
she  arrived  in  Scotland,  which  was  M'holly  reform- 
ed, with  the  exception  of  a  few  lords.  The  king- 
dom receive/her,  acknowledge  her  as  their  queen, 
and  obey  her  in  all  things  according  to  the  laws  of 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  282,  283,  2S.^,  387. 

t  Several  of  the  above  consideralians,  a.lon.5  with  other*,  are 
forcibly  stated  in  a  letter  of  Maitland  to  Ceeil,  written  a  short 
time  before  queen  Mary's  arrival  ia  Scotland.  Keith,  A  pp.  92 — 
95.  That  sagacious,  but  supple  and  versatile  politician  was 
among  the  first  to  realize  sonieof  iiis  cwn  predictions.  Tliat  such 
fears  were  very  general  iu  the  nation  appears  also  from  a  letter 
of  Randolph.     Robertson,   App.  No.  5. 


S38  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

the  country.  1  maintain  that,  in  the  state  of  men's 
spirits  at  that  time,  if  a  Huguonot  queen  had  come 
to  take  possession  of  a  Roman  Catholic  kingdom, 
with  the  equipage  with  which  Mary  came  to  Scot- 
land, the  first  thing  they  would  have  done,  would 
have  been  to  arrest  her ;  and  if  she  had  persevered 
in  her  religion,  they  would  have  procured  her  de- 
gradation  by  the  Pope,  thrown  her  into  the  Inquisi- 
tion, and  burned  her  as  a  heretic.  There  is  not  an 
honest  man  who  dare  deny  this."*  After  all,  it  is 
surely  unnecessary  to  apologize,  for  the  restrictions 
which  our  ancestors  were  desirous  of  imposing  on 
queen  Mary,  to  those  who  approve  of  the  present 
constitution  of  Britain,  which  excludes  every  papist 
from  the  throne,  and  according  to  which  the  reign- 
ing monarch,  l)y  setting  up  mass  in  his  chapel, 
would  virtually  forfeit  his  crown.  Is  popery  more 
dangerous  now  than  it  was  two  hundred  and  fifty 
years  ago? 

Besides  his  fears  for  the  common  cause,  Knox  had 
grounds  for  apprehension  as  to  his  personal  safety. 
The  queen  was  peculiarly  incensed  against  him  on 
account  of  the  active  hand  which  he  had  in  the  late 
revolution  ;  the  popish  clergy  who  left  the  kingdom 
represented  him  as  the  ringleader  of  her  factious  sub- 
jects ;  and  she  had  signified,  before  she  left  France, 
that  she  was  determined  he  should  be  punished. 
His  book  against  female  government  was  most  pro- 

*  Histoire  dii  Calvinismc  et  cellc  du  Papisme  mises  en  Paral- 
lele  ;  ou  Apologie  pour  les  Reformatenrs,  pour  la  Reformation,  et 
ponr  les  Reformez,  tome  i.  334.  A.  Rotterdam,  16S3,  4to.  The 
affirmation  of  tliis  writer  is  completely  supported  by  the  well- 
known  history  of  Henry  IV.  of  France  (not  to  mention  other  instan- 
ces :)  whose  recantation  of  Calvinism,  although  it  smoothed  his 
way  to  the  throne,  was  never  alile  to  clfeettlie  indelible  s<igma 
of  his  former  heresy,  to  secure  the  affections  of  his  Roman  Catholic 
gubjects.or  to  avert  from  his  breast  the  consecrated  poignard  of 
the  assassin. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  S39 

bably  the  ostensible  charge  on  Avhich  he  was  to  be 
prosecuted  ;  and  accordingly  we  find  him  making 
application  through  the  English  resident  at  Edin- 
burgh, to  secure  the  favour  of  Elizabeth,  rea- 
sonably  fearing  that  she  might  be  induced  to  abet 
the  proceedings  against  him  on  this  head.*  But 
whatever  perils  he  apprehended,  from  the  per- 
sonal presence  of  the  queen,  either  to  the  public  or 
to  himself,  he  used  not  the  smallest  influence  to  pre- 
vent her  being  invited  home.  On  the  contrary,  he 
concurred  with  his  brethren  in  this  measure,  and  in 
defeating  a  scheme  which  the  duke  of  Castelhe- 
rault,  under  the  direction  of  the  archbishop  of  St. 
Andrews,  had  formed  to  exclude  her  from  the  go- 
vernment.! But  when  the  prior  of  St.  Andrews  was 
sent  to  France  with  the  invitation,  he  urged  that 
her  desisting  from  the  celebration  of  mass  should  be 
one  of  the  conditions  of  her  return ;  and  when  he 
found  him  and  the  rest  of  the  council  disposed  to 
grant  her  this  liberty   within  her   own   chapel,  he 

*  Raudolph  to  Cecil,  9th  Aug.  1561.  Robertson,  Appendix, 
No.  5.  See  also  Keith,  190.  A  letter  of  Maitland  to  Cecil  of  the 
same  date,  published  by  Haynes,  p.  369,  seems  to  refer  to  the 
same  design,  whichi  mention  the  rather  to  correct  (what  appears 
to  me)  an  error  in  the  transcription.  "  I  wish  to  God  the  first 
warre  may  be  planely  intended  against  them  by  Knox,  for  so  shold 
it  be  manifest  that  the  suppressing  off  religion  was  meiit :  but  I 
fear  more  the  will  proceed  tharunto  by  indirect  meanes  :  And 
nothing  for  us  so  dangerouse  as  temporizing."  This  seems  alto- 
gether uuintelligible  ;  but  if  the  words  printed  in  Italics  are 
transposed,  and  read  thus,  '•  by  them  against  Knox,"  they  will 
make  sense,  correspond  w  ith  the  strain  of  the  letter,  and  w  ith  the 
fact  mentioned  by  Randolph  in  his  letter  written  on  the  same  day. 
Maitland  expresses  his  fears  that  Mary  would  ha\  e  recourse  to 
crafty  measures  for  undermiuing  their  cause,  instead  of  perse- 
vering in  the  design  which  she  had  avowed  of  iiring  violence 
against  Knox. 

t  Knox,  Histoi'ie,  269. 


340  LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

predicted  thai    ^^lier  liberty  would  be  their  thral- 
dom.''* 

Soou  after  her  arrival,!  queen  Mary,  whether  of 
her  own  accord  or  by  advice  is  uncertain,  sent  for 
Knox  to  the  palace,  and  held  a  long  conversation 
with  him,  in  the  presence  of  her  brother,  the  prior 
of  St.  Andrews.  She  seems  to  have  expected  to  awe 
him  into  submission  by  her  authority,  if  not  to  con- 
found him  by  her  arguments.  But  the  bold  free- 
dom with  which  he  replied  to  all  her  charges,  and 
vindicated  his  own  conduct,  convinced  her  that  the 
one  expectation  was  not  more  vain  than  the  other  ; 
and  the  impression  which  she  wished  to  make  was 
left  on  her  own  mind.  She  accused  him  of  raising 
her  subjects  against  her  mother  and  herself;  of  writ- 
ing a  book  against  her  just  authority,  which  (she 
said)  she  would  cause  the  most  learned  in  Europe 
to  answer  ;  of  being  the  cause  of  sedition  and  blood- 
shed when  he  was  in  England ;  and  of  accomplish- 
ing his  purposes  by  magical  arts. 

To  these  heavy  charges  Knox  replied,  that,  if  to 
teach  the  truth  of  God  in  sincerity,  to  rebuke  ido- 
latry, and  exliort  a  people  to  worship  God  accord- 
ing to  his  word,  were  to  excite  subjects  to  rise 
against  their  princes,  then  he  stood  convicted  of  that 
crime ;  for  it  had  pleased  God  to  employ  him,  among 
others,  to  disclose  unto  that  realm  the  vanity  of 
the  papistical  religion,  with  the  deceit,  pride,  and 
tyranny  of  the  Roman  antichrist.  But  if  the  true 
knowledge  of  God  and  his  right  worship  were  the 
most  powerful  inducements  to  subjects  cordially  to 
obey  their  princes  (as  they  certainly  were,)  he  was 
innocent.     Her   Grace,  he  was    persuaded   had    at 

*  Knox,  Historic,  202,  293. 

t  In  the  Le^inning  of  September,  Keith,  1S8. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  241 

present  as  unfeigned  obedience  from  the  protestauts 
of  Scotland,  as  ever  her  father  or  any  of  her  ancestors 
had  from   those    called    bishops.      With  respect  to 
what  had  been  reported  to  her  Majesty,  concerning 
the  fruits  of  his  preaching  in  England,  he  v.as  glad 
that  his  enemies  laid  nothing  to  his  charge  bat  what 
the  world  knew  to  be  false.     If  any  of  them  could 
prove,  that  in  any  of  the  places  where  he  had  resided 
there  was  either  sedition  or  mutiny,  he  would  con- 
fess himself  to  be  a   malefactor.     So  far  from  this 
being  the  case,  he  was  not  ashamed  to  say,  that  in 
Berwick,  where  bloodshed  among  the  soldiers  had 
formerly  been  common,  God  so  blessed  his  weak  la- 
bours, that  there  was  as  great  quietness  during  the 
time  he  resided  in  it,    as    there    was   at  present  in 
Edinburgh.     The  slander   of  practising  magic  (an 
art  which  he  had  condemned  wherever  he  preached) 
he  could  more  easily  bear,  when  he  recollected  that 
liis  master,    the  Lord  Jesus,    had  been  defamed  as 
one   in  league  with  Beelzebub.      As   to   the   book 
which  seemed  so  highly  to  offend  her  Majesty,  he 
owned  that  he  wrote  it,  and  was  willing  that  all  the 
learned  should  judge  of  it.       He  understood  that  an 
Englishman  had  written  against  it,  but  he  had  not 
read  him.     If  he  had  sufficiently  confuted  his  argu- 
ments, and  established  the  contrary  propositions,  he 
would  confess  his   error ;  but  to  that  liour  he  conti- 
nued to  think  himself  alone  more  able  to  sustain  the 
things  affirmed  in  that  work  than  any  ten  in  Eiirop« 
were  to  confute  them. 

'*^  You  think  I  have  no  just  authorily?**  said  the 
queen.  '^  Please  your  Majesty  (replied  he.)  learn- 
ed men  in  all  ages  have  hr.d  their  judgments  free, 
and  most  commonly  disagreeing  from  tlie  common 
judgment  of  the  world ;  such  also  have  ihcy  pub- 
lished both  with  pen  and  tongue  :  notwithstanding, 
they  themselves   have  lived   in   the   common  society 


24S  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

with  otheiis,  and  have  borne  patiently  with  the  errors 
and  imperfections  which  they  could  not  amend, 
Plato  the  philosopher  wrote  his  book  Of  the  Common- 
wealth, in  which  he  condemned  many  things  that 
then  were  maintained  in  the  world,  and  required 
many  things  to  have  been  reformed ;  and  yet,  not- 
withstanding, he  lived  under  such  policies  as  then 
were  universally  received,  without  farther  troubling 
of  any  state.  Even  so,  madam,  am  I  content  to  do, 
in  uprightness  of  heart,  and  with  a  testimony  of  a 
good  conscience."  He  added,  that  his  sentiments 
on  that  subject  should  be  confined  to  his  own  breast ; 
and  that,  if  she  refrained  from  persecution,  her  au- 
thority would  not  be  hurt,  either  by  him,  or  his 
book,  "  which  was  written  most  especially  against 
that  wicked  Jesabell  of  England.'' 

'^  But  ye  speak  of  women  in  general,"  said  the 
queen.  ^^  Most  true  it  is,  madam ;  yet  it  appear- 
eth  to  me,  that  wisdom  should  persuade  your  Grace 
never  to  raise  trouble  for  that  which  to  this  day  has 
not  troubled  your  Majesty,  neither  in  person  nor  in 
authority  :  for  of  late  years  many  things,  which  be- 
fore were  held  stable,  have  been  cgtlled  in  doubt ; 
yea,  they  have  been  plainly  impugned.  But  yet, 
madam,  I  am  assured  that  neither  protestant  nor  pa- 
pist shall  be  able  to  prove,  that  any  such  question 
was  at  any  time  moved  either  in  public  or  in  secret. 
Now,  madam,  if  I  had  intended  to  have  troubled 
your  estate,  because  ye  are  a  woman,  I  would  have 
chosen  a  time  more  convenient  for  that  purpose, 
than  I  can  do  now,  when  your  presence  is  within 
the  realm." 

Changing  the  subject,  she  charged  him  with  hav- 
ing taught  the  people  to  receive  a  religion  different 
from  that  allowed  by  their  princes ;  and  asked,  if 
this  was  not  contrary  to  the  divine  command,  that 
j?iU)jects  should  obey  their  rulers  ?   He  replied  that 


LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX.  S43 

true  religion  derived  not  its   original   or   authority 
from  princes,  but  from  tlie  eternal  God  ;  that  princes 
were  often  most  ignorant  of  the  true  religion ;  and 
that  subjects  were  not  bound  to  frame  their  religion 
according  to  the  arbitrary  will  of  their  rulers,  else 
the  Hebrews  would  have  been  bound  to  adopt  the 
religion  of  Pharaoh,  Daniel  and  his  associates,  that 
of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  Darius,  and  the  primitive 
Christians  that  of  the  Roman  Emperors.     "  Yea," 
replied  the  queen,   qualifying  her  assertion  ;    ^^  but 
none  of  these  men  raised  the  sword  against  their 
princes."      "  Yet  you  cannot  deny,"  said  he,   ^'  that 
they  resisted ;  for  those  who  obey  not  the  command- 
ment given  them,  do  in  some  sort  resist."      "  But 
they   resisted    not   with   the   sword,"   rejoined   the 
queen,  pressing  home  the    argument.      "  God,   ma- 
dam,  had  not  given  unto  them  the  power  and   the 
means."     "  Think  you,"  said  the  queen,  "  that  sub- 
jects, having  the  power,  may  resist  their  princes  ?" 
"  If  princes  exceed  their  bounds,  madam,  no  doubt 
they  may   be  resisted,  even    by   power.      For    no 
greater  honour,  or  greater  obedience,  is  to  be  given 
to  kings  and  princes,  than  God  has  commanded  to 
be  given  to  father  and  mother.     But  the  father  may 
be  struck  with  a  phrenzy,  in  which  he  would   slay 
his  children.     Now,  madam,  if  the  children  arise, 
join  together,  apprehend  the  father,  take  the  sword 
from  him,  bind  his  hands,   and  keep  him  in  prison, 
till  the  phrenzy  be  over ;    think  you,    madam  that 
the  children  do  any  wrong?  Even  so,  madam,  is  it 
with  princes  that  would  murder  the  children  of  God 
that   are   subject   unto   them.     Their  blind    zeal   is 
nothing  but   a  mad  phrenzy ;   therefore,  to  take   the 
sword   from  them,  to  bind  their  hands,  and  to  cast 
them  into    prison,  till  they   be  brought  to  a   more 
sober  mind,  is  no  disobedience  against  princes,  but 


g44  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

just  obedience,   because  it  agreeth  with  the  will  ©f 
God.'' 

The  queen,  who  had  hitherto  maintained  her  cou- 
rage in  reasoning,   was  completely  overpowered  by 
this  bold  answer  :  her  countenance  changed,  and  she 
continued  in  a  silent  stupor.      Her  brother  spoke  t« 
her,   and  inquired  the  cause  of  her  uneasiness  ;  but 
she  made  no  reply.     At  length,   recovering  herself, 
she  said,  "  Well  then,  I  perceive  that  my  subjects 
shall  obey  you,  and  not  me,  and  will  do  what  they 
please,  and  not  what  I  command ;  and  so  must  I  be 
subject  to  them,   and  not  they  to  me.''     "  Grod  for- 
bid !"  answered  Knox,   "  that  ever  I  take  upon  me 
to  command  any  to  obey  me,  or  to  set  subjects  at  li- 
berty to  do  whatever  pleases  them.     But  my  travel 
is,   that  both  princes    and  subjects  may  obey  God. 
And   think   not  madam,   that   wrong  is    done  you^ 
when  you  are  required  to  be  subject  unto   God  ;  for 
it  is  he   who   subjects   people   under  princes,    and 
causes  obedience  to  be  given  unto  them.      He  craves 
of  kings,  that  they  be  ?is  foster-fathers  to  his  church, 
and  commands  queens  to  be  nurses  to  his  people. 
And  this    subjection,    madam,    unto    God   and   his 
cliurch,    is   the   greatest   dignity  that  flesh  can  get 
upon  the  face  of  the  earth ;  for  it  shall  raise  them  te 
everlasting  glory." 

^*^But  you  are  not  the  church  that  I  will  nourish," 
said  the  queen  :  "  I  will  defend  the  church  of  Rome  ; 
for  it  is,  I  think,  the  true  church  of  God."  "  Your 
^'ill,  madam,  is  no  reason ;  neither  doth  your 
thought  make  the  lloman  harlot  to  be  the  true  and 
immaculate  spouse  of  Jesus  Christ.  Wonder  not^ 
madam,  that  I  call  Home  an  harlot,  for  that  church 
is  altogether  polluted  with  all  kinds  of  spiritual  for- 
nication,  both  in  doctritmi  and  manners."  He 
adticd,  that  he  was  ready  to  prove  that  the  Romish 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  245 

church  had  declined  farther  from  the  purity  of  reli- 
gion taught  by  the  apostles,  than  the  Jewish  church 
had  degenerated  from  the  ordinances  which  God  gave 
them  by  Moses  and  Aaron,  at  the  time  when  they 
denied  and  crucified  the  son  of  God.  ^^My  con- 
science is  not  so,"  said  the  queen.  "  Conscience, 
madam,  requires  knowledge ;  and  I  fear  that  right 
knowledge  you  have  none."  She  said,  she  had  both 
heard  and  read.  "  So,  madam,  did  the  Jews  who 
crucified  Christ;  they  read  the  law  and  the  pro- 
phets, and  heard  them  interpreted  after  their  man- 
ner. Have  you  heard  any  teach  but  such  as  the 
pope  and  cardinals  have  allowed  ?  and  you  may  be 
assured,  that  such  will  speak  nothing  to  ofiend  their 
own  estate." 

"  You  interpret  the  scriptures  in  one  way,"  said 
the  queen  evasively,  "  and  they  in  another :  whom 
shall  I  believe,  and  who  shall  be  judge  ?"  "  You 
shall  believe  God  who  plainly  speaketh  in  his  word," 
replied  the  Reformer,  "  and  farther  than  the  Avord 
teacheth  you,  you  shall  believe  neither  the  one  nor 
the  other.  The  word  of  God  is  plain  in  itself;  if 
there  is  any  obscurity  in  one  place,  the  Holy  Ghost, 
who  is  never  contrary  to  himself,  explains  it  more 
clearly  in  other  places,  so  that  there  can  remain  no 
doubt,  but  unto  such  as  are  obstinately  ignorant."  As 
an  example,  he  selected  one  of  the  articles  in  contro- 
versy, that  concerning  the  sacrament  of  the  supper, 
and  proceeded  to  shew,  that  the  popish  doctrine  of 
the  sacrifice  of  the  mass  was  destitute  of  all  founda- 
tion in  scripture.  But  tlie  queen,  who  was  deter- 
mined to  avoid  all  discussion  of  the  articles  of  her 
creed,  interrupted  him,  by  saying,  that  she  was  un- 
able to  contend  with  him  in  argument,  but  if  she 
had  those  present  whom  she  had  heard,  they  would 
answer  him.     "  Madam,"  replied  tlie  Reformer  fer- 


246  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

vently,  ^^  would  to  God  that  the  leariiedest  papist 
in  Europe,  and  he  whom  you  would  best  believe, 
were  present  with  your  Grace  to  sustain  the  argu- 
ment, and  that  you  would  wait  patiently  to  hear  the 
matter  reasoned  to  the  end !  for  then,  I  doubt  not, 
madam,  but  you  would  hear  the  vanity  of  the  papis- 
tical religion,  and  how  little  ground  it  hath  in  the 
word  of  God."  ^'  Well,"  said  she,  "you  may  per- 
chance get  that  sooner  than  you  believe."  "  As- 
suredly, if  ever  I  get  that  in  my  life,  I  get  it  sooner 
than  I  believe ;  for  the  ignorant  papist  cannot  pa- 
tiently reason,  and  the  learned  and  crafty  papist 
will  never  come,  in  your  audience,  madam,  to  have 
the  ground  of  their  religion  searched  out.  When 
you  shall  let  me  see  the  contrary,  I  shall  grant  my- 
self to  have  been  deceived  in  that  jioint." 

The  hour  of  dinner  afforded  an  occasion  for  break- 
ing off  this  singular  conversation.  At  taking  leave  of 
her  Majesty,  the  Reformer  said,  ^'^  I  pray  God  ma- 
dam, that  you  may  be  as  blessed  within  the  com- 
monwealth of  Scotland,  as  ever  Deborah  was  in  the 
commonwealth  of  Israel."* 

This  interview  excited  great  speculation,  and  differ- 
ent conjectures  were  formed  as  to  its  probable  conse- 
quences. The  Catholics,  whose  hopes  now  depended 
solely  on  the  queen,  were  alarmed,  lest  Knox's  rheto- 
ric should  have  sliaken  her  constancy.  The  protestants 
cherislied  the  expectation  that  she  would  be  induced 
to  attend  the  protcstant  sermons,  and  that  her  religi- 
ous prejudices  would  gradually  abate.  Knox  indulged 
no  such  flattering  expectations.  He  had  made  it  his 
study,  during  the  late  conference,  to  discover  the  real 
character  of  the  queen  ;  and  lie  formed,  at  that  time, 
the  opinion  which  he  never  saw  reason  afterwards  to 
alter  that  she  was  proud,  crafty,  obstinately  Avedded 

*  Knox,  Histqrie,  p.  287—292. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  347 

to  the  popish  church,  and  averse  to  all  means  of  in- 
struction.* He  resolved,  therefore,  vigilantly  to  watch 
her  proceedings,  that  he  might  give  timely  warning  of 
any  danger  which  might  result  from  them  to  the  re- 
formed interest ;  and  the  more  that  he  perceived  the 
zeal  of  the  protestant  nobles  to  cool,  and  their  jealou- 
sy to  be  laid  asleep,  by  the  winning  arts  of  the  queen, 
the  more  frequently  and  loudly  did  he  sound  the 
alarm.  Vehement  and  harsh  as  his  expressions  often 
were ;  violent,  seditious,  and  insufferable,  as  his  ser- 
mons and  prayers  have  been  pronounced,  I  have  little 
hesitation  in  saying,  that,  as  the  public  peace  was  never 
disturbed  by  them,  so  they  were  useful  to  the  pub- 
lic safety,  and  even  a  principal  means  of  warding  off 
those  confusions  in  which  tlie  country  was  involved, 
and  which  brought  on  the  ultimate  ruin  of  the  in- 
fatuated queen.  His  uncourtly  and  rough  manner 
was  not,  indeed,  calculated  to  gain  upon  her  mind, 
(nor  is  there  reason  to  think  that  an  opposite  man 
ner  would  have  had  this  effect,)  and  liis  admonitions 
often  irritated  her  ;  but  they  obliged  her  to  act  w  ith 
greater  reserve  and  moderation ;  and  they  operated^ 
to  an  indescribable  degree,  in  arousing  and  keeping 
awake  the  zeal  and  the  fears  of  the  nation,  which,  at 
that  period,  were  the  two  great  safeguards  of  the  pro- 
testant religion  in  Scotland.  We  may  form  an  idea 
of  the  effect  produced  by  his  pulpit-orations,  from 
the  account  of  the  English  ambassador,  who  was 
one  of  his  constant  hearers.  ^^  Where  your  honour 
(says  he,  in  a  letter  to  Cecil)  exhorteth  us  to  stout- 
ness, I  assure  you  the  voice  of  one  man  is  iiMe,  in 

*  Knox,  292.  Keith,  197.  In  a  letter  to  Cecil,  rth  Octoljer, 
±5Gi,  Knox  says,  '•  the  queen  neyther  is,  neyther  shal  he  of  our 
opinion ;  and,  in  very  dead,  her  hole  proceedings  do  deelair  that  the 
cardinalles  lessons  ar  so  deaplie  printed  in  her  lieart,  that  the  sub- 
stance and  the  qualitie  are  lick  to  pcrishc  together.  I  wold  he  ghid 
to  be^eceaved.but  I  fear  Ishall  not.     In  comiminieation  -vUh  her. 


S48  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

an  hour,    to  put  more  life  in  us,  than  six  hundred^ 
trumpets  continually  blustering  in  our  ears.''^ 

The  Reformer  was  not  ignorant  that  some  of  his 
friends  thought  him  too  severe  in  his  language,  nor 
was  he  always  disposed  to  vindicate  the  expressions 
which  he  employed.  Still,  however,  he  was  per- 
suaded, that  the  times  required  the  utmost  plain- 
ness ;  and  he  was  afraid  that  snares  lurked  under  the 
smoothness  which  was  recommended  and  practised 
by  courtiers.  Cecil,  having  given  him  an  advice  on 
this  head,  in  one  of  his  letters,  we  find  him  reply, 
ing :  ^^  Men  deliting  to  swym  betwix  two  waters^ 
have  often  compleaned  upon  my  severitie.  I  do  fear 
that  that  which  men  terme  lenitie  and  duleenes  do 
bring  upon  thameselves  and  others  mor  fearful  de- 
struction, than  yit  hath  ensewed  the  vehemency  of 
any  preacher  within  this  realme.^f 

The  abatement  of  zeal  which  he  dreaded  from 
"  the  holy  water  of  the  court,''  soon  began  to  ap- 
pear among  tlie  protestant  leaders.  The  general  as- 
semblies of  the  church  were  a  great  eye-sore  to  the 
queen,  who  Avas  very  desirous  to  have  them  put 
down.  At  tlie  first  assembly  after  her  arrival,  the 
courtiers,  through  her  influence,  absented  them- 
selves, and,  wlien  challenged  for  this,  began  to  dis- 
pute the   propriety  of  such  conventions  witliout  her 

I  cspyed  such  craft  as  I  liave  not  found  in  such  aigc.  Since,  hath 
the  I'OJirt  been  dead  to  me  and  I  to  it."     Haynes,  372. 

*  Randolph's  letter,  apud  Keith,  188.  In  this  letter,  the  amhas- 
Aador  gives  an  account  of  Knox's  conference  with  the  queen.  He 
*'  knocked  so  hastily  upon  her  heart,  that  he  made  her  to  Avcep,  as 
Tvell  you  know  there  be  some  of  that  sex  that  will  do  that  as  well 
for  anger  as  for  grief;  though  in  this  the  lord  James  will  disagree 
with  me.  He  concluded  so  in  the  end  with  her,  that  he  hath  li- 
berty to  speak  his  conscience  :  [and]  to  give  unto  her  sach  rever- 
ence as  becometh  the  ministers  of  God  unto  the  superior  powers.'" 

t  Hayues.  3:2.     An  epistolary  correspondence  was  at  this  time 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  2^>9 

majesty's  pleasure.      On  this  point,  there  was  sharp 
reasoning  between  Knox  and   Maitland,    who  was 
now  made  Secretary  of  State.     ^^  Take  from  us  the 
liberty  of  assemblies,  and  take  from  us  the  gospel," 
said  the  Reformer.     "  If  the  liberty   of  the    ehurch 
must  depend  upon  her  allowance  or  disallowance, 
we  shall  want  not  only   assemblies,    but   also    the 
preaching  of  the  gospel."     He  was  still  more  indig- 
nant at   their  management  in  settling  the   provision 
for  the  ministers   of  the  church.     Hitherto  they  had 
lived  mostly    on  the   benevolence  of  their  hearers, 
and  many  of  them  had  scarcely  the  means  of  subsist 
enee ;  but  repeated   complaints    having   obliged  the 
Privy  Council   to  take  up  the  affair,  they  came  at 
last  to  a  determination,  that  the  ecclesiastical  reve- 
nues should  be  divided  into  three  parts  ;  that  two  of 
these  should  be  given  to  the  ejected  popish  clergy  : 
and  Ihat  the  other  part  should  be  divided  between 
the  court   and  the   protestant  ministry  !-  The  per- 
sons appointed  to  modify  the  stipends  were  disposed 
to  gratify  the  queen,  and  the   sums   allotted  to  the 
ministers  were  as  ill  paid  as  they  were  paltry  and 
inadequate.     *'  Weall !  (exclaimed  Knox,    when  he 
heard  of  this  disgraceful  arrangement)  if  the  end  of 
this  ordour,  pretendit  to  be  takin  for  sustenatiouii  of 
the  ministers,  be  happie,  my  jugement  failes  mc.      I 
sie  twa  pairtis  freelie  gevin  to  the  devill,  and  the  thrid 
mon  be  devyded  betwix  God  and   the  devill.     Quho 
wald   have  thocht,     that    quhen  Joseph  renlled    in 
Egypt,  his  brethren    sould    have   travcUit  for    vic- 
tualles  ;  and  have  returned  with  emptie  sackes  unto 
thair  families?  0  happie  servanda   of  the  devill,  and 

maintained  between  secretary  Cecil  and  our  Reformer.     Keith. 
19 1,  192, 194.     Robertson.  Append.  Xo.  5. 
*  Keith,  App.  175 — ITft.     Kr.ox.  20G— -aOO. 


250  LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

miserabill  servants  of  Jesus  Christ,  if  efter  this  lyf 
thair  wer  not  hell  and  heavin  !''* 

He  vented  his  mind  more  freely  on  this  subject, 
as  his  complaints  could  not  be  imputed  to  personal 
motives  :  for  his  own  stipend,  though  moderate,  was 
liberal  when  compared  with  those  of  the  most  of  his 
brethren.  From  the  time  of  his  last  return  to  Scot- 
land, until  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  he  had  been 
indebted  to  the  liberality  of  individuals,  for  the 
support  of  his  family.  After  that  period,  he  lodged 
for  some  time  in  the  house  of  David  Forrest,  a  bur- 
gess of  Edinburgh,  from  which  he  removed  to. the 
lodging  which  had  belonged  to  Durie,  abbot  of  Dun- 
fermline. As  soon  as  he  began  to  preach  statedly  in 
the  city,  the  town  council  assigned  him  an  annual 
stipend  of  two  hundred  pounds,  to  be  paid  quarter- 
ly j  besides  discharging  his  house- rent,  and  re-im- 
bursing  some  individuals  the  money  which  they  had 
expended  in  maintaining  his  family.  Subsequent  to 
the  settlement  made  by  the  Privy  Council,  it  would 
seem  that  he  received  his  stipend  from  the  common 
fund  allotted  to  the  ministers  of  the  church  ;  but  the 
good  town  had  still  an  opportunity  of  testifying  tlieir 
generosity,  by  supplying  the  deficiencies  of  the  legal 
allowance.      Indeed,    tlic   uniform    attention   of  the 

*  "  So  busie,"  says  he,  "  .iTid  eircumspcct  wer  the  modificators 
(heeaiis  it  was  anew  office,  the  lerme  must  also  be  new,)  that  the 
ministers  sotildnot  be  over-wantoiin,  that  an  hundreth  inerks  wa^ 
sufficient  to  an  single  man,  being  a  eommone  minister  :  Thre  hun- 
dreth  nierks  was  tlie  hiest  apoyntcjJ  to  any  except  the  superintend- 
ents, and  a  few  utheris."  liistorie,  301.  "  Mr  Knox  is  not  at  all 
liere  diminishing  the  sum,  (says  Keith  ;)  for  the  original  books  of 
^issignution  to  tlie  ministers,  whieli  now  \y  before  me,  ascertain 
the  truth  of  wliathe  says,"  p.  508.  Wishart  of  Pittarow,  who  was 
comptroller  of  the  modification,  pinched  the  ministers  so  much, 
that  it  became  a  proverb,  The  g-iide  laird  of  Petarro  was  an  eniest 
professojir  of  Christ,  hot  the  meJciU  devill  receave'the  comtroUer. 


LIFE    OF  JOriN  KNOX.  ^51 

town  council  to  his  external  accommodation  and 
comfort,  was  honourable  to  them,  and  deserves  to 
be  recorded  to  their  commendation.* 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1562,  he  went  to 
Angus  to  preside  in  the  election  and  admission  of 
John  Erskine  of  Dun,  as  superintendent  of  Angus 
and  Mearns.  That  respectable  baron  was  one  of 
those  whom  the  first  General  Assembly  declared 
"  apt  and  able  to  minister  ;"t  and  having  already 
contributed,  in  different  ways,  to  the  advancement 
of  the  Reformation,  he  now  devoted  himself  to  the 
service  of  the  church,  in  a  laborious  employment,  at 
a  time  when  she  stood  eminently  in  need  of  the  as- 
sistance of  all  the  learned  and  pious.  Knox  had  for- 
merly presided  at  the  installation  of  John  Spottis- 
w^ood,  as  superintendent  of  Lothian.  :j: 

The  influence  of  our  Reformer  appears  from  his 
being  employed  on  different  occasions  to  compose 
variances  of  a  civil  nature,  which  arose  among  the 
protestauts.  He  was  applied  to  frequently  to  inter- 
cede with  the  town  council  in  behalf  of  some  of  the 
inhabitants,  who  had  subjected  themselves  to  pu- 
nishment by  their  disorderly  conduct.^  In  March 
this  year,  the  earl  of  Both  well  urged  him  to  aseist  in 
removing  a  deadly  feud  which  subsisted  between  him 
and  the  earl  of  Arran.  He  was  averse  to  interfere 
in  this  business,  which  had  already  baffled  the  autho- 
rity of  the  privy  council  ;1[  but,  at  the  desire  of 
:?ome    friends,    he  yielded,   and  after   considerable 

*  See  Extracts  from  the  Records  of  the  Towu  Couucil,  in  Note  II, 

t  Keith,  498. 

t  The  form  observed  on  that  occasion,  Avhicli  was  followed  in 
the  admission  or  ordination  of  all  the  superintendents  and  other 
ministers,  is  inserted  at  length  in  Knox's  Historie,  p.  263 — ^66, 
and  in  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  627 — 636. 

CKnox.  Historie.  p.  S^O.  |i  Keitk.  21.5, 

jl2 


SSiS  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

pains,  had  the  satisfaction  of  bringing  the  parties  to 
an  amicable  interview,  at  which  they  mutually  pro- 
mised to  bury  all  differences.  But  he  was  exceed- 
ingly mortified  by  the  information,  which  Arran,  im- 
mediately on  the  back  of  this  agreement,  communi- 
cated to  him,  of  a  conspiracy  which  Bothwell  had 
proposed  to  him ;  which  produced  the  imprisonment 
of  both,  and,  notwithstanding  the  lunacy  of  the  in- 
former, created  great  jealousies  in  the  minds  of  thts 
principal  courtiers.* 

In  the  month  of  May,  Knox  had  another  inter- 
view with  the  queen,  on  the  following  occasion. 
The  family  of  Guise  were  at  this  time  making  the 
most  vigorous  efforts  to  regain  that  influence  in 
France  which  they  had  been  deprived  of  since  the 
death  of  Francis  II.  and  as  zeal  for  the  Catholic  re- 
ligion was  the  cloak  by  which  they  covered  their 
ambitious  designs,  they  began  by  stirring  up  per- 
secution against  the  protestants.  The  massacre  of 
Vassay,  in  the  beginning  of  March  this  year,  was  a 
prelude  to  this,  in  which  the  duke  of  Guise  and 
cardinal  of  Lorrain  attacked,  with  an  armed  force,  a 
congregation  assembled  for  worship,  killed  a  num- 
ber of  them,  and  wounded  and  mutilated  others,  not 
excepting  women  and  children,  f  Intelligence  of 
the  success  which  attended  the  measures  of  her 
uncles  was  brought  to  queen  Mary,  who  immedi- 
ately after  gave  a  splendid  ball  to  her  foreign  ser- 
vants, at  which  the  dancing  was  prolonged  to  a  late 
hour. 

Knox  was  advertised  of  the  festivities  in  the  pa- 
lace, and  the  occasion  of  them.  He  always  felt  n 
lively  interest  in  the  concei-ns  of  the  French  protes- 
tants, Avith  many  of  whom  he  was   intimately  ac- 

*Knox,  Ilistorie,  so.'j— 308,  aiul  Lcttor  lo  Locke,  Ctli  May, 
1362,  apud  Cald.  MS.  i.  7')5,  756. 
?  Ilist«>iredes  Marfyrs,  I'ol.  558,  r)5^. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  S53 

quainted^  and  he  entertained  a  very  bad  opinion  of 
the  princes  of  Lorrain.  In  his  sermon  on  the  follow- 
ing Sabbath;,  he  introduced  some  severe  strictures 
upon  the  vices  to  which  princes  were  addicted,  their 
oppression,  ignorance,  hatred  of  virtue^,  attachment 
k)  bad  company,  and  fondness  for  foolisli  pleasures. 
Information  of  this  discourse,  was  quickly  conveyed 
to  the  queen,  with  many  exaggerations ;  and  the 
pVeacher  was  next  day  ordered  to  attend  at  the  pa- 
lace. Being  conveyed  into  the  royal  chamber, 
where  the  queen  sat  with  her  maids  of  honour  and 
principal  counsellors,  he  was  accused  of  having 
spoken  of  her  majesty  irreverently,  and  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  bring  her  under  the  contempt  and  ha- 
tred of  her  subjects. 

After  the  queen  had  made  a  long  speech  on  that 
theme,  he  was  allowed  to  state  his  defence.  He 
told  her  majesty,  that  she  had  been  treated  as  per- 
sons usually  were  who  refused  to  attend  the  preach- 
ing of  the  word  of  God :  she  had  been  obliged  to 
trust  to  the  fals.e  reports  of  flatterers.  For,  if  she 
had  heard  the  calumniated  discourse,  he  did  not  be- 
lieve she  could  have  been  offended  with  any  thing 
that  he  had  said.  She  would  now,  therefore,  be 
pleased  to  hear  him  repeat,  as  exactly  as  he  could, 
what  he  had  preached  yesterday.  Having  done  this^ 
he  added,  "  If  any  man,  madam,  will  say,  that  I  spake 
more,  let  him  presently  accuse  me."  Several  of  the 
company  attested  that  he  had  given  a  just  report  of 
the  sermon.  The  queen,  after  turning  round  to  the 
informers,  who  were  dumb,  told  him,  that  his  words, 
though  sharp  enough  as  related  by  himself,  were 
reported  to  her  in  a  different  way.  She  added,  that 
she  knew  that  her  uncles  and  he  were  of  a  different 
religion,  and  therefore  did  not  blame  him  for  Tiaving 
no  good  opinion  of  them  5  but  if  he  heard  any  thing 
about  her  conduct  which  displeased  him^,    he  should 


'^ii  JLIFE  OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

come  to  herself,  and  she  would  be  willing  to  heav 
him.  Knox  easily  saw  through  the  artifice  of  this 
fair  proposal.  He  replied,  that  he  was  willing  to  do 
any  thing  for  her  majesty's  contentment,  which  was 
consistent  with  his  office  ;  if  her  Grace  choosed  to  at- 
tend the  public  sermons,  she  would  liear  what  pleas- 
ed or  displeased  him  in  her  and  in  others  :  or  if  she 
pleased  to  appoint  a  time  v/hen  she  would  hear  the 
substance  of  the  do*trine  which  he  preached  in  pub- 
lic, he  Avould  most  gladly  wait  upon  her  Grace's 
pleasure,  time,  and  place  :  but  to  come  and  wait 
at  her  chamber-door,  and  then  to  have  liberty  only 
to  whisper  in  her  ear  what  people  thought  and 
said  of  her,  that  would  neither  his  conscience,  nor 
his  ojQfice  permit  him  to  do.  ^'  For,  (added  he,  in  a 
strain  which  he  sometimes  used  even  ou  serious  oc- 
casions,) albeit  at  your  Grace's  commandment,  I  am 
heir  now,  yit  can  I  not  tell  quhat  uther  men  shall 
judge  of  me,  that,  at  this  tyme  of  day,  am  absent 
from  my  buke,  and  waitting  upoun  the  court." 
^^  Ye  will  not  alwayes  be  at  your  buke,"  saitl  the 
queen  pettishly,  and  turned  her  back.  As  he  left 
the  room  "^  with  a  reasounable  merry  countenance,'* 
some  of  the  popish  attendants  said  in  his  hearing. 
He  is  not  afraid  !  "  Why  sould  the  plesing  face  of  a 
^entilwoman  afray  me  ?  (said  he,  regarding  them  with 
a  sarcastic  scowl,)  I  have  luiked  in  the  faces  of  mony 
angry  meUf  and  yit  have  not  bene  aftrayed  above 
measour."* 

There  was  at  this  time  but  one  place  of  worship 
in  the  city  of  Edinburgh. f  The  number  of  inhabi- 
tants, was,  indeed,  small,  when  compared  with  its 
present  population ;  but  still  they  must  have  formed 

*  Knox,  Historic,  306 — 311. 

t  St.  Cuthberts,  or  the  West  Clnirclj,  n  as  at  tbat  time  (ds  ai 
present,)  a  distinct  parish,  of  which  IflHimv.  HorJorv  wag  mlnislgr. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  350 

a  very  lapge  eongregatiou.  The  place  used  for  wor- 
ship in  St.  Giles's  church  was  capacious  :  on  some  oc- 
casions, three  thousand  persons  assembled  in  it  to 
hear  sermons.*  In  this  church,  Knox  had,  smce 
1560,  performed  all  the  parts  of  ministerial  duty, 
without  any  other  assistant  but  John  Cairus,  who 
acted  as  reader. j  He  preached  twice  every  Sab- 
bath, and  thrice  on  other  days  of  the  week-l  He 
met  regularly  once  every  week  with  the  session^  of 
the  parish,  for  discipline,  and  with  the  assembly  of 
the  neighbourhood,  for  the  exercise  on  the  scrip- 
tures. He  attended,  besides,  the  meetings  of  the 
provincial  synod  and  general  assembly  ;  and  at  al- 
most every  meeting  of  the  last  mentioned  court,  he 
received  an  appointment  to  visit  and  preach  in  some 
distant  part  of  the  country.  These  labours  must 
have  been  oppressive  to  a  constitution  which  was  al- 
ready impaired  ;  especially  as  he  did  not  indulge  ii 
extemporaneous  effusions,  but  devoted  a  pa't  of 
every  day  to  study.  His  parish  were  sensible  of  fhh  ; 
and,  in  April,  i5Q2,  the  town  council  came  to  an 
unanimous  resolution  to  solicit  John  Craig,  the  mi- 
nister of  Cauongate,  or  Holyroodhouse,  to  under- 
take the  half  of  the  charge.  The  ensuing  general 
assembly  approved  of  the  council's  proposal,  znd 
appointed  Craig  to  remove  to  Edinburgh.  ||  His 
translation  did  not,  however,  take  place  before 
June,  1563,  owing,  as  it  would  seem,  to  the  diffi- 
culty of  obtaining  an  additional  stipend,^ 

*  Cald.  MS.  ii.  157. 

t  Records  of  Town  Council,  ^eth  October,  1561. 
t  Ibid,  10th  April,  1562. 

§  The  number  of  elders  in  the  session  of  Edinburgh  was  12,  and 
•>f  deacons  16.     Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  638. 
Ij  Calderwood,  apud  Keith,  514. 
^S?eXoteKK.        ' 


356  LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX- 

During  the  autumn  of  1562,  the  Roman  Catholics 
entertained  great  hopes  of  a  change  in  their  favour. 
After  several  unsuccessful  attempts  to  cut  off  the 
principal  protestant  courtiers  ;*  the  earl  of  Huntly 
openly  took  arms  in  the  North,  to  rescue  the  queen 
from  their  hands  ;  while  the  archbishop  of  St.  An- 
drews endeavoured  to  unite  and  rouse  the  papists  of 
the  South.  On  this  occasion,  our  Heformer  acted 
with  his  usual  zeal  and  foresight.  Being  appointed 
by  the  general  assembly  as  commissioner  to  visit  the 
churches  of  the  West,  he  persuaded  the  gentlemen 
of  that  quarter  to  enter  into  a  new  bond  of  defence. 
Hastening  into  Galldway  and  Nithsdale,  he,  by  his 
sermons  and  conversation,  confirmed  the  protes- 
tants  of  these  places.  He  employed  the  master  of 
Maxwell  to  write  to  the  earl  of  Bothwell,  who  had 
escaped  from  confinement,  and  meant,  it  was  feared 
to  join  Huntly.  He  himself  wrote  to  the  duke  of 
Chastelherault,  warning  him  not  to  listen  to  the  so- 
licitations of  his  brother,  the  archbishop,  nor  accede 
to  a"  conspiracy  which  would  infallil>ly  prove  the 
ruin  of  his  house.  By  these  means,  the  southern 
parts  of  the  kingdom  were  preserved  in  a  state  of 
peace,  while  the  vigorous  measures  of  the  council 
crushed  the  rebellion  in  the  North. f  TJia  queen 
expressed  little  satisfaction  at  the  victory,  and  there 
is  every  reason  to  think,  tliat  if  she  was  not  privy  to 
the  rising  of  Huntly,  she  expected  to  turn  it  to  the 
advaucement  of  her  projects. J  She  scrupled  not  to 
say,  at  this  time,  that  she  ^^  hoped,  before  a  yeai" 
was  exj)ired,  to  have  tlie  mass  and  Catholic  profes- 
*ion  restored  through  the  whole  kingdom. '"sS 

While    these    hopes    were   indulged,    the   popisli 

'  Keith,  230.     Knox,  J2i. 

;  Knox,  Glfi — 318. 

t  Gordon  of  Gordon's  M!^.  apnd  K-i'Ii.  --"••- 

^  R]>o((i>;\v(iod.   18.0, 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  257 

clergy  tliought  it  necessary  to  gain  credit  to  their 
cause,  by  appearing  more  openly  in  defence  of  their 
tenets  than  they  liad  lately  done.  They  began  to 
preach  publicly,  and  boasted  that  they  were  ready 
to  dispute  with  the  protestant  ministers.  The  per- 
son who  stepped  forward  as  their  champion  was 
Quiutin  Kennedy,  uncle  of  the  earl  of  Cassilis,  and 
abbot  of  Crossraguel.  The  abbot  appears  to  have 
spent  the  greater  part  of  his  life  in  the  same  neg- 
ligence of  the  duties  of  his  office  with  the  rest  of 
his  brethren  ;  but  he  was  roused  from  his  inactivity 
by  the  success  of  the  protestant  preachers,  who,  in 
the  years  1556  and  1557,  attacked  the  popish  faith, 
and  inveighed  against  the  idleness  and  corruption  of 
the  clergy.*  At  an  age  when  others  retire  from 
the  field,  he  began  to  rub  up  his  long  neglected 
theological  weapons,  and  to  gird  on  his  armour. 

His  first  appearance  was  in  1558,  when  he  publish- 
ed a  short  system  of  catholic  tactics,  under  the  title  of 
Ane  Compendius  Tractive,  shewing  "  the  nearest  and 
onlie  way"  to  establish  the  conscience  of  a  Christian 
man,  in  all  matters  which  were  in  debate  concern- 
ing faith  and  religion.  This  way  was  no  other  than 
that  of  implicit  faith  in  the  decisions  of  the  church 
or  clergy.  The  scripture  was  only  a  witness,  the 
church  was  the  judge,  in  every  controversy,  whose 
determinations,  in  general  councils  canonically  as- 
sembled, were  to  be  humbly  received  and  submitted 
to  by  all  the  faithful. f  This  was  no  doubt  the  most 
compendious,  and  nearest  way  of  establishing  the 
conscience   of   every   christian    man,    and    decidiag 

*  The  reasoning  betvvix  Jo.  Knos  and  the  Abbote  of  Crosraguell, 
I'ol.  4.  Edinburgh,  1563. 

t  As  Kennedy^s  Tractive,  and  Archbishop  Hamilton's  Catechism, 
are  the  only  books  published  by  the  Scots  Roman  Catholics  be- 
fore the  establishment  of  the  Reformation,  which  have  come 
down  to  us.  some  extracts  from  both  shall  be  inserted  in  Note  Lfc. 


258  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

evpiy  controversy  which  might  arise,  without  exa\ 
mination,  reasoning,  and  debate. 

But  as  the  stubborn  reformers  would  not  submit 
to  this  easy  and  short  mode  of  decision,  the  abbot 
was  reluctantly  obliged  to  enter  the  lists  of  argu- 
ment with  them.  Accordingly,  when  Willock 
preached  in  his  neighbourhood,  in  the  beginning  of 
1559,  he  challenged  him  to  a  dispute  on  the  sacri- 
fice of  the  mass.  The  challenge  Was  accepted,  the 
time  and  place  were  fixed  ;  but  tlie  abbot  refused  to 
appear,  unless  his  antagonist  would  previously  en- 
gage to  submit  to  the  interpretations  of  scripture 
which  had  been  given  by  the  ancient  doctors  of  the 
church.*  From  this  time  he  seems  to  iiave  made 
the  mass  the  great  subject  of  his  study,  and  endea- 
voured to  qualify  liimself  for  defending  this  keystone 
of  the  popish  arch.f 

George  Hay  having  been  sent  by  the  General  As- 
sembly to  preach  in  Carriek  and  Cunningham,  dur- 
ing the    autumn  of  1562,  Kennedy  offered  to    dis- 

*  Keith,  App.  195 — 199.  Kennedy,  in  a  letter  to  the  archbi- 
shop of  Glasgow,  says  ;  "  Willock,  and  the  rest  of  his  eounsell 
laboiirit  earnestlie  to  sie  gif  1  wald  adraitt  the  scripture  onley  jiige. 
and,  be  thai  nieines,  to  haif  maid  me  eoutrarray  to  my  awin  buke  ; 
hot  their  labouris  wes  in  waist. — I  held  me  evir  fast  at  ane 
gronnde."  And  he  triumphs  that  he  "  draif  the  lymmar — to  re- 
fuse the  interpretation  of  the  doctoris  allegeitbe  him  and  all  uthe- 
ris,  hot  so  far  as  he  thocht  thaj'  war  agreable  with  the  worde  of 
God,  qiihilkwas  as  rycht  nocht."     Ut  supra,  l'J3,  19i. 

fin  the  dispute  with  Knox,  the  abbot  mentions  his  "books," 
and  he  refcM-s  particularly  to  a  book  which  he  had  published,  in 
1301,  on  the  sacrament  of  the  mass.  There  is  in  the  library  of 
Alexander  Boswell.  Esq.  of  Aucliinleck,  a  MS.  by  the  abbot,  en- 
titled, "  Au.e  faniiiiar  commune  and  rassoninganent  the  misterie 
of  the  sacrifice  of  tlie  mess,  betwix  twa  brether,  master  Quintia 

Koncdy,  C'omendator  of  Crosraguell,  and  James  Kenedy  of. 

In  the  \eir  of  God,  ane  thousand,  live  hundred,  three  scoir  ane 
y£ir."  ^yhcthe^  this  is  the  same  with  the  printed  book  on  thai 
subject^  or  not,  I  cannot  say. 


LIFE  OP  JOHN  KNOX.  S59 

pute  with  him ;  but  no  meeting  took  place  between 
them.*  On  the  30th  of  August,  the  abbot  read  in 
his  chapel  of  Kirk  OsAvald,  a  number  of  articles  re» 
«pecting  the  mass,  purgatory,  praying  to  saints, 
the  use  of  images,  &c.  Avliich  he  said  he  would  de- 
fend  against  any  who  should  impugn  them,  and  pro- 
mised to  declare  his  mind  more  fully  respecting 
them  on  the  following  Sunday.  Knox,  who  was  in 
the  vicinity,  came  to  Kirk  Oswald  on  that  day,  with 
the  design  of  hearing  the  abbot,  and  granting  hira 
the  disputation  which  he  had  courted.  The  abbot 
not  making  his  appearance,  he  himself  preached  in 
the  chapel.  When  he  came  down  from  the  pulpit, 
there  was  a  letter  from  Kennedy  put  into  his  hand, 
stating,  that  he  understood  he  had  come  to  that 
country  to  seek  disputation,  and  offering  to  meet 
with  him  on  the  following  Sunday  in  any  house  in 
Maybole,  provided  there  w^ere  not  more  than  twen- 
ty persons  on  each  side  admitted.  Knox  replied, 
that  he  had  come,  not  purposely  to  dispute,  but  to 
preach  the  gospel ;  he  was,  however,  willing  to 
meet  with  him  ;  he  was,  under  a  previous  engage- 
ment to  be  in  Dumfries  on  the  day  mentioned  by 
the  abbot,  bat  if  he  sent  him  his  articies,  lie  would, 
with  all  convenient  speed,  return  and  fix  a  time. 

A  correspondence  was  carried  on  between  them 
on  this  subject,  v.  hieh  is  fully  as  curious  as  the  dis- 

*  In  answer  to  the  iibbot's  assertion,  that  George  Ilay  hud  de- 
clined to  dispute  with  him,  Knox  says  ;  '•  3Iaister  George  Hay  of- 
fered unto  you  disputation,  but  ye  fled  the  barrass."  Reasoning, 
&c.  +  iitj.  George  Hay  seems  to  have  Iiad  a  benefice  in  the  churh 
before  the  Reformation.  He  was  at  this  time  minister  of  Eddleston ; 
and,  in  the  records  of  the  church,  is  also  designed  minister  to  the 
privy  council,  and  parson  of  Ilulhven.  Keith.  .511,  5,30,  St*.  In 
the  year  1562,  he  published  a  book  oii  the  sacrament  of  the  sup- 
per, perhaps  in  answer  to  Kennedy's.  Winzet,  apiid  Keith,  App. 
.2-16,  comp.  .^3(j. 


S60  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

pute  wliicli  ensued.*  Knox  wished  that  the  reason* 
ing  should  be  as  public  as  the  abbot  had  made  his 
articles^  and  proposed  that  it  should  take  place  in 
St.  John's  church  in  Ayr ;  but  the  abbot  refused  to 
dispute  publicly.  The  earl  of  Cassilis  wrote  to 
Knox,  expressing  his  disapprobation  of  the  proposed 
disputation,  as  uulikely  to  do  any  good,  and  calcu- 
lated to  endanger  the  public  peace  ;  to  which  the 
Reformer  replied,  by  signifying,  that  his  relation 
had  given  the  challenge,  which  he  was  resolved  not 
to  decline,  and  that  his  lordship  ought  to  encourage 
him  to  keep  the  appointment,  from  which  no  bad 
effects  were  to  be  dreaded.  Upon  this  the  abboty 
feeling  his  honour  touched,  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Reformer,  in  which  he  told  him  that  he  would  have 
^'  rencountered*'  him  the  last  time  he  was  in  the 
country,  had  it  not  been  for  the  interposition  of  the 
earl  of  Cassilis,!  and  charged  him  with  stirring  up 
his   nephew    to  write   that  letter,  in  order  to  bring 

*  The  Reformer,  in  his  answer  to  the  abbot's  first  letter,  says, 
*'  that  ye  offer  uuto  me  familiar,  formall,  and  gentill  reasoning, 
with  my  whole  hart  I  accept  the  condition.  For  assuredlie,  my 
lord,  (so  1  style  you  by  reason  of  blood,  and  not  of  office)  chiding 
and  brawling  I  utterlie  abhor."  The  abbot  returned  a  long  an- 
swer, to  which  Knox  (when  he  published  the  account  of  the  dis- 
pute) affixed  short  notes  by  way  of  reply.  Whereas  Knox  said 
he  had  come  to  preach  salvation  through  Christ,  the  abbot  an- 
swers, that  this  was  "  nanewingis''  in  that  country  before  he  was 
born.  Knox  replies,  that  he  greatly  doubted  if  ever  Christ  was 
preached  by  "  a  papistical  priest  or  monk.*'  '•'  Ye  said  ane  lytill 
afore  (the  abbot  writes,)  ye  did  abhor  all  chiding  and  railling  5 
hot  nature  passis  nurtor  with  yow.*' — **1  will  nether  interchange 
nature  nor  n  rtor  with  yow,  for  all  the  profets  of  Crossraguell." 
"  Gif  the  victorie  consist  in  clamour  or  crying  out,  (says  the  ab- 
bot, objecting  to  a  public  meeting,)  1  wil  quite  yow  the  caus,  but 
farther  pley  [without  farther  plea  :]  and  yet  praise  be  to  God,  I 
may  (juhispcr  in  sic  maner  as  1  will  be  hard  sufficientlic  in  the 
largest  hous  in  Carrick."  '•  The  larger  hous  the  better  for  Jthe 
auditor  and  me,"  replied  Knox. 

t  '•  Brag  on,"  says  Knox  on  the  margin:. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  261 

him  into  disgrace.  ^^  Ye  sal  be  assured  (says  lie)  I 
sal  keip  day  and  place  in  Mayboill,  according  to  my 
writing,  and  I  liaif  my  life,  and  my  feit  louse  ;"  and 
in  another  letter  to  Knox  and  the  baillies  of  Ayr,  he 
says,  "  keip  your  promes,  and  pretex  na  joukrie,  be 
my  lorde  of  Cassilis  writing."  The  abbot  being  in 
this  state  of  mind,  the  conditions  of  the  combat  were 
speedily  settled.  They  agreed  to  meet  on  the  28th 
of  September,  at  eight  o'clock  ante  meridiem^  in  the 
house  of  the  provost  of  Maybole.  Forty  persons 
on  each  side  were  to  be  admitted  as  witnesses  of  the 
dispute,  with  ^'  as  many  mo  as  the  house  might 
goodly  hold,  at  the  sight  of  my  lord  of  Cassilis." 
And  notaries  or  scribes  were  appointed  to  record 
the  papers  which  might  be  given  in  by  the  parties, 
and  the  arguments  which  they  advanced  in  the 
course  of  reasoning,  to  prevent  unnecessary  repeti- 
tion, or  a  false  report  of  the  proceedings.  These 
conditions  were  formally  subscribed  by  the  abbot 
and  the  Reformer,  on  the  day  preceding  the  meet- 
ing. 

When  they  met,  "  John  Knox  addressed  him  to 
make  public  prayer,  whereat  the  abbot  was  soir  of- 
fended at  the  first,  but  whil  the  said  John  wold  in 
nowise  be  stayed,  he  and  his  gave  audience ;  which 
being  ended,  the  abbote  said.  Be  imj  faith,  it  is  weill 
said.^''  The  reasoning  commenced  by  reading  a  paper 
presented  by  the  abbot,  in  which,  after  rehearsing 
the  occasion  of  his  present  appearance,  and  protest- 
ing that  his  entering  into  dispute  was  not  to  be  un- 
derstood as  implying  that  the  points  in  question 
were  disputable  or  dubious,  being  already  determined 
by  lawful  general  councils,  he  declared  bis  readiness 
to  defend  the  articles  which  he  had  exhibited,  begin- 
ning with  that  concerning  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass. 
To  this  paper  Knox  gave  in  a  written  answer  in  t!)e 
course  ,of  the  disputation :    in  the  mean  time,   after 


26s  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

stating  his  opinion  respecting  general  councils,  ba. 
proceeded  to  the  article  in  dispute.  It  was  requi- 
site, he  said,  to  state  clearly  and  distinctly  the  suh= 
ject  in  controversy ;  and  he  thought  it  contained  the 
four  following  things,  the  name,  the  form  and  ac- 
tion, the  opinion  entertained  of  it,  and  the  actor 
with  the  authority  which  he  had  to  do  what  he  pre- 
tended to  do :  all  of  which  he  was  prepared  to 
shew  were  destitute  of  any  foundation  in  scripture. 
The  abbot  was  aware  of  the  difficulty  of  managing 
the  dispute  on  such  broad  ground,  and  he  had  taken 
up  ground  of  his  own  which  he  thought  he  could 
maintain  against  his  antagonist.  ^'  As  to  tlie  masse 
that  he  will  impung  (said  he,)  or  any  mannes  masse, 
yea,  and  it  war  the  paipes  awin  masse,  I  wil  mantein 
na  thing  but  Jesus  Christes  masse,  conforme  to  my 
article,  as  it  is  written,  and  diffinition  contened  in 
my  buik,  quhilk  he  hes  tane  on  hand  to   impung." 

Knox  expressed  his  delight  at  hearing  the  abbot  say 
that  be  would  defend  notliing  but  the  mass  of  Christ, 
for  if  he  adhered  to  this,  they  were  '^  on  the  verray 
point  of  an  christiane  agrement,''  as  he  was  ready 
to  allow  whatever  could  be  shewn  to  have  been  in- 
stituted by  Christ.  As  to  his  lordship's  book,  he. 
confessed  Ijc  had  not  read  it,  and  (without  excusing 
his  negligence)  requested  the  definition  to  be  read 
to  him  from  it.  The  abbot  qualified  his  assertion, 
by  saying,  that  he  meant  to  defend  no  other  mass, 
except  that  which  in  its  *^  substance,  institution* 
and  I'fiect,*'  was  appointed  by  Christ;  and  he  de- 
fined the  mass,  as  concerning  the  substance  and  efl'ect, 
to  be  the  sacrifice  and  oblation  of  the  Lord's  body 
and  blood,  given  and  oiieied  by  him  in  the  last  sup- 
per; and  for  the  first  confiimatiou  of  this,  he  rested 
upon  the  oblation  of  bread  and  wine  by  Melchize- 
deck.  His  argument  was,  that  the  scripture  declar- 
ed that  Christ  was  a  priest  after  the  order  of  Melchi- 


1.IFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX.  26-3 

zedeck:  Melehizedeek  oifered  bread  and  wine  to 
God:  therefore  Christ  offered  or  made  oblation  of 
his  body  and  blood  in  the  last  supper,  which  was 
the  only  instance  in  which  the  priesthood  of  Christ 
and  Melehizedeek  could  agree. 

Knox  said  that  the  ceremonies  of  the  mass,  and 
the  opinion  en  ertained  of  it  fas  procuring  remission 
of  sins  to  the  quick  and  the  dead)  were  viewed  as 
important  parts  of  it,  and  having  a  strong  hold  of 
the  consciences  of  the  people,  ought  to  be  taken 
into  the  argument;  but  as  the  abbot  declared  him- 
self willing  to  defend  these  afterwards,  he  would 
proceed  to  the  substance,  and  proposed,  in  the  first 
place,  to  fix  the  sense  in  which  the  word  sacrifice  or 
oblation  was  used  in  the  argument.  There  were  sa.- 
cvificcs  projntiatorice,  for  exjnation,  and  eucharisticcef. 
4)f  thanksgiving ;  in  which  last  sense  the  mortifica- 
tion of  the  body,  prayer,  and  alms-giving,  were 
called  sacrifices  in  scripture.  He  wished,  therefore, 
to  know  whether  the  abbot  understood  the  word  in 
the  first  or  second  of  these  senses  in  this  dispute. 
The  abbot  said,  that  he  would  not  at  present  dis- 
pute what  his  opponent  meant  by  a  sacrifice  jiropiil- 
atorium  ,  but  he  held  the  sacrifice  on  the  cro^s  to  be 
the  only  sacrifice  of  redemption,  and  that  of  tlie 
mass  to  be  the  sacrifice  of  commemoration  oi'  (.he 
death  and  passion  of  Christ.  Knox  replieil,  that 
the  chief  head  whicli  l^e  intended  to  iiiipngu  sj^emed 
to  be  yielded  by  tiie  abbot  :  and  lie,  Wn-  Jii.^  pari, 
cheerfully  granted,  that  tiiere  was  a  coiumcmora- 
tion  of  Christ's  death  in  the  right  use  of  the  ordi- 
nance of  the  supper. 

The  abbot  insisted  that  he  should  proceed  to  im- 
pugn the  w?a-rant  which  he  had  taken  fioiii  scripliire 
for  his  article.  ^'  Protesting  (said  the  lleformcr) 
that  this  mekle  is  win,  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  mcsse 


S6^  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

being  denied  by  me  to  be  a  sacrifice  propitiatorie  for 
the  sins  of  the  quick  and  the  dead  (according  to 
the  opinion  thereof  before  conceaved,)  hath  no  pa- 
tron at  the  present,  I  am  content  to  procede/' — ^'  1 
protest  he  hes  win  nothing  of  me  as  yit,  and  referres 
it  to  black  and  quhite  contened  in  our  writing.^' — 
**I  have  openlie  denied  the  masse  to  be  an  sacrifice 
propitiatorie  for  the  quick,  &c.  and  the  defence 
thereof  is  denied.  And,  therefore,  I  referre  me 
unto  the  same  judges  that  my  lord  hath  clamed." — 
^'  Ye  may  denie  quhat  ye  pleis:  for  all  that  ye  de- 
nie  I  tak  not  presentlie  to  impung  ;  but  quhair  I  be- 
gan thair  will  I  end,  that  is,  to  defend  the  messe 
conform  to  my  artickle."  ^^  Your  lordship's  ground 
{said  Knox,  after  some  altercation)  is,  that  Melchi- 
zedeck  is  the  figure  of  Christe  in  that  he  did  offer 
unto  God  bread  and  wine,  and  that  it  behoved  Jesus 
Christ  to  offer  in  his  latter  supper,  his  body  and. 
blude,  under  the  forms  of  bread  and  wine.  I  an- 
swer to  your  ground  yet  againe,  that  Melchizedeck 
offered  neither  bread  nor  wine  unto  God  ;  and  there- 
fore, it  that  ye  would  thereupon  conclude  hath  no 
assurance  of  your  ground."  "  Preve  that,"  said 
the  abbot.  Knox  replied,  that  according  to  the 
rules  of  just  reasoning,  he  could  not  be  bound  to 
prove  a  negative  ;  that  it  was  incumbent  on  his  op- 
ponent to  bring  forv/ard  some  proof  for  his  affirma- 
tion, concerning  Avhich  the  text  was  altogether  si- 
lent ;  and  that  until  the  abbot  did  this,  it  was  suffi- 
cient for  him  simply  to  deny.  But  the  abbot  said, 
he  *•'  stuck  to  his  text,"  and  insisted  tliat  his  anta- 
gonist should  shew  for  what  purpose  Melchizedeck 
brouglit  out  the  bread  and  wine,  if  it  was  not  to 
offer  it  unto  God.  iVfter  protesting  that  the  abbot's 
ground  remained  destitute  of  any  support,  and  that 
he  Wivs  not  Jiound  in  argument  to  shew  what  became 


LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX.  265 

of  the  bread  and  wine,  or  what  use  was  made  of  them, 
Knox  consented  to  state  his  opinion,  that  they  were 
intended  by  Melchizedeck  to  refresh  Abraham  and 
his  company.  The  abbot  had  now  gained  what  he 
wished  ;  and  he  had  a  number  of  objections  ready  to 
start  against  this  view  of  the  words,  by  which  he 
was  able  at  least  to  protract  and  involve  the  dispute. 
And  thus  ended  the  first  day's  contest. 

When  the  company  convened  on  the  following 
day,  the  abbot  proceeded  to  impugn  the  view  which 
his  opponent  had  given  of  the  text.  He  urged  first, 
that  Abraham  and  his  company  had  a  sufficiency  of 
provision  in  the  spoils  which  they  had  taken  from 
the  enemy  in  their  late  victory,  and  did  not  need 
Melchizedeck's  bread  and  wine  ;  and,  secondly,  that 
the  text  said  that  Melchizedeck  brought  them  forth, 
and  it  was  improbable  that  one  man,  and  he  a  king, 
should  carry  as  much  as  would  refresh  three  hun- 
dred and  eighteen  men.  To  these  objections  Knox 
made  such  replies  as  will  occur  to  any  person  who 
thinks  on  the  subject.  In  this  manner  did  the  se- 
cond day  pass.  When  they  met  on  the  third  day, 
the  abbot  presented  a  paper,  in  which  he  stated  ano- 
ther objection  to  Knox's  view  of  the  text.  After 
some  more  altercation  on  this  subject,  Knox  desired 
his  opponent  to  proceed  to  his  promised  proof  of  the 
argument  upon  which  he  had  rested  his  cause.  But 
the  abbot  being  indisposed,  rose  up,  and  put  in- 
to Knox's  hand  a  book  to  whicli  he  referred  [limr 
for  the  proof.*  By  this  time,  the  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  present  were  comjdetely  wearied  out. 
For  besides  the  tedious  and  uninteresting  mode  in 
which  the  disputation  had  been  managed,  they  could 

*  This  seems  to  Lave  Leeii  the  book  publishcil  hy  KoHnedyon 
the  preceding  year. 


^66  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

^nd  entertainment  neither  for  themselves  nor  for 
their  retinue  in  Maybole  ;  so  that  if  any  person  hacl 
brought  in  bread  and  iciiie  among  them,  it  is  presum- 
able that  they  would  not  have  debated  long  upon  the 
purpose  for  which  it  was  brought.  Knox  proposed 
that  they  should  adjourn  to  Ayr  and  finish  the  dis- 
pute, ^\  hich  was  refused  by  the  abbot,  who  said  he 
would  come  to  Edinburgh  for  that  purpose,  provided 
he  could  obtain  the  queen's  permission.*  Upon  this 
the  company  dismissed. 

The  abbot,  or  his  friends,  having  circulated  the  re- 
port that  he  had  the  advantage  in  the  disputation, 
Knox  afterwards  published  the  account  of  it  from  the 
records  of  the  notaries,  and  added  a  prologue  and 
short  marginal  notes.  The  prologue  and  his  answer 
to  the  abbot's  first  paper,  especially  the  latter,  are  pie- 
ces of  good  writing.  I  have  been  more  minute  in  the 
narration  of  this  dispute  than  its  merits  deserve,  be- 
cause no  account  of  it  has  hitherto  appeared,  the  trad; 
itself  being  so  exceedingly  rare,  as  to  have  been  see»^^ 
by  few  for  a  long  period.f 

*  The  dispute  was  never  resumed,  (hough  Knox  says  he  appli- 
ed to  the  privy  council  ibr  liberty  to  the  abbot  to  come  to  Edin- 
burgh witli  that  view.  The  abbot  died  anno  li564.  Crawford 
says,  that  he  was  canonized  as  a  saint.  Peerage  of  Scotland,  p. 
75.  I  do  nat,  however,  perceive  his  nasie  in  the  cal-jndar  amon^ 
the  Scots  Saints  ;  but  what  is  of  as  great  consequence,  1  find  that 
ihe  grand  argument  vhich  he  so  zealously  supported  has  been 
canonized.  For  in  a  calendar  draw  n  up  by  ''  M.  Mam  King,  pro- 
fesseur  of  philosophic  and  matheniatikis  at  Paris,"  prefixed  to  a 
Scots  translation  of  Canisius's  Catechism,  anno  1587,  it  is  written : 
"  Marche  25.  Melehezedee  sacrifeit  breid  and  wyne  in  figure  of 
ye  bodie  and  bloud  of  our  lord,  whilk  is  offerit  in  ye  messe.'' 
Doubtless,  those  who  knew  the  very  month  and  day  on  which  this 
happened,  must  have  been  belter  acquainted  with  the  design  of 
Melehizedeck,  and  with  the  whole  transaction,  than  Moses. 

t  Knox  gives  merely  a  general  notice  of  this  disputation  in  his 
Jlistorie,  p.  318.  Keith,  \\  ho  was  very  industrious  in  collecting 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  267 

Another  priest  who  advocated  the  Roman  Catho- 
lic cause  at  this  time  was  JSTinian  Wmgate,  who  had 
been  schoolmaster  of  Linlithgow,  from  which  situa- 
tion he  was  removed  by  Spottiswood,  superintend- 
ent of  Lothian,  on  account  of  his  attachment  to  pope- 
ry. In  the  month  of  February,  1563,  he  sent  to 
Knox  a  writing,  consisting  of  eighty-three  questions 
upon  the  principal  topics  of  dispute  between  the  pa- 
pists and  protestants,  which  he  had  drawn  up  in  the 
name  of  the  inferior  clergy  and  laity  of  the  Catholic 
persuasion  in  Scotland.  To  some  of  these,  particu- 
larly the  questions  which  related  to  the  call  of  the 
protestant  ministers,  the  Reformer  returned  an  an- 
swer from  the  pulpit,  and  Wingate  addressed  seve- 
ral letters  to  him,  complaining  that  his  answers  were 
not  satisfactory.  These  letters,  with  addresses  to 
the  queen,  nobility,  bishops,  and  magistrates  of 
Edinburgh,  Wingate  committed  to  the  press,  but 
the  impression  being  seized  in  tlie  printer's  house 
(according  to  bishop  Lesley,)  the  author  escaped 
and  went    to  the    continent.*      Knox  intended   to 

whatever  referred  to  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  that  period,  could 
not  obtain  a  copy  of  the  printed  disputation,  and  never  heard  of 
but  one  imperfect  copy.  History,  App.  255.  The  only  copy  known 
to  exist,  is  in  the  library  ofJllexander  Boswell,  Esq.  of  diichinkck, 
who  very  politely  allowed  me  to  peruse  it.  I  understand  that 
Mr.  Boswell  intends  to  reprint  a  small  impression  of  this  unique, 
for  the  gratification  of  the  curious. 

*  Lesley,  apud  Keith,  p.  501.  App.  203.  Lesley  speaks  of  a 
dispute  between  Knox  and  Wingate,  but  that  historian  is  often 
jucorrect  in  his  details.  The  dispute  between  the  doctors  of 
Aberdeen  and  tlie  ministers,  which  took  place  iu  the  beginning  of 
li561,  is  mentioned  by  Knox,  Historic,  p.  261,  282.  It  would 
seem  from  a  letter  of  Randolph,  that  there  was  a  dispute  in  the 
end  of  li561,  between  some  of  (he  ministers  and  a  Parisian  divine, 
wlio  had  come  over  with  the  queen.  Keith,  20S.  Wingate  pnb- 
'  lished  at  Antwerp  his  "  Buke  of  Fourseoir  Three  Questionis," 
anno  1563.  Keitli  has  reprinted  this,  and  also  his  "  Tractatis," 
originally  printed  at  Edinburgh.     He  calls  them  "  very  rare  Aud 

N  2 


^6S  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

publish  au  answer  to  Wingates  question^,  and  to 
defend  the  validity  of  the  protestant  ministry  ;  but 
it  does  not  appear  that  he  carried  his  intention  into 
execution.* 

In  the  beginning  of  1563,  Knox  went  to  Jed- 
burgh,  by  appointment  of  the  General  Assembly,  to 
investigate  a  scandal  which  had  broken  out  against 
Paul  Methveu,  the  minister  of  that  place,  who  was 
suspected  of  adultery.  The  accused  was  found 
guilty,  and  excommunicated,  f  He  fled  to  Eng- 
land, but  having  afterwards  returned,  and  offered 
to  submit  to  the  discipline  of  the  church,  a  severe 
and  humiliating  course  of  public  repentance  was 
prescribed  to  him.  He  went  through  a  part  of  it, 
with  professions  of  deep  sorrow ;  but  overwhelmed 
with  shame,  or  despairing  to  regain  his  lost  reputa- 
tion, he  stopped  in  the  midst  of  it,  and  again  retir- 
ed to  England  4  Prudential  considerations  were 
not  awanting  to  induce  the  reformed  church  of 
Scotland  to  stifle  this  fama,  and  screen  from  public 
ignominy  a  man  who  had  acted  a  distinguished  part 
in  the  late  Reformation  of  religion.  But  they  refus- 
ed to  listen  to  these  ;  and  by  instituting  a  strict  scru- 

much  noted  pieces."  History,  App.  203.  lu  point  of  argument 
or  sentiment  they  are  not  noted :  but  tiiey  contain  a  strong  testi- 
mony in  support  of  the  extreme  corruption  which  prevailed  among 
the  superior  popish  clergy,  against  which  Wingate  inveighs  as 
keenly  as  any  reformer.  His  second  book  concludes  with  this  ex- 
elftmation,  '•  Och  for  mair  paper  or  penyis  !"  It  is  not  improba- 
ble that  he  was  the  translator  of  some  of  the  works  of  the  fathers 
into  the  Scoltisli  language,  which  are  mentioned  by  him.  Keith. 
App.  226,  227.  He  was  made  abbot  of  a  Scots  monastery  atRa- 
lisbon.     Mackenzie's  Lives,  vol.  iii.  p.  149. 

*  See  Note  MM. 

t  Kiiox,  Historic,  p.  323,  324..     Keith,  522. 

\  It  was  ill  the  year  1504,  tliat  he  returned  and  professed  his 
snbniissiou  to  discipline.     Keith,  p.  538. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX.  ^69 

tiny  into  the  fact,  and  inflicting  an  exemplary  pii- 
nishment  upon  the  criminal,  they  "  approved  them- 
selves to  be  clear  in  this  matter,"  and  effectually 
shut  the  mouths  of  their  popish  adversaries. 

The  mode  of  public  repentance  enjoined  on  this 
occasion  was  appointed  to  be  afterwards  used  in  all 
cases  of  aggravated  immorality.*  There  was  no- 
thing in  which  the  Scottish  reformers  approached 
nearer  to  the  primitive  church  than  in  the  rigorous 
and  impartial  exercise  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  the 
relaxation  of  which,  under  the  papacy,  they  justly 
regarded  as  one  great  cause  of  the  universal  corrup- 
tion of  religion.  While  they  rejected  many  of  the 
ceremonies  in  worship  which  were  used  by  the  Chris- 
tians during  the  three  first  centuries  after  the  time 
of  the  apostles,  they,  from  detestation  of  vice,  and 
a  desire  to  restrain  it,  did  not  scruple  to  conform  to 
a  number  of  their  penitentiary  regulations.  In  some 
instances  they  might  carry  their  rigour  against  of- 
fenders to  an  extreme  ;  but  it  was  a  virtuous  extreme, 
compared  with  the  dangerous  laxity,  or  rather  total 
disuse  of  discipline,  which  has  gradually  crept  into 
almost  all  the  churches  which  retain  the  name  of  re- 
formed: even  as  the  scrupulous  delicacy  with  which 
our  forefathers  shunned  the  society  of  those  who 
had  transgressed  the  rules  of  morality,  is  to  be  pre- 
ferred to  modern  manners,  by  which  the  virtuous 
and  vicious  are  equally  admitted  to  good  company. 

'Twas  hard  perhaps  on  here  and  there  a  waif, 
Desirous  to  return,  and  not  received  : 
But  was  an  wholesome  rigour  in  the  main, 
And  taught  the  unblemished  to  preserve  with  care 
That  purity,  whose  loss  was  loss  of  all. 

But  now — yes,  now, 

We  are  become  so  candid  and  so  fair, 

*  See  Note  NX. 


S70  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

So  liberal  in  construction,  and  so  rich 
In  Christian  charity,  (good-natured  age  !) 
That  they  are  safe,  sinners  of  either  sex, 
Transgress  what  laws  they  may. 

Cowper,  Task,  B.  iii. 

In  the  month  of  May.  the  queen  sent  for  Knox  to 
Lochlevin.  The  popish  priests,  presuming  upon 
lier  avowed  partiality  to  them,  and  secret  promises 
of  protection,  had  of  late  become  more  bold,  and 
during  the  late  Easter,  masses  had  been  openly  ce- 
lebrated in  the  different  parts  of  the  kingdom.  The 
queen  in  council  had  issued  various  proclamations 
against  this,  but  as  the  execution  had  hitherto  been 
left  to  her,  nothing  had  followed  upon  them.  The 
protestants  of  the  West,  who  were  the  most  zealous, 
perceiving  that  the  laws  were  eluded,  resolved  to 
execute  them,  without  making  any  application  to  the 
court,  and  apprehended  some  of  the  offenders  by 
way  of  example.  These  decided  proceedings  highly 
offended  the  queen,  as  they  were  calculated  to  de- 
feat the  scheme  of  policy  which  she  had  formed  ;  but 
finding  that  the  signification  of  her  displeasure  had 
not  the  effect  of  stopping  them,  she  wished  to  avail 
lierself  of  the  Reformers  influence  for  accomplishing 
lier  purpose. 

She  dealt  with  him  very  earnestly,  for  two  hours 
before  supper,  to  persuade  the  western  gentlemen  to 
desist  from  all  interruption  of  the  Catholic  worship. 
He  told  her  majesty,  that  if  she  would  exercise  her 
authority  in  executing  the  laws  of  the  land,  lie  could 
promise  for  the  peaceable  behaviour  of  the  protes- 
tants ;  but  if  her  majesty  tliought  to  elude  them,  he 
feared  there  were  some  who  would  let  the  papists 
understand  that  they  should  not  oflend  with  impu- 
nity. ^'  Will  ye  allow,  that  they  shall  take  my 
sword  in  their  hands  ?' '  said  the  queen.  ^'  The 
sword  of  justice  is    God/s^    (replied  the  Reformer 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  ^71 

-with  equal  firmness,)  and  is  given  to  princes  and 
rulers  for  one  end,  which,  if  they  transgress,  sparing 
the  wicked  and  oppressing  the  iunocent,  they  who, 
in  the  fear  of  God,  execute  judgment  where  God 
has  commanded,  offend  not  God,  although  kings  do 
it  not."  He  added^  that  the  gentlemen  of  the  West 
were  acting  strictly  according  to  law ;  for  the  act 
of  parliament  gave  power  to  all  judges  within  their 
bounds,  to  search  for  and  punish  those  Avho  should 
transgress  its  enactments.  He  concluded  with  ad- 
vising her  majesty  to  consider  the  terms  of  the  mu- 
tual contract  between  her  and  her  subjects,  and  that 
she  could  not  expect  to  receive  obedience  from 
them,  if  she  did  not  grant  unto  them  protection, 
and  the  execution  of  justice.  The  queen  broke  ofiF 
the  conversation  with  evident  marks  of  displeasure. 
Having  communicated  what  had  passed  between 
them  to  the  earl  of  Murray,  (which  was  the  title 
now  conferred  on  the  prior  of  St.  Andrews,)  Knox 
meant  to  return  to  Edinburgh  next  day,  without 
waiting  for  any  further  communication  with  the 
queen.  But  a  message  was  delivered  him  early  in 
the  morning,  desiring  him  not  to  depart  until  he 
had  again  spoken  to  her  majesty.  He  accordingly 
met  with  her  west  from  Kinross,  where  she  took 
the  amusement  of  hawking.  This  interview  was 
very  different  from  that  of  the  preceding  evening. 
Waving  entirely  the  subject  on  wliich  they  had  dif- 
fered, she  introduced  a  variety  of  topics,  upon 
which  she  conversed  witli  the  greatest  familiarity 
and  apparent  confidence.  Lord  Rutliven  (she  said) 
liad  offered  her  a  ring ;  but  she  could  not  love  him. 
She  knew  that  he  used  enchantment  ;^  and  yet  lie 
was  made  one  of  her  privy  council.  Lethington,  slie 
isaid,  was  the  sole  cause  of  that  appointment.     ^'  I  uur 

*  Comp.  Knox,  Historie.  337.  \vj(Ii  Keith.  App.  ijj. 


27S  LIFE   OP  JOHN   KNOX. 

derstand,"  said  she,  introducing  another  subject  of 
discourse,  ^'  that  ye  are  appointed  to  go  to  Dum- 
fries, for  the  election  of  a  superintendent  to  be  esta- 
blished in  these  countries."  He  answered  in  the  af- 
firmative. "  But  I  understand  the  bishop  of  Athens* 
would  be  superintendent."  "He  is  one,  madam, 
that  is  put  in  election."  "If  you  knew  him  as  well 
as  I  do,  you  would  not  promote  him  to  that  office, 
nor  yet  to  any  other  within  your  kirk."  Knox  said 
that  he  deceived  many  more  than  him,  if  he  did  not 
fear  God.  "  Well,  do  as  you  will ;  but  that  man  is 
a  dangerous  man." 

When  Knox  was  about  to  take  bis  leave  of  her 
majesty,  she  pressed  him  to  stay.     '^  I  have  one  of 
the  greatest  matters  that  have  touched  me  since  I  came 
into  this  realm  to  open  to  yoiif  and  I  must  have  your 
help  in  it,^^  said  she,  with  an  air  of  condescension  and 
confidence  as  enchanting  as  if  she  had  put  a  ring  on 
bis  finger.     She  then  entered  into  a  long  discourse 
concerning  a  domestic   difference  between  the  earl 
of  Argyle  and  his  lady.     Her  ladyship  had  not,  she 
said,   been   so    circumspect   in  every   thing  as    she 
could  have  wished,  but  still  she  was  of  opinion  that 
his  lordship  had  not  treated  her  in  an  honest  and 
godly  manner.     Knox  said  that  he  was   not  unac- 
quainted with  the   disagreeable  variance  which  had 
subsisted  between  that  honourable  couple,  and,  be- 
fore her  majesty's  arrival  iu  this  country,  he  had  ef- 
fected   a    reconciliation.     On     that     occasion,    the 
countess  had  promised  not  to  complain  to  any  crea- 
ture before  acquainting  him ;  and   as  he  had  never 
heard  from   her,   he  concluded  that  there  was  no- 
fliing  but  concord.     "  Well,''  said   the  queen,   "  it 

*  The  bishop  of  Galloway  is  tlie  person  meaut.  He  was  created 
liiular  bishop  of  Athens  by  tlie  pope,  before  he  obtained  arealhi- 
?Iioprie.  It  is  printed  Cathfuis.  by  mistake,  instead  of  .W(fw/.<5  in 
Knox's  Ilistorie,  p.  32r. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX.  273 

i§  worse  than  ye  believe.  But  do  this  much,  for  my 
sake,  as  once  again  to  put  them  at  unity,  and  if  she 
behave  not  herself  as  she  ought  to  do,  she  shall  find 
no  favour  of  me  ;  but  in  any  wise  let  not  my  lord 
know  that  I  have  requested  you  in  this  matter." 
Then  introducing  the  subject  of  their  reasoning  ou 
the  preceding  evening,  she  said,  '^  I  promise  to  do 
as  ye  required  :  I  shall  cause  summon  all  offenders  ; 
and  ye  shall  know  that  I  shall  minister  justice  ■'  "  I 
am  assured  then,"  said  he,  '^that  ye  shall  please 
God,  and  enjoy  rest  and  tranquillity  within  your 
realm,  which  to  your  majesty  is  more  profitable  than 
all  the  pope's  power  can  be.  Upon  this  he  took  his 
leave  of  the  queen  * 

This  interview  strikingly  exhibits  one  part  of  queen 
Mary's  character.  It  shews  how  far  she  was  capa- 
ble of  dissembling,  what  artifice  she  could  employ, 
and  what  condescensions  she  could  make,  in  or- 
der to  accomplish  the  schemes  upon  which  she  was 
bent.  She  had  formerly  attacked  the  Reformer  on 
another  quarter  without  success  ;  she  now  resolved 
to  try  if  she  could  soothe  his  stern  temper  by  flat- 
tering his  vanity,  and  disarm  his  jealousy  by  strong 
marks  of  confidence.  There  is  some  reason  to 
think  that  she  partly  succeeded  in  her  design.  For 
though  he  was  not  very  susceptible  of  flattery, 
and  must  have  been  struck  with  the  sudden 
change  in  the  queen's  views  and  behaviour,  there 
are  fevf  minds  that  can  altogether  resist  the  im- 
pression made  by  the  condescending  familiarity  of 
persons  of  superior  rank ;  and  our  feelings,  on 
such  occasions,  chide  as  uncharitable  the  cold  sus- 
picions suggested  by  our  judgment.  In  obedience 
to  her  majesty's  request,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  earl 
of  Argyle,  which  was  not  very  pleasing  to  tliat  no- 
bleman.    From  deference  to  the  opinion  which    she 

*  Knox.  Hjstorie.  p.  336— 32S.. 


^74  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOXo 

had  expressed  of  the  bishop  of  Galloway,  he  inquired 
more  narrowly  into  his  conduct,  and  postponed  tlifc 
election.  And  the  report  wliich  he  gave  of  the 
queen's  gracious  answer  operated  in  her  favour  on 
the  puhlic  mind. 

But  if  his  zeal  suffered  a  temporary  intermission, 
it  soon  re-kindled  with  fresh  ardour.  On  the  19th 
of  May  the  archbishop  of  St.  Andrews  and  a  num- 
ber of  the  principal  papists  were  arraigned,  by  the 
queen's  orders,  before  the  lord  Justice  General,  for 
transgressing  the  laws  ;  and  having  come  in  her 
majesty's  will,  were  committed  to  ward.  But  this 
was  merely  a  stroke  of  policy,  to  enable  her  more 
easily  to  carry  her  measures  in  the  parliament  which 
met  on  the  following  day. 

This  was  the  first  Parliament  which  had  met  since 
the  queen's  arrival  in  Scotland  ;  and  it  was  natural 
to  expect  that  they  would  proceed  to  ratify  the 
treaty  of  peace  made  in  July  1560,  and  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  protestant  religion.  If  the  acts  of 
the  former  parliament  were  invalid,  as  the  queen 
had  repeatedly  declared,  the  proteslants  had  no  law 
on  their  side;  they  held  their  religion  at  the  mercy 
of  their  sovereign,  and  might  be  required,  at 
her  pleasure,  to  submit  to  popery,  as  the  reli- 
gion which  still  possessed  the  legal  establishment. 
But  so  well  had  she  laid  her  plans,  such  was  the 
eflcct  of  her  insinuating  address,  and,  above  all,  so 
powerful  was  the  temptation  of  self-interest  on  the 
minds  of  the  protestant  leaders,  that,  by  general 
consent  they  passed  from  this  demand,  and  lost  the 
only  favourable  opportunity  during  the  reign  of 
Mary,  for  giving  a  legal  security  to  the  reformed 
religion,  and  thereby  removing  one  principal  source 
of  jealousies.  An  act  of  oblivion,  securing  indem- 
nity to  those  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  late  civil 
war,  wrvs  indeed  passed  :  but  the  mode  of  its  enact- 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  ^75 

ment  virtually  implied  the  invalidity  of  the  treaty  in 
which  it  had  been  originally  embodied  ;  and  the  pvo- 
testants,  on  their  bended  knees,  supplicated^  as  a 
boon  from  their  sovereign,  what  they  had  formerly 
won  with  their  swords,  and  repeatedly  demanded  as 
their  right.*  The  other  acts  made  to  please  the 
more  zealous  reformers  were  expressed  with  such 
studied  and  glaring  ambiguity,  as  to  offer  an  insult 
to  their  understandings. f 

Our  Reformer  was  thunderstruck  when  first  in- 
formed of  the  measures  which  were  in  agitation,  and 
could  scarcely  believe  them  serious.  He  immedi- 
ately procured  an  interview  with  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal members  of  parliament,  to  whom  he  represent- 
ed the  danger  of  allowing  that  meeting  to  dissolve 
without  obtaining  the  ratification  of  the  acts  of  the 
preceding  parliament,  or  at  least  those  acts  which 
established  the  Reformation.  They  alleged  that  the 
queen  would  never  have  agreed  to  call  this  meeting, 
if  they  had  persisted  in  these  demands  ;  but  there 
was  a  prospect  of  her  speedy  marriage,  and  on  that 
occasion  they  would  obtain  all  their  wishes.  In 
vain  he  reminded  them  that  poets  and  painters  had 
represented  Occasion  with  a  bald  hind-head  ;  in  vain 
he  urged,  that  the  event  to  which  they  looked  for- 
ward would  be  accompanied  with  difficulties  of  its 
own,  which  would  require  all  their  skill  and  circum- 
spection. Their  dcterminatiou  was  fixed.  He  now 
perceived  the  full  extent  of  the  queen's  dissimula- 
tion ;  and  the  selfishness  and  servility  of  the  proteg- 
ta,nt  leaders  affected  him  deeply. 

So  hot  was  the  altercation  between  the  earl  of 
Murray  and  him   on   this  subject,   that  an  open  rup- 

*  Spoitifewoofl,  1S8.  "We  are  very  mush  oblijied  to  the  infor- 
mation ofarelihislujp  Spottisvvood"  for  this,  says  Keith.  History, 
^io.  t  Knox,  ?A\.     Keith,  310. 

()  2 


5/6  LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

fure  ensued.  He  Iiad  long  looked  upon  that  noble- 
man as  one  of  the  most  steady  and  sincere  adher- 
ents to  the  reformed  cause ;  and  therefore  felt  the 
greater  disappointment  at  his  conduct.  Under  his 
first  irritation  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  earl,  in  which, 
after  reminding  him  of  his  condition  at  the  time 
when  they  first  became  acquainted  in  London,*  and 
the  honours  to  which  providence  had  now  raised 
him,  he  solemnly  renounced  friendship  with  him  as 
one  who  preferred  his  own  interest  and  the  pleasure 
of  his  sister  to  iha  advancement  of  religion,  left  him 
to  the  guidance  of  the  new  counsellors  which  he  had 
chosen,  and  exonerated  him  from  all  future  concern 
in  his  affairs.  This  variance,  which  continued  near- 
ly two  years,  was  very  gratifying  to  the  queen  and 
others,  who  disliked  their  former  familiarity,  and 
failed  not  (as  Knox  informs  us)  to  "  cast  oil  into 
the  flame,  until  God  did  quench  it  by  the  water  of 
affliction. "t 

Before  the  dissolution  of  the  parliament,  the  Re- 
former embraced  an  opportunity  of  disburdening  his 
mind  in  the  presence  of  the  greater  part  of  the  mem- 

*  I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  the  time  at  which  the  earl 
of  Murray  and  the  Reformer  first  became  acquainted.  It  Mas 
probably  soon  after  Kaox  came  into  Eiigland.  in  the  reign  of  Ed- 
■ward  VI.  A  popish  writer  has  mentioned  their  meeting,  and  graf- 
ted upon  it  tiie  calumny,  current  among  (he  partj,  that  the  earl 
had  formed  the  am!)iti.-!iis  project  of  wresting  the  crown  from  his 
si«;{er,  and  placing  it  on  liis  own  Ijcad.  •'  Joiuuin  Kinr.ox  deceavit'' 
him,  says  lie,  "  in  S.  Fauk's  kirk  in  Londone,  bringand  him  in 
consaif,  that  €rod  had  chosin  'iim  extraordinarilie  as  anc  Jot'las  to 
hd  kijig  of  Scotland,  to  rule  out  idolatrie,  and  to  phiut  tl»e  licht  of 
his  new  evangel  :  quhair  thay  couveiiit  in  this  mauner,  Tliat  the 
prior  ofSanct  Androis,  eri  of  Murray,  sou!d  mentenc  the  new 
Elias  aganis  the  priestis  of  I^aal,  (for  sua  bhisphemuslie  he  namit 
the  priestes  of  Ciirist  Jesus.)  And  tlie  neu  Elias  souhl  fortihe 
the  new  Jusias,  be  procuring  the  favour  of  the  peoj)le  aganis 
Jesabt'l,  bhisidieming  niaist  impudeullic  the  quenis  31."  JVicol 
J^urnc'S  Disputation,  p.  150. 

t  Knox,  Historic,  p.  331. 


•HFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  $^ 

jbers  assembled  in  his  church.  After  discoursing  of 
the  great  mercy  of  God  shewn  to  Scotland,  in  mar- 
vellously delivering  them  from  bondage  of  soul  and 
body,  and  of  the  deep  ingratitude  which  he  perceiv- 
ed in  all  ranks  of  persons,  he  addressed  himself  par- 
ticularly to  the  nobility.  He  praised  God  that  he 
had  an  opportunity  of  pouring  out  the  sorrows  of  his 
heart  in  their  presence,  who  could  attest  the  truth 
of  all  that  he  had  spoken.  He  appealed  to  their 
consciences  if  he  had  not,  in  their  greatest  extremi- 
ties, exhorted  them  to  depend  upon  God,  and  as- 
sured them  of  preservation  and  victory,  if  they  pre- 
ferred his  glory  to  their  own  lives  and  secular  inte- 
rests. "  I  have  been  with  you  in  your  most  desperate 
temptations  (continued  he,  in  a  strain  of  empas- 
sioned  eloquence:)  in  your  most  extreme  dangers  I 
have  been  with  you.  St.  Johnston,  Cupar-moor,  and 
the  Craggs  of  Edinburgh,  are  yet  recent  in  ray 
heart ;  yea,  that  dark  and  dolorous  night  wherein 
all  ye,  my  lords,  with  shame  and  fear,  left  this  town, 
is  yet  in  my  mind,  and  God  forbid  that  ever  I  for- 
get it !  What  was,  I  say,  my  exhortation  to  you, 
and  what  has  fallen  in  vain  of  all  that  ever  God  pro* 
mised  unto  you  by  my  mouth,  ye  yourselves  yet  live 
to  testify.  There  is  not  one  of  yon  against  whom 
was  death  and  destruction  threatened  p  rished,  and 
how  many  of  your  enemies  has  God  plagued  before 
your  eyes  ?  Shall  this  be  the  thankfulness  that  ye 
shall  render  unto  your  God  ?  To  betray  his  cause, 
when  ye  have  it  in  your  haiids  to  establish  it  as  you 
please?"  He  saw  nothing  (he  said)  but  a  cowardly 
desertion  of  Christ's  standard.  Some  had  even  the 
effrontery  to  say  that  they  had  neither  law  nor  par- 
liament for  their  religion.  They  had  ihe  authority 
of  God  for  their  religion,  the  truth  of  which  was  in- 
dependent of  human  laws  ;  but  it  was  also  accepted 


^8  LIFE  OF    JOHN    KNOX, 

within  this  realm  in  public  parliament ;  and  that  par- 
liament he  would  maintain  to  have  been  as  lawful  as 
any  ever  held  in  the  kingdom. 

In  the  conclusion  of  his  discourse,  he  adverted  to 
the  reports  of  her  majesty's  marriage,  and  the  prin- 
ces who  courted  this  alliance;  and  (desiring  the 
audience  to  mark  his  words,)  predicted  the  conse- 
quences which  were  to  be  dreaded,  if  ever  the  nobi- 
lity consented  that  their  sovereign  should  marry  a 
papist. 

Protestants  as  well  as  papists  were  offended  with 
the  freedom  of  this  sermon,  and  some  who  had  been 
most  familiar  with  the  preacher  now  shunned  his 
company.  Flatterers  were  not  awanting  to  run  to 
the  queen,  and  inform  her  that  John  Knox  had 
preached  against  her  marriage.  After  surmounting 
the  opposition  to  her  measures,  and  managing  so 
successfully  the  haughty  and  independent  barons  of 
her  kingdom,  Mary  was  incensed  to  think  that  there 
should  yet  be  one  man  of  obscure  condition,  who 
ventured  to  condemn  her  proceedings ;  and  as  she 
could  not  tame  his  stubbornness,  she  determined 
to  punish  his  temerity.  Knox  was  ordered  instant- 
ly to  appear  before  her.  Lord  Ocliiltree,  with  se- 
veral gentlemen,  accompanied  him  to  the  palace  ;, 
but  the  superintendent  of  Angus  alone  was  allowed 
to  go  with  him  into  the  royal  presence. 

Her  majesty  received  him  in  a  very  different  man- 
ner from  what  she  liad  done  at  Lochlevin.  Never 
had  prince  been  handled  (she  passionately  exclaim- 
ed) as  she  was  :  she  liad  borne  with  him  in  all  his 
rigorous  speeches  against  herself  and  her  uncles ; 
she  had  sought  his  favour  by  all  means  ;  she  had  of- 
fered unto  him  audience  whenever  he  pleased  to  ad- 
monish her.  "  And  yet  (said  she)  I  cannot  be  quit 
of  vou,     1  vow  to  God  I  shall  be  once  revenged."-.- 


LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX.  S79 

On  pronouncing  these  words  with  great  violence, 
she  burst  into  a  flood  of  tears  which  interrupted  her 
speech.  When  the  queen  had  composed  herself, 
he  proceeded  calmly  to  make  his  defence.  Her 
Grace  and  he  had  (he  said)  at  different  times  been 
engaged  in  controversy,  and  he  never  before  per- 
ceived her  offended  with  liim.  When  it  should 
please  God  to  deliver  her  from  the  bondage  of 
error  in  which  she  had  been  trained  through  want 
of  instruction  in  the  truth,  he  trusted  that  her  ma- 
jesty would  not  find  the  liberty  of  his  tongue  offen- 
sive. Out  of  the  pulpit  he  thought  few  had  occasion 
to  be  offended  with  him  ;  but  there  he  was  not  mas- 
ter  of  himself,  but  bound  to  obey  Him  who  com- 
manded him  to  speak  plainly,  and  to  flatter  no  flesh 
on  the  face  of  the  earth. 

"  But  what  have  you  to  do  with  my  marriage  ?" 
said  the  queen.  He  was  proceeding  to  state  the  ex- 
tent of  his  commission  as  a  preacher,  and  the  rea- 
sons which  led  him  to  touch  on  that  delicate  subject ; 
but  she  interrupted  him  by  repeating  her  question  ; 
"  What  have  ye  to  do  with  my  marriage  ?  Or  what 
are  you  in  this  commonwealth  ?" — '•  A  subject  born 
within  the  same,  madam,"  replied  the  Keformer, 
piqued  by  the  last  question,  and  the  contemptuous 
tone  in  which  it  was  proposed.  -'  And  albeit  I  be 
neither  earl,  lord,  nor  baron  in  it,  yet  has  God 
made  me  (how  abject  that  ever  I  be  in  your  eyes) 
a  profitable  member  within  the  same.  Yea,  madam, 
to  me  it  appertains  no  \e^s  to  forewarn  of  such  things 
as  may  hurt  it,  if  I  foresee  them,  than  it  doth  to 
any  of  the  nobility;  for  both  my  vocation  and  con- 
science requires  plainness  of  me.  And  therefore, 
madam,  to  yourself  I  say  that  which  I  spake  in  pub- 
lic place  :  Whensoever  the  nobility  of  this  realm 
»hall  consent  that  ye  be  subject  to  nn  unfailiifiil  bus. 


280  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

band,  they  do  as  much  as  in  them  lieth  to  renounce 
Christ,  to  banish  his  truth  from  them,  to  betray  the 
freedom  of  this  realm,  and  perchance  shall  in  the 
end  do  small  comfort  to  yourself."  At  these  words, 
the  queen  began  again  to  weep  and  sob  with  great 
bitterness.  The  superintendent,  who  was  a  man  of 
mild  and  gentle  spirit,  tried  to  mitigate  her  grief 
and  resentment :  he  praised  her  beauty  and  her  ac- 
complishments; and  told  her,  that  there  was  not  a 
prince  in  Europe  who  v^ould  not  reckon  himself 
happy  in  gaining  uer  hand.  During  this  scene,  the 
severe  and  inflexible  mind  of  the  Reformer  display- 
ed itself.  He  continued  silent,  and  with  unaltered 
countenance,  until  the  queen  had  given  vent  to  her 
feelings.  He  then  protested,  that  he  never  took  de- 
light in  the  distress  of  any  creature  ;  it  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  he  could  see  his  own  boys  weep 
when  he  corrected  them  for  their  faults,  far  less 
could  he  rejoice  in  her  majesty's  tears  :  but  seeing 
he  had  given  her  no  just  reason  of  offence,  and  had 
only  discharged  his  duty,  he  was  constrained,  though 
unwillingly,  to  sustain  her  tears,  rather  than  hurt 
his  conscience,  and  betray  the  commonwealth 
through  his  silence. 

This  apology  inflamed  the  queen  still  more  :  she 
ordered  him  immediately  to  leave  her  presence,  and. 
wait  the  signification  of  her  pleasure  in  the  adjoin- 
ing room.  There  he  stood  as  ''  one  whom  men  had 
never  seen  ;"  all  his  friends  (lord  Ochiltree  except- 
ed) being  afraid  to  shew  him  the  smallest  counte- 
nance. In  this  situation  he  addressed  himself  to  the 
court  ladies,  who  sat  in  their  richest  dress  in  the 
chamber.  ''  O  fair  ladies,  how  plesing  war  this 
lyfe  of  yours,  if  it  sould  ever  abyde,  and  then,  in 
the  end,  that  we  mi.2;ht  pas  to  hevin  with  all  this 
gay  gear !"  Having  engaged  them  in  a  conversation^ 
he  passed  the  time  till  Erskiue   came    and  informed 


T* 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  281 


him,  that  he  was  allowed  to  go  home  until  her  ma- 
jesty had  taken  further  advice.  The  queen  insisted 
to  have  the  judgment  of  the  lords  of  Articles,  whe- 
ther the  words  he  had  used  in  the  pulpit  were  not 
actionable ;  but  she  was  persuaded  to  desist  from  a 
prosecution.  "  And  so  that  storme  quietit  in  ap- 
pearance, but  nevir  in  the  hart.*'* 

No  expressions  are  sufficiently  strong  to  describe 
the  horror  which  many  feel  at  the  monstrous  insensi- 
bility and  inhumanity  of  Knox,  in  remaining  unmov- 
ed, while  '•'  youth,  beauty,  and  royal  dignity"'!  were 
dissolved  in  tears  before  him.  Enchanting,  surely, 
must  the  charms  of  the  queen  of  Scots  have  been,  and 
iron-hearted  the  Reformer  who  could  resist  their  im- 
pression, when  they  continue  to  this  day  to  exercise 
such  a  sway  over  the  hearts  of  men,  that  even  grave 
and  serious  authors,  not  addicted  to  the  language  of  gal- 
lantry and  romance,  can  protest  that  they  cannot  read 
of  the  tears  which  she  shed  on  this  occasion,  without 
feeling  an  inclination  to  weep  along  with  her.4: 
There  may  be  some,  however,  who,  knowing  how 
much  real  misery  there  is  in  the  world,  are  not  dispos- 
ed to  waste  their  feelings  unnecessarily,  and  who  are 
of  opinion,  that  there  was  not  much  to  commiserate 
in  the  condition  of  the  queen,  nor  to  reprobate  in 
the  conduct  of  the  Reformer.  Considering  that  she 
had  been  so  fortunate  in  her  measures,  and  found 
her  nobility  so  ready  to  gratify  her  wishes,  tlse  pas- 
sion by  which  she  suffered  herself  to  be  transported 
was  extravagant,  and  her  tears  must  have  been  those 
of  anger  and  not  of  grief.  On  ilie  other  hand,  when 
we  consider  that  Knox  was  at  this  time  deserted  by 

*  Knox,  Iliijtorie,  p.  332 — 334..  f  See  Note  00. 

\  Missionary  Magazine,  vol.  xv.  p.  311,  312.  It  is  rather  ji  en- 
vious circumstance,  that  Alary,  when  she  jjronounced  the  wonh 
\vh!eh  made  t'.e  tear  of  sympathy  to  start  into  the  eye  r,f  tlie  ten- 
der-!iearted  reviewer,  was  laughing  immod  M'ately.  Comp.  Knox. 
Historic,  p.  340. 


283  LIKE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

his  friends,  and  stood  almost  alone  in  resisting  the 
will  of  a  princess,  who  accomplished  her  measures 
chiefly  hy  caresses  and  tears,  we  may  be  disposed  to 
form  a  more  favourable  idea  of  his  conduct  and  mo- 
tives. We  behold  not,  indeed,  the  enthusiastic 
lover,  mingling  his  tears  with  those  of  his  mistress, 
and  vowing  to  revenge  her  wrongs :  nor  the  man  of 
nice  sensibility,  who  loses  every  other  consideration 
in  the  gratification  of  his  feelings ;  but  we  behold 
what  is  more  rare,  the  stern  patriot,  the  rigid  refor- 
mer, who,  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  and  in  a  pub- 
lie  cause,  can  withstand  the  tide  of  tenderness  as  well 
as  the  storm  of  passion.  There  have  been  times 
when  such  conduct  was  regarded  as  the  proof  of  a 
superior  mind  ;  and  the  man  who,  from  such  motives, 
*^  hearkened  not  to  the  wife  of  his  bosom,  nor  knew 
his  own  children,"  has  been  the  object  not  of  censure, 
but  admiration,  in  sacred*  as  well  as  pagan  story. 

Fertur  piidic^  coiijtigis  osculuni, 

Parvosque  iiatos,  ut  capitis  minor, 

Ab  se  1  eniovisse,  et  virilem 

Torvus  bumi  posuisse  vultiim.         Hor.  lib.  iii.  Od.  v. 

When  Knox  lay  under  the  displeasure  of  the  court, 
and  had  lost  the  confidence  of  his  principal  friends, 
his  enemies  judged  it  a  favourable  opportunity  for 
attacking  him  in  (what  was  universally  allowed  to  be 
irreproachable)  his  moral  conduct.  At  the  very 
time  that  he  was  engaged  in  scrutiuizing  the  scandal 
against  Methven,  and  inflicting  upon  him  the  high- 
est censure  of  the  church,  it  was  alleged  that  he 
I'iimself  was  guilty  of  a  similar  crime.  Euphemia 
Dnndas,  an  inhabitant  of  Edinburgh,  inveighing  one 
dav,  in  (lie  presence  of  a  circle  of  her  acquaintances, 
against  tlie  protestant  doctrine  and  ministers,  said, 
among  other   things,  that   John   Knox   had    been  a 

*  Dc'Ut.  xxxiii.  9. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN    KNOX.  28,3 

common  whoremonger  all  his  clays,  and  that,  within 
a  few  days  past,  he  ^^  was  apprehendit  and  tane  furth 
of  ane  killogye  with  ane  commoun  hure.^'  This  might 
perhaps  have  been  passed  over  by  Knox  and  the  church 
as  an  effusion  of  popish  spleen,  and  female  scandal  ; 
but  the  recent  occurrence  at  Jedburgh,  the  situa- 
tion in  which  the  Reformer  at  present  stood,  the 
public  manner  in  which  tlie  charge  had  been 
brought,  and  the  specification  of  a  particular  in- 
stance, seemed  to  them  to  justify  and  call  for  ale- 
gal  prosecution.  Accordingly,  the  clerk  of  the  Ge- 
neral Assembly,  on  the  18th  of  June,  gave  in  a  for- 
mal representation  and  petition  to  the  town  council, 
praying  that  the  woman  might  be  called  before 
them,  and  the  matter  examined ;  that,  if  the  accu- 
sation was  found  true,  the  accused  might  be  punish- 
ed with  all  rigour  without  partiality  ;  and  that,  if 
false,  the  accuser  might  be  dealt  with  according  to 
the  demerit  of  her  offence.  She  was  called,  and, 
appearing  before  the  council,  flatly  refused  that  she 
had  ever  used  any  such  words  ;  although  Knox's  pro- 
curator afterwards  produced  respectable  witnesses  to 
prove  that  she  had  spoken  them.* 

This  convicted  calumny,  which  never  gained  tiie 
smallest  credit  at  the  time,  would  scarcely  have  de- 
served notice,  had  it  not  been  revived,  after  the 
Reformer's  death,  by  the  popish  writers,  who,  hav- 
ing caught  hold  of  the  report,  and  dressed  it  out  in 
all  the  horrid  colours  which  malice,  or  credulity 
could  suggest,  circulated  it  industriously,  by  their 
publications,  through  the  continent.  Though  I  liad 
not  been  able  to  trace  these  slanders  to  their  source  ; 
the  atrocity  of  the  imputed  crimes,  tiie  unspotted 
reputation  which  the  accused  uniformly   maintained 

»  See  Note  PP. 
p3 


284  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

among  all  his  contemporaries,  the  glaring  self-con- 
tradictions of  the  accusers,  and,  above  all,  the  no- 
tour spirit  of  slander  and  wanton  defamation  for 
which  they  have  long  been  stigmatized  in  the  learn- 
ed world,  would  have  been  ground  suificient  for  re- 
jecting such  charges  with  detestation.  Those  who 
are  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  that  period  will 
not  think  that  I  speak  too  strongly  ;  those  who  are 
not  may  be  in  some  degree  satisfied  as  to  this,  by 
looking  into  the  notes.* 

The  queen  flattered  herself  that  she  had  at  last 
caught  the  Reformer  in  an  oifence,  which  would  in- 
fallibly subject  him  to  exemplary  punishment.  Dur- 
ing her  residence  at  Stirling,  in  the  month  of  Au- 
gust, the  domestics  whom  she  left  behind  her  in 
Holyroodhouse  celebrated  the  popish  worship  with 
greater  publicity  than  had  been  usual  when  she  her- 
self was  present ;  and  at  the  time  when  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  supper  was  dispensed  in  Edinburgh, 
they  revived  certain  superstitious  practices  which 
had  been  laid  aside  by  the  Roman  Catholics,  since 
the  establishment  of  the  Reformation.  This  bold- 
ness offended  the  protestants,  and  some  of  them 
went  down  to  the  palace  to  mark  the  inhabitants 
who  repaired  to  the  service.  Perceiving  numbers 
entering,  they  burst  into  the  chapel,  and  presenting 
themselves  at  the  altar,  which  was  prepared  for 
mass,  asked  the  priest,  how  he  durst  be  so  malapert 
as  to  proceed  in  that  manner,  when  the  queen  was  ab- 
sent? Alarmed  at  this  intrusion,  the  mistress  of  the 
household  dispatclied  a  messenger  to  the  comptrol- 
ler (who  was  attending  sermon  in  St.  Giles's  church,) 
desiring  him  to  come  instantly  to  save  her  life  and 
the  palace.      Having   hurried    down,    accompanied 

*  ^c  Note  QQ. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  285 

with  the  magistrates,  and  a  guard,  the  comptrol- 
ler found  every  thing  quiet  and  no  appearance  of 
tumult,  except  what  was  occasioned  by  the  com- 
pany which  he  brought  along  with  him.*  When 
the  report  of  this  affair  was  conveyed  to  the  queen, 
she  declared  her  resolution  not  to  return  to  Edin- 
burgh unless  this  riot  was  punished,  and  indicted 
two  of  the  protestants,  who  had  been  most  active,  to 
stand  trial  ^^  for  forethought  felony,  hamesuckin, 
and  invasion  of  the  palace.''  Fearing  that  she  in- 
tended to  proceed  to  exla^emities  against  these  men, 
and  that  their  condemnation  was  a  preparative  to 
some  hostile  attempts  against  their  religion,  the  pro- 
testants in  Edinburgh  resolved  that  Knox,  agreea- 
bly to  a  commission,  should  write  a  circular  letter  to 
the  principal  gentlemen  of  their  persuasion,  inform- 
ing them  of  the  circumstances,  and  requesting  their 
presence  on  the  day  of  trial.  He  wrote  the  letter 
according  to  their  request. f  A  copy  of  it  having 
come  into  the  hands  of  Sinclair,  bishop  of  Ross,  and 
president  of  the  Court  of  Session,  who  was  a  great 
personal  enemy  to  Knox,  he  conveyed  it  immediate, 
ly  to  the  queen  at  Stirling.  She  communicated  it  to 
the   privy  council,    Avho,  to   her   great    satisfaction, 

*  Spottisv.ood  i^lves  a  ditrercnt  aecoiinlof  this  affair,  Mhicli  has 
been  adopted  by  different  writers.  He  not  only  says  tliat  the  pro- 
testants '•  forced  the  gates  ;"  but  that  <•  some  (of  the  papists) 
were  taken  and  carried  to  prison,  many  escaped  the  back  way 
vith  the  priest  himself."  History,  p.  188.  But  he  could  not: 
have  the  opportunity  of  bein^so  well  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances as  Knox,  whose  account  is  totally  irreconcilable  with  the 
archbishops.  He  expressly  says,  that  besides  bursting  into  the 
cliapel,  and  addressing  the  priest  as  above  mentioned,  "  no  far- 
ther was  done  or  said."  Historic,  p.  335,  336.  Had  some  of  the 
papists  been  carried  to  prison,  he  never  could  have  given  such  an 
aceotint  as  he  did,  not  only  in  his  history,  but  also  in  his  circular 
letter,  which  was  produced  at  his  trial,  without  any  contradiction 
ou  this  head. 

+  Knox,  Hi^torie,  p.  336,337. 


386  LIFE    OF  JOHN  KilOX. 

pronouueed  it  treasonable ;  but  to  give  the  greater 
solemnity  to  the  proceedings,  it  was  resolved  that 
an  extraordinary  convention  of  the  counsellors  and 
other  noblemen  should  be  called  to  meet  at  Edin- 
burgh, in  the  end  of  December,  to  try  the  cause.  The 
Reformer  was  summoned  to  appear  before  this 
convention.* 

Previous  to  the  day  of  trial,  great  influence  was- 
used  in  private  to  persuade  or  intimidate  him  to  ac- 
knowledge a  fault,  and  throw  himself  on  the  queen's 
mercy.  This  Jie  peremptorily  refused  to  do.  The 
master  of  Maxwell  (afterwards  lord  Herries,)  with 
whom  he  had  long  been  very  intimate,  threatened 
him  with  the  loss  of  his  friendship,  and  told  him  that 
he  would  repent,  if  he  did  not  submit  to  the  queen^ 
for  men  would  not  bear  with  him  as  they  had  hither- 
to done.  He  replied,  that  he  did  not  understand 
such  language  ;  he  had  never  opposed  her  majesty 
except  in  the  article  of  religion,  and  surely  it  was 
not  meant  that  he  should  bow  to  her  in  that  matter  ;• 
if  God  stood  by  him  (which  he  would  do  as  long  as 
he  confided  in  him,  and  preferred  His  glory  to  his 
own  life.)  he  regarded  little  how  men  should  behave 
towards  him  ;  nor  did  he  kuow  wherein  they  had 
borne  with  him,  unless  in  hearing  the  word  of  God 
from  his  mouth,  which  if  they  should  reject,  he 
would  mourn  for  them,  but  the  danger  would  be  their 
own. 

The  favl  of  Murray,  and  secretary  Maitland,  sent 
for  him  to  the  clerk  registers  house,  and  had  a  long 

*  It  has  been  doubte'.l,  v.lset'iiT  fJiis  convention  acted  as  a  court 
orjiitilcatiire  in  Knox's  trial, ormet  merely  totletermine  whether 
he  shonM  be  broui/;ht  to  a  jiuHcial  trial.  Dalyell's  Cursory  Re- 
marks, preiixtM!  (o  Scottisb  »?oe:ns,  vo!.  i.  72.  It  is  evident  tliat  it. 
was  not  an  ordinary  or  proper  meeting  of  (he  privy  council.  The 
justice  general,  the  lord  advocate,  and  the  other  law-lords  wore 
prescut.     Knox.  Historic,  p.  339,  340. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  287 

conversation  with  him  to  the  same  purpose.  They 
represented  the  pains  which  they  had  taken  to  miti- 
gate the  queen's  resentment,  and  that  notliiug  could 
save  him  but  a  timely  submissiou.  He  gave  them 
the  same  answer,  that  he  never  would  confess  a 
fault  when  he  was  conscious  of  none,  and  had  not 
learned  to  cry  treason  at  every  thing  which  the  mul- 
titude called  treason,  nor  to  fear  what  they  feared- 
The  wily  secretary  endeavoured  to  bring  on  a  dis- 
pute on.  the  subject,  and  to  draw  from  him  the  de- 
fence which  he  meant  to  make  for  himself;  but 
Knox,  aware  of  his  craft,  declined  the  conversation. 
and  told  him  that  it  would  be  foolish  to  intrust  with 
his  defences  one  who  had  already  prejudged  his 
cause. 

On  the  day  appointed  for  the  trial,  the  public  anx- 
iety was  greatly  raised,  and  the  palace-yard,  with 
all  the  avenues,  was  crowded  with  people,  who 
waited  to  learn  the  result.  Tlie  pannel  was  con- 
ducted to  the  chamber  in  which  the  lords  were  al- 
ready assembled,  and  engaged  in  consultation. 
When  the  queen  had  taken  her  seat,  and  perceived 
Knox  standing  uncoveretl  at  the  foot  of  the  table^^ 
she  burst  into  a  loud  tit  of  laughter.  "  That  man,'* 
she,  said,  •'  had  made  her  weep,  and  shed  never  a 
tear  himself  :  she  would  now  see  if  she  could  make 
him  weep.'*'  The  secretary  opened  the  proceedings* 
by  stating,  in  a  speech  addressed  to  the  Reformer* 
the  reasons  why  the  queen  had  convened  him  before 
her  nobility.  ''Let  liim  acknowledge  his  own  hand- 
writing," said  the  queen,  ^*  and  then  we  shall  judge 
of  the  contents  of  the  letter."  A  copy  of  tlie  cir- 
cular letter  being  handed  to  him,  he  looked  at  tlte 
suhscription,  and  said  that  it  was  his  ;  and  thoi^gli 
he  had  subscribed  a  number  of  blanks,  he-^  i)ad  Kuch 
confidence  in  the  fidelity  of  the  scribe,  that  he  was 
ready   to    acknowledge   both    the    subscription  and 


!S88  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNO^. 

the  contents.  •'  You  have  done  more  than  I  would 
have  done/'  said  Maitland  ;  "  Charity  is  not  suspi- 
cious/'' replied  the  other.  "  Well,  well/'  said  the 
queeu,  '^  read  your  own  letter,  and  then  answer  to 
such  things  as  shall  be  demanded  of  you."  "  I  will 
do  the  best  I  can,"  said  he ;  and  having  read  the 
letter  with  an  audible  voice,  returned  it  to  the  queen's 
advocate,  who  was  commanded  to  accuse  him. 

**  Heard  you   ever,   my  lords,  a  more   despiteful 
and   treasonable   letter?"    said    the    queen,  looking 
round   the  table.      ^^  Mr.   Knox   are  you  not  sorry 
from  your  heart,  and   do  you   not  repent  that  such 
a  letter  has  passed  your  pen,  and  from  you  has  come 
to  the  knowledge  of  others?"  said  Maitland.      ^' My 
lord  secretary,  before  I  repent  I  must  be  taught  my 
offence." — ^'   Offence  !   if  there  were   no   more   but 
the   convocation   of  the   queen's   lieges,  the   offence 
cannot  be  denied." — "  Remember  yourself,  my  lord 
there  is  a  difference   between   a  lawful  convocation 
and  an  unlawful.     If  I  have  been  guilty  in  this,  I 
offended  ofi    since   I   came   last  into   Scotland  ;  for 
what    convocation    of   the    brethren   has    ever    been 
to  this  lunir,    unto    which  my  pen  served    not  ?" — 
'^  Then  was  then,  and  now  is  now,"  said  the  secre- 
tary ;  '*  we   have   no  need  of  such   convocations  as 
sometimes  wc  have  had." — "  The  time  that  has  been 
is   even  now  before   my  eyes,"  rejoined  the  Refor- 
mer ;  ''  for  I  see  the  poor  flock  in  no  less  danger  than 
it  has  been  at  any  time  before,  except  that  the  devil 
has  got  a  vizor  upon  his  face.     Before  he  came  in 
with  his  own  face,  discovered  by  open  tyranny,  seek- 
ing the  destruction  of  all  that  refused  idolatry ;  and 
then,  I  tjjink,  you  will  confess  the  brethren  lawfully 
assembled  themselves  for  defence  of  their  lives  :   and 
now  t!ie  devil  comes  under  the  cloak  of  justice,  to 
do   tliat  which  God   would  not  suffer  Iiim  to  do  by 
strens:th." — 


LIFE  OF  JOHN   KNOX.  S89 

"What  is  this?"  interrupted  her  majesty,  who 
was  offended  that  the  pannel  should  be  allowed  such 
liberty  of  speech,  and  thought  that  she  could  bring 
him  more  closely  to  the  question.  '^  What  is  this  ? 
Methinks  you  trifle  with  him.  Who  gave  him  au- 
thority to  make  convocation  of  my  lieges?  Is  not 
that  treason?"  "No,  madam,"  replied  lord  Ruth- 
ven,  displeased  at  the  active  keenness  which  the 
queen  shewed  in  the  cause ;  "  for  he  makes  convo- 
cation of  the  people  to  hear  prayer  and  sermon  al- 
most daily ;  and  whatever  your  Grace  or  others  will 
think  thereof,  we  think  it  no  treason.'" — "  Hold 
your  peace,"  said  the  queen ;  "  and  let  liim  make 
answer  for  himself.'' — "  I  began,  madam,"  resumed 
Knox,  ^^  to  reason  with  the  secretary  (whom  I  take 
to  be  a  better  dialectition  than  your  Grace)  tliat  all 
convocations  are  not  unlawful ;  and  now  my  lord 
Huthven  has  given  the  instance." — "I  will  say 
nothing  against  your  religion,  nor  against  your  con- 
vening to  your  sermons  ;  but  what  authority  have 
you  to  convocate  my  subjects  when  you  will,  with- 
out my  commandment?"  He  answered,  that  at  his 
own  will  he  had  never  convened  four  persons  in 
Scotland,  but  at  the  orders  of  his  brethren  he  had 
given  many  advertisements,  and  great  nuiltitudes 
had  assembled  ;  and  if  her  Grace  complained  that 
this  had  been  done  without  her  command,  he  would 
answer,  that  so  was  all  that  had  been  done  as  to  the 
reformation  of  religion  in  this  kingdom,  lie  must, 
therefore,  be  convicted  by  a  just  law,  before  he 
would  profess  sorrow  for  what  he  had  done  :  he 
thought  he  had  done  no  wrong. 

"You  shall  not  escape  so,"  said  the  queo'j.  "  L:; 
it  not  treason,  my  lords,  to  accuse  a  prince  of  crucL 
ty?  I  think  there  be  acts  of  parliament  against  such 
whisperers."  Several  of  their  lordships  said  that 
thei-e  were  such  laAVs.     "Bnt  wherein  can  I  be  ac- 


290  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

ciised  of  this  ?'*_"  Read  this  part  of  your  own  bill," 
said  the  queen,  wlio  shewed  herself  an  acute  prose- 
cutor. She  tlien  caused  the  following  sentence  to 
be  read  from  his  letter  :  "  This  fearful  summons  is 
directed  against  them,  [the  two  persons  who  were 
indicted]  to  make  no  doubt  a  preparative  on  a  few, 
that  a  door  may  be  opened  to  execute  cruelty  upon 
a  greater  multitude." — '^  Lo  !*'  exclaimed  the  queen 
exultingly  ;  ^^  what  say  you  to  that?"  The  eyes  of 
the  assembly  were  fixed  on  the  pannel,  anxious  to 
know  what  answer  he  would  make  to  this  charge. 

*•  Is  it  laAvful  for  me,  madam,  to  answer  for  myself? 
xiYj  shall  I  be  condemned  unheard?" — '^  Say  what  you 
can ;  for  I  think  you  have  enough  to  do." — "  I  will  first 
tiieu  desire  of  your  Grace,  madam,  and  of  this  most 
honourable   audience.    Whether  your  Grace   knows 
not,   that  the   obstinate   papists   are    deadly  enemies 
to  all  such  as  profess  the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  and 
that  they   most  earnestly  desire  the  extermination  of 
them,  and  of  the  true  doctrine  that  is  taught  within 
this  realm  ?" — The  queen  was  silent ;  but  the  lords, 
witli   one  voice,  exclaimed,    '-•  God  forbid,  that  ever 
the  lives  of  the  faithful,  or  yet  the  staying  of  the 
doctrine  stood  in  the  power  of  the  papists!   for  just 
experience  has  taught  us  what  cruelty  lies  in  their 
hearts.'' — "  I  must  proceed  then,"   said  the   Refor- 
mer.    ^*  Seeing  that  T  perceive  that  all   will   grant, 
that  it  were  a  barbarous  thing  to  destroy  such  a  mul- 
titude  as  profess  tlie  gospel   of   Christ   within   this 
realm,  which  oftener  than  once  or  twice  they  have 
attempted  to  do   by  force, — they,    by  God  and   by 
his  providence    being    disappointed,  have   invented 
more  crafty  and  dangerous  practices,  to  wit,  to  make 
ih'3  prince  a  party  under  colour  of  law  ;  and  so  what 
they  could  not  do  by  open  force,  they  shall  perform 
by  crafty  deceit.     For  who  thinks,  my  lords,  that 
the   insatiable    cruelty    of  the  papists   (within    this 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  291 

Malm  I  mean)  shall  end  in  the  murdering  of  these 
two  brethren,    now  unjustly  summoned,    and  more 
unjustly  to   be    accused? — And   therefore,    madam, 
cast  up,  when  you  list,  the  acts  of  your  parliament ; 
I  have  offended  nothing  against  them  ;  for  I  accuse 
not,  in  my  letter,  your  Grace,  nor  yet  your  nature, 
of  cruelty.     But  I  af&rm  yet  again,   that  the  pesti- 
lent papists,  who  have  inflamed  your  Grrace  against 
those  poor  men  at  this  present,  are  the  sons  of  tho 
devil,  and  therefore  must  obey  the  desires  of  their 
father,  who  has  been  a  liar  and  manslayer  from  the 
beginning.'' — "  You   forget   yourself !    you    are   not 
now  in  the  pulpit,''  said  one  of  the  lords.     ''  I  am 
in  the  place  were  I  am   demanded  of  conscience  to 
speak  the  truth :    and  therefore   tlie  truth  I  speak^ 
Impugn  it  whoso  list."     He  added,   again  address- 
ing the  queen,  that  persons  who  appeared  to  be  of 
honest,  gentle,    and  meek  natures,    had  often  been 
corrupted  by  wicked  counsel ;  that  the  papists  who 
had  her  ear  were  dangerous   counsellors,  and  such 
her  mother  had  found  them  to  be. 

Mary,  perceiving  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by 
reasoning,  began  to  upbraid  him  with  his  harsh  be- 
haviour to  her,  at  their  last  interview.  He  spake 
••  fair  enough"  at  present  before  the  lords,  she  said, 
but  on  that  occasion  he  caused  her  to  shed  many 
salt  tears,  and  said,  *^  he  set  not  by  her  weeping." 
This  drew  from  him  a  vindication  of  his  conduct, 
in  which  he  gave  a  narration  of  tliat  conference. 
After  this,  tlie  secretary,  having  spoken  with  the 
queen,  told  Knox  tliat  he  was  at  liberty  to  return 
home  for  that  night.  ^'1  thauk  God  and  the  queen's 
majesty,"  said  he. 

When  Knox  had  withdrawn,  the  judgment  of  the 
nobility  was  taken  respecting  his  conduct.  All  of 
^ihem,   with  the  exception   of  the  immediaie  depcnd- 

Q  2 


2Q2  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

ents  of  the  court,  voted,  that  he  was  not  guilty  of 
any  breach  of  the  laws.  The  secretary,  who  had 
assured  the  queen  of  his  condemnation,  was  enraged 
at  this  decision.  He  brought  her  majesty,  who  had 
retired  before  the  vote,  again  into  the  room,  and 
proceeded  to  call  the  votes  a  second  time  in  her  pre- 
sence. This  attempt  to  overawe  them  incensed  the 
nobility.  ''What!''  said  they,  '' shall  the  laird  of 
liethington  have  power  to  controul  us  ?  or,  shall  the 
presence  of  a  woman  cause  us  to  offend  God,  and  to 
condemn  an  innocent  man,  against  our  consciences  ?'' 
With  this  they  repeated  their  votes,  absolving  him 
from  all  offence,  and  praising  his  modest  appearance 
and  judicious  defences. 

Mary  was  unable  to  conceal  her  mortification  and 
displeasure,  at  this  unexpected  acquittal.  When  the 
bishop  of  Ross,  who  had  been  the  informer,  gave 
his  vote  on  the  same  side  with  the  rest,  she  taunted 
him  openly  in  the  presence  of  the  court.  "  Trouble 
not  the  child  !  I  pray  you  trouble  him  not  I  for  he 
is  newly  wakened  out  of  his  sleep.  Why  should  not 
the  old  fool  follow  the  footsteps  of  those  that  have 
passed  before  him  ?"  The  bishop  replied  coldly,  that 
Jjier  majesty  might  easily  know,  that  his  vote  was  not 
influenced  by  partiality  to  tlie  accused.  ''  That 
nicht  was  nyther  dancing  nor  fiddcling  in  the  court, 
for  madam  was  disappoynted  of  hir  purpose,  quhilk 
was  to  have  had  Johne  Knox  in  hir  will,  be  vote  of 
hir  nobility.'-* 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  338 — 313.  Tlie  account  of  the  trial  given 
by  Caldprwood,  in  Ins  MS.  has  been  compared  uith  that  of  Knox, 
and  exactly  agrees  with  it. 


LITE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  S93 


PERIOD  VII. 


FROM  HIS  ACqUITTAX,  FROM  A  CHARGE  OF  TREASON,  BY 
THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL,  ANNO  1563,  TO  HIS  BEING  STRUCK 
WITH    APOPLEXY,    ANNO    1570. 


The  indignation  of  the  queen  at  the  Reformer's 
escape  from  punishment  did  not  soon  abate,*  and 
the  effects  of  it  fell  both  upon  the  courtiers  who  had 
voted  for  his  exculpation,  and  upon  those  who  had. 
opposed  it.  The  earl  of  Murray  was  among  the  for- 
mer ;t  Maitland  among  the  latter.  In  order  to  ap- 
pease her,  they  again  attempted  to  persuade  him  to 
condescend  to  some  voluntary  submission  to  her  ;  and 
they  engaged  that  all  the  punishment  which  should 
be  inflicted  on  him  would  be  merely  to  go  within  the 
walls  of  the  castle,  and  return  again  to  his  own 
house.  But  he  refused  to  make  any  such  compli- 
ances, by  which  he  would  throw  discredit  on  the 
judgment  of  the  nobility  who  had  acquitted  him, 
and  confess  himself  to  have  been  a  mover  of  sedi- 
tion. Disappointed  in  this,  they  endeavoured  to  in- 
jure him  by  whispers  and  detraction,  circulating 
that  he  had  no  authority  from  his  brethren  for  what 
he  had  done ;  and  that  he  arrogated  a  papal  and  arbi- 
trary power  over  the  Scottish  church,  issuing  his  let- 
ters, and  exacting  obedience  to  tbem.     These  charges 

■*  Keith,  218,  251. 

t  In  a  letter  of  Randolph,  27th  Feb.  136^,  there  is  mention 
made  of  '•  some  inikindne:o5  between  Murray  and  the  queen,  about 
Kno\.  '.vhose  parte  he  rMurray"]  takoth.''     Keith,  249. 


S94  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

were  very  groimdless  and  injurious  ;  for  there  never 
was  perhaps  any  one  who  had  as  much  influence, 
that  was  so  careful  in  avoiding  all  appearance  of 
assuming  superiority  over  his  brethren,  or  acting 
by  his  own  authority,  in  matters  of  public  and  com- 
mon concern. 

In  the  General  Assembly  which  met  in  the  close 
of  this  year,  he  declined  taking  any  share  in  the  de- 
bates. When  their  principal  business  was  settled, 
he  requested  liberty  to  speak  on  an  affair  which  con- 
cerned himself.  He  stated  Avhat  he  had  done  in 
writing  the  late  circular  letter,  the  proceedings  to 
which  it  had  given  rise,  and  the  surmises  which 
were  still  circulated  to  his  prejudice;  and  insisted 
that  the  church  should  now  examine  his  conduct  in 
that  matter,  and  particularly  that  they  should  de- 
clare whether  or  not  they  had  given  him  a  commis- 
sion to  advertise  the  brethren,  when  he  foresaw  any 
danger  threatening  their  religion,  or  any  difllcult  case 
which  required  their  advice.  The  courtiers  strenu- 
ously opposed  the  decision  of  this  question  ;  but  it 
was  taken  up,  and  the  Assembly,  by  a  great  majo- 
rity, found  that  he  had  been  burthened  with  such  a 
commission,  and,  in  the  advertisement  which  he  had 
lately  given,  had  not  gone  beyond  the  bounds  of  his 
commission.'^ 

Knox  had  remained  a  widower  upwards  of  three 
years.  But  in  March  1564,  he  contracted  a  se- 
cond marriage  with  Margaret  Ste2vart,\  daughter 
of  lord  OcJiiltree,X  a   nobleman  of  amiable  disposi- 

*  Kcilh,  r>2r.     Kiioa,  344,  34J5. 

t  llii!ui;)i|)!i,  in  ti  IcHer  lo  Cecil,  18th  March,  1563-4,  says  : 
"  Knox  askt  in  church  (o  he  marrycd  to  Margrett  Steward,  the 
(laughter  ofthe  lord  Ochiitre  :"  referring  to  the  procldmatioii  o(* 
haniis.    Keitli,  2/51. 

\  Lord  Oehiilree  was  descended  from  Rohert,  duke  of  Albany, 
second  son  of  kii^g  liohert  li.  Jiis  father  cxclianged  the  lands  ami 
litie  at' EvandaU' f  i''jr  iho^ic  oi' Ocliiiiree.     Douglas'?;  Peerage.  5i2?.. 


JUIJ^E    OF  JOHN-    KNOX.  295 

lions,*  who  had  been  long  familiar  with  our  Keformer, 
and  steadily  adhered  to  him  when  he  was  deserted 
by  his  other  friends.  She  continued  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  a  wife  to  him,  with  pious  and  affectionate 
assiduity,  until  the  time  of  his  death.  The  popish 
writers,  who  envied  the  honours  of  the  Scottish  Re- 
former,  have  represented  this  marriage  as  a  proof  of 
his  great  ambition  ;  and,  in  the  excess  of  tlieir 
spleen,  have  ridiculously  imputed  to  him  the  project 
of  aiming  to  raise  his  progeny  to  the  throne  of  Scot- 
land :  because  the  family  of  Ochiltree  were  of  the 
blood  royal  !  They  are  quite  clear,  too,  that  he 
gained  the  heart  of  the  young  lady  by  means  of 
sorcery,  and  the  assistance  of  the  devil.  But  it 
seems,  that  powerful  as  his  black-footed  second  was, 
he  could  not  succeed  in  another  attempt  which  he 
had  previously  made  ;  for  the  same  writers  inform 
us,  that  he  had  paid  his  addresses  to  the  lady  Flem- 
ing, eldest  daughter  to  the  duke  of  Castelherault, 
and  v»'as  repulsed.  The  account  of  the  appear- 
ance which  he  made  at  the  time  of  his  marriage, 
which  shall  be  inserted  in  the  notes,  the  reader  will 
receive  according  to  the  degree  of  its  probabiliiV; 
and  the  credit  which  he  may  think  due  to  the  autho- 
rity upon  which  it  rests,  t 

The  country  continued  in  a  state  of  quietness  dur- 
ing the  year  1564;  but  the  same  jealousies  still  suU- 

Cranford's  Renfrew,  auu  Royal  House  of  Sfevvart,  by  Seniplc-. 
part  i.  p-  92 — 9i.  The  second  sou  of  lord  Ocliiltrec,  and  brother- 
in-law  of  the  Reformer,  was  Sir  James  Stewart  of  Bothwclmiiir. 
afternards  the  infamous  favourite  of  James  VL  who  created  Jiini 
earlof  Arran.  Crawford,  iii  his  OSiccrs  of  State,  (p.  448,)  has 
published  a  protestation  wliieh  ho  made  of  liis  lineage,  and  title. 
of  priority  to  ihc  duke  of  Lenox,  Iiis  rival  in  James's  favour. 

*  He  was  usually  caWed.  the  good  lord  Ochiltree.     Knox  says, 
that  he  was  "  a  man  rather  borne  fo  niak  penc  th"!!  to  brrt^nposni 
the  ca'isey."     Historif';  p.  304. 
■  t  See  Note  RR-. 


296 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 


sisted  between  the  court  and  the  church.  Her  ma- 
jesty's prejudices  against  the  reformed  religion  were 
unabated^  and  she  maintained  a  correspondence 
with  its  sworn  enemies  on  the  continent,  which 
could  not  altogether  escape  the  vigilance  of  her  pro- 
testant  subjects.*  The  preachers,  on  their  side,  did 
not  relax  in  their  zealous  warnings  against  popery, 
and  concerning  the  dangers  which  they  apprehend- 
ed ;  they  complained  of  the  beggary  unto  which  the 
greater  part  of  their  own  number  was  reduced,  and 
of  the  growing  lukewarmness  of  the  protestant  cour- 
tiers. The  latter  were  uneasy  under  these  reproaches, 
and,  in  concert  Avith  the  (jueen,  were  anxious  to  re- 
strain the  license  of  the  pulpit.  They  began  by  ad- 
dressing themselves  in  private  to  some  of  the  most 
moderate  and  complying  of  the  ministers,  whom 
they  gained  over,  by  their  persuasions,  to  a  partial 
approbation  of  their  measures.  Having  in  so  far 
succeeded,  tlicy  ventured  to  propose  the  matter 
more  publicly,  and  to  request  the  sanction  of  the 
leading  members  of  the  General  iVssembly. 

Without  designing  to  vindicate  the  latitude  which 
might  be  taken  hy  particular  preachers  at  this  time, 
I  may  say,  in  general,  that  a  systematic  attempt  to 

*  Robertson's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  ii.  lOS.  Lend.  1809. 
MS.  FiCtters  (extracted  from  the  Barberini  Library.)  Adv.  Lib. 
A.  2.  H.  In  a  letter  to  iJie  council  of  Trent,  IStli  March,  1563-4, 
Mary  expresses  her  regret  that  I  lie  situation  of  her  affairs  (hujus 
temporis  tanta  injuria)  did  not  permit  her  to  send  some  of  her 
prelates  to  that  council :  and  assures  them  of  her  great  and  unal- 
terable devotion  to  the  apostolic  See,  "nostra  perpetua  meute  ae 
voluntate.  in  ejusdcm  scdisobservantia  et  submissionc."  In  a  let- 
ter written  Jan.  3,  the  same  year,  she  entreats  the  cardinal  of 
Lorraine  to  assure  the  pope  of  her  resolution  to  live  and  die  a 
Catholic.  And  on  the  last  day  of  the  same  month,  she  writes  to 
liis  Holiness  himself,  laments  the  daninabie  errors  (damnabili 
rrr<iri)  in  whieli  she  found  her  subjects  plunged,  and  informs  him 
that  her  intention,  from  the  time  she  had  left  France,  had  uniform* 
iv  been  to  re-establish  the  ancient  religior:. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  gfj' 

restrain  the  liberty  of  speech  in  the  pulpit  (farther 
than  the  correction  of  any  occurring  excess  might  re- 
quire) would  have  been  a  measure  fraught  with  dan- 
ger to  the  protestant  interests.  The  ministers  were  the 
jnost  vigilant  and  incorrupt  guardians  of  the  public 
safety.  Better  it  is  to  be  awaked  with  rudeness,  or 
even  by  a  false  alarm,  than  to  be  allowed  to  sleep 
on  in  the  midst  of  dangers.  Who  would  muzzle  the 
mouth  of  the  wakeful  animal,  who  guards  the  house 
against  thieves,  because  the  inhabitants  are  fre- 
quently disturbed  by  his  nocturnal  vociferation  ?  or 
substitute  in  his  place,  a  ^^  dumb  dog,  tliat  cannot 
bark,  sleeping,  lying  down,  loving  to  slumber?" 

Knox,  the  freedom  and  sharpness  of  whose  cen- 
sures the  courtiers  felt  most  deeply,  was  tlie  pe-son 
whom  they  chiefly  wished  to  restrain ;  but  it  was  no 
8asy  matter  either  to  overawe  or  reason  hiui  into  si- 
lence. In  a  conference  which  they  demanded  with 
the  leading  members  of  the  General  Assembly,  in 
the  month  of  June,  this  subject  was  discussed;  and 
a  long  debate  ensued  betv/een  Maitland  and  Kno?v, 
on  the  principal  points  of  his  doctrine  v.hich  gave 
offence  to  the  court.  This  debate  "  admirably  dis- 
plays the  talents  and  character  of  both  the  disput- 
ants ;  the  acuteness  of  the  former,  embellished  witii 
learning,  but  prone  to  subtilty ;  the  vigorous  under- 
standing of  the  latter,  delighting  in  bold  sentiments, 
and  superior  to  all  fear."*  The  dispute  has  been 
recorded  at  large  by  Knox  in  his  History  of  the  lie- 
formation.  After  giving  so  full  a  view  of  some  for- 
mer disputes  in  which  lie  v.as  engaged,  I  must  con- 
tent myself  with  a  brief  account  of  the  leading  heads 
of  the  present. 

There  were  two  things  which  Maitland  found 
fault  with  in    tlic  Reformer's  public    services  ;   the 

*  Dr.  RoliprfsoR,  i;t,  supra,  p.  (0!), 


298  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX* 

mode  ill  wliicli  he  prayed  for  her  majesty,  and  the 
doctrine  wliich  he  taught  as  to  the  authority  of 
princes  and  duty  of  suhjects.  Knox  repeated  his 
usual  prayer  for  the  queen,  and  desired  to  know 
what  was  faulty  in  it.  Maitland  said,  that  he  pray- 
ed for  her  conversion  conditionally,  thereby  infusing 
doubts  into  the  minds  of  the  people  as  to  the  proba- 
bility of  that  event :  and  he  spake  of  her  as  under 
the  bondage  of  Satan,  which  was  an  irreverend  ex- 
pression, not  fit  to  be  applied  to  princes.  Tlie  Re- 
former replied,  that  the  conduct  of  her  majesty  gave 
just  grounds  to  doubt  of  any  change,  and  that  his 
strongest  expressions  were  warranted  by  the  plain 
language  of  scripture.  ^"  Prayers  and  tears,"'  we 
have  sometimes  been  reminded,  are  the  only  arms 
which  Christians  ought  to  employ  against  violence. 
But  those  who  liave  deprived  them  of  other  weapons, 
have  usually  envied  them  the  use  of  these  also  ;  and 
if  their  prayers  have  not  been  smoothed  down  to  the 
temper  of  their  adversaries,  so  as  to  become  mere  com- 
pliments to  princes,  under  colour  of  an  address  to  the 
Almighty,  they  have  often  been  pronounced  seditious 
and  treasonable.-- 

*  During  the  reign  of  Mary  of  England,  the  manner  in  which 
the  protestants  prayed  for  her,  in  their  conventicles,  was  decla- 
red High  Treason.  Act  Pari.  1.  and  2.  Philip  and  Mary,  cap. 
9,  Nor  did  the  Psalms  and  prayers  of  the  primitive  Christians 
escape  punishment  under  the  tolerant  emperor  Julian.  Works 
of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Johnston,  p.  20 — 22.  Lond.  1713. 

A  writer  formerly  referred  to,  having  mentioned  another  prayer 
of  Knox,  "  that  God  would  turn  the  heart  of  the  queen,  or,  if  his 
will  was  otherwise,  strengthen  tlic  hands  and  hearts  of  his  cho- 
sen, stoutly  to  withstand  the  rage  of  all  tyrants,"  says  :  "  In  this 
praver  we  recognize  not  the  spirit  of  Jesus,  but  of  them  who 
said,  Lord,  irilt  thou  that  ive  command  fire  to  come  down  from  hea- 
ven, and  conmune  them."'  Missionary  Magazine,  XV.  311.  Does 
this  writer  really  mean,  that  to  "  withstand  the  rage  of  tyrants" 
is  to  "  command  fire  from  hcuvoii  to  consume  men  ?"  Was  Chris- 
tianity intended  to  rivet  the  chivins  of  political  scrvitiule  upon 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  299 

The  second  part  of  the  debate  related  to  Knox's 
doctrine  respecting  the  limited  authority  of  princes, 
and  the  right  of  the  people  to  controal  them  in  the 
abuse  of  their  power.  Under  this  head,  the  lawful- 
ness of  suppressing  the  queen's  mass  was  discussed. 
Even  here,  Maitland  was  hardly  pushed  by  his  anta- 
gonist, and  found  it  difficult  to  maintain  his  ground, 
after  the  resistance  which  he  himself  had  made  to 
the  supreme  powers,  and  the  principles  which  he 
held  in  common  with  the  Reformer.  For  it  is  to  be 
observed,  that  both  parties  held  that  idolatry  might 
justly  be  punished  by  death.*     Into   this  sentiment 

the  consciences  of  men?  Or,  does  it  deprive  tlient  of  the  rit;l»t 
which  they  had,  by  the  general  law  of  nature,  or  the  partii-iilar 
laws  of  any  country,  to  defend  themselves  against  tyratinical 
fury  ?  Persons  who  talk  in  this  strain  do  not  consider,  that  they 
ran  into  the  very  extreme  against  which  they  so  loudly  declaim, 
and  convert  the  gospel  into  a  system  of  politics.  I  am  willing 
to  believe  that  this  writer  has  not  wantonly  brought  forward 
charges  against  the  Reformation,  and  the  Reformer ;  but  that  he 
only  intended  to  point  out,  Mhat  he  deemed,  defects  in  a  work, and 
character,  which  he  in  the  main  approved.  But  in  such  cases 
more  is  required  than  good  intentions  :  and  I  do  not  believe  that 
the  following  summary  and  sweeping  censures  can  be  supported. 
*'  He  (Knox)  maintained  that  the  civil  magistrate  ought  to  be 
subject  to  the  church." — "  It  seems  to  have  been  a  part  of  his 
constant  employment,  to  excite  the  people  to  take  up  arms  when- 
ever he  was  dissatisfied." — "  It  never  seems  to  have  entered  into 
"the  minds  of  the  reformers,  that  Christianity  could  exist  without 
the  protection  and  support  of  the  magistrate." 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  357,  360. 

This  was  an  opinion  generally  entertained  among  the  Refor- 
mers ;  and  it  was  one  ground  (though,  as  we  have  seen,  p.  235, 
not  the  only  one)  upon  which  they  vindicated  the  penal  statutes 
against  the  mass  and  image  worship.  At  the  same  time,  while 
they  laboured  to  restrain  these  evils,  they  discovered  no  disposi- 
tion to  proceed  to  capital  punishment, even  when  it  Avas  complete- 
ly in  their  power.  1  never  read  nor  heard  of  an  instance,  in  the 
time  of  our  Reformer,  of  a  person  being  put  to  death,  for  perform- 
ing any  part  of  the  Roman  Catholic  v.orsliip.  if  tlic  reason  of 
this  di*fonformity  between  their  opinion  and  their  prai-tice  be 


300  LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

they  were  led  in  consequence  of  their  having 
adopted  the  untenable  opinion,  that  the  judicial 
laws  given  to  the  Jewish  nation  were  binding  upon 
Christian  nations,  as  to  all  offences  against  the  mo- 
ral law. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate,  Knox's  colleague, 
Craig,  gave  an  account  of  an  interesting  dispute  on 
the  same  question,  which  he  had  heard  in  the  uni- 
versity of  Bologna,  in  Italy  ;  in  which  the  judgments 
of  the  learned  men,  and  the  decision  of  the  question, 
Avere  strongly  in  favour  of  popular  liberty,  and  the 
limited  power  of  princes.* 

After  long  conference,  Maitland  insisted  that  the 
votes  should  be  called,  and  that  some  order  should 
be  established  for  preventing  the  recurrence  of  the 
evils  of  which  he  had  complained.  But  Knox  pro- 
tested against  any  decision  of  the  question,  which 
belonged  to  the  whole  General  Assembly ;  and  the 
sentiments  of  the  members  being  divided,  the  con- 
ference broke  up  without  coming  to  any  determinate 
resolution.! 

asked,  it  may  be  answered, — tlieir  aversion  to  blood.  "God, 
(says  our  Reformer,  addressing  t!ie  popish  princes  Mho  persecu- 
ted the  protestants.)  God  will  not  use  his  saintes  and  chosen  chil- 
dren to  punisli  you.  For  with  them  is  alwaies  mereie,  yea,  even 
althogh  God  have  pronounced  a  curse  and  melediction ;  as  in 
the  liistorie  of  Josua  is  plaine.  But  as  ye  have  pronounced 
wrong  and  cruel  judgement  without  mereie,  so  will  he  punish 
you  by  such  as  in  w  horn  there  is  no  mereie."  Answer  to  au  An- 
abaptist, p.  419. 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  Sfi-i-,  365.  Craig,  who  was  rather  facile 
in  his  disposition,  and  apt  to  be  moulded  by  those  who  were  about 
him,  seems  afterwards  to  have  recanted  tiie  principle  which  he 
maintained  on  tliis  occasion.  For  I  suppose  that  he  is  the  person 
who  preached  the  sermon  at  Linlithgow,  mentioned  by  Hume  of 
Godscroft.  History  of  the  House  of  Douglas  and  Angus,  ii.  383, 
385.  The  historian  has  inserted  some  very  ingenious  observa* 
tions  on  the  subject,  by  way  of  strictures  on  that  sermon. 

t  Knox,  348—366. 


LIFE  OF   JOHN    KNOX.  30l 

Iti  the  mouth  of  August,  Knox  went,  by  appoint- 
ment of  the  General  Assembly,  as  visitor  of  the 
churches  in  Aberdeen  and  the  north,  where  he  re- 
mained six  or  seven  weeks.*  The  subsequent  As- 
sembly gave  him  a  similar  appointment  of  Fife  and 
Perthshire,  t 

Our  Reformer's  predictions  at  the  last  meeting  of 
parliament  were  now  fully  realized.  Another  parlia- 
ment was  held  in  the  end  of  1564,  but  nothing  was  done 
for  securing  the  protestant  religion. |  The  queen's 
marriage  approached,  and  the  lords  demanded  this 
as  the  condition  of  their  consent  ;  but  she  artfully 
evaded  the  demand,  and  accomplished  her  object. 
While  she  was  arranging  her  plans  for  the  marriage, 
she  sent  for  the  superintendents  of  Lothian,  Glas- 
gow, and  Fife  (for  Knox  was  now  inadmissible  to 
her  presence,)  and  amused  them  with  fair  words. 
She  was  not  yet  persuaded,  she  said,  of  the  tru.h  of 
their  religion,  but  she  was  willing  to  hear  confer- 
ence and  reasoning  on  the  subject :  she  was  even 
content  to  attend  the  public  sermous  of  some  of 
them;  and,  "above  all  others,  she  would  gladly 
hear  the  superintendent  of  Angus,  for  he  was  a  mild 
and  sweet-natured  man,  with  true  honesty  and  up- 
rightness, Sir  John  Erskine  of  Dun."§  But  as  soon 
as  her  marriage  with  lord  Darnley  was  over,  she  told 
them  in  very  plain  and  determined  language,  "  her 
majesty  neither  will,  nor  may  leave  the  religion  where- 

*Tlie  magistrates  of  Edinburgh,  iimlerstaudingtliat  Mr.  Chris.- 
toplier  Goodman  was  appointed  to  preacli  during  the  absence  of 
.their  own  ministers,  directed  a  committee  of  their  number  to  wait 
upon  liim,  and  "  otfer  him  in  tlieir  names  all  honoariibill  inter- 
tenment,  and  cause  the  stewart  of  Jhoune  Knox  hoiis  to  keep  ta- 
ble to  him  upoun  the  town's  cxpeusii.-'  Records  ofTownCouu- 
eil  for  23i\  Aug.  I.jOI. 

t  Keith,  53j,  537,  J49. 

t  Knox.  Historie,  p.  3(iS.  §   Ibid.  p.  370,  STl. 


SOS  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

in  she  has  been  nourished,  and  brought  up."*  And 
tliere  was  no  more  word  of  hearing  either  sermon  or 
conference. 

The  friendship  between  the  earl  of  Murray  and 
the  Reformer  was  renewed  in  the  beginning  of  1565. 
The  latter  was  placed  in  a  very  delicate  predicament, 
by  the  insurrection  under  Murray,  and  the  other  lords 
who  opposed  the  queen's  marriage.  His  father-in- 
law  was  one  of  the  number.  They  professed  that 
the  security  of  the  protestant  religion  was  the  prin- 
cipal ground  of  their  taking  arms  ;  and  they  came 
to  Edinburgh,  to  collect  men  to  their  standard.  But 
w^hatever  favour  he  might  have  for  them,  he  kept 
himself  clear  from  any  engagement.!  If  he  had 
taken  part  in  this  unsuccessful  revolt,  we  need  not 
doubt  that  lier  majesty  would  have  embraced  the 
opportunity  of  punishing  him  for  it,  when  his  prin- 
cipal friends  had  fled  the  kingdom. 

We  find,  in  fact,  that  she  immediately  proceeded 
against  him  on  a  different,  but  far  more  slender  pre- 
text. The  young  king,  who  could  be  either  pa- 
pist, or  protestant  as  it  suited,  went  sometimes  to 
mass  with  the  queen,  and  sometimes  attended  the 
reformed  sermons.  To  silence  the  suspicions  of  his 
alienation  from  the  reformed  religion,  circulated  by 
the  insurgent  lords,  he,  on  the  19th  of  August,  made 
a  solemn  appearance  in  St.  Giles's  church,  sitting  on 
a  throne,  whicli  had  been  prepared  for  his  reception. 
Knox  preached  that  day  on  Isa.  xxvi.  13,  &c.  and 
happened  to  prolong  the  service  beyond  his  usual 
time.  In  one  part  of  the  sermon,  he  quoted  these 
words  of  scripture  :  ''  I  will  give  children  to  be  their 
princes,    and  babes   shall  rule  over  tliem  :  children 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  G70. 

t  Goodall  says  that  Knox  was  enj^aged  with  the  earl  of  Murray 
in  a  plot  for  seizing  Darnley  ;  but  he  has  not  produced  the  evi 
denee  for  his  assertion.     Life  of  Queen  Mary,  i.  307 — 209. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  SOS 

are  their  oppressors,  and  women  rule  over  them  ;" 
and  in  another  part  of  it,  he  mentioned  that  God  pu- 
nished Ahab,  because  he  did  not  correct  his  idola- 
trous wife  Jesabel.*  Though  no  particular  appli- 
cation was  made  by  tlie  preacher,  the  king  applied 
these  passages  to  himself  and  tbe  queen,  and,  return- 
ing to  the  palace  in  great  wrath,  refused  to  taste  din> 
ner.  The  papists,  who  had  accompanied  him  to 
church,  inflamed  his  resentment  and  that  of  the 
queen,  by  their  representations. 

That  very  afternoon  Knox  was  taken  from  bed,f  and 
carried  before  the  privy  council.  Some  respectable 
inhabitants  of  the  city,  understanding  his  citation, 
accompanied  him  to  the  palace.  He  was  told  that 
he  had  offended  the  king,  and  must  desist  from 
preaching  as  long  as  their  majesties  were  in  Edin- 
burgh. He  replied,  that  "  he  had  spoken  nothing 
but  according  to  his  text;  and  if  the  church  would 
command  him  to  speak  or  abstain,  he  would  obey, 
so   far  as  the  word  of  God   would  permit  him. '"J 

*  Sei  moil,  apud  History  of  the  Reformation,  Edln.  1644-,  4to. 
Append.  120, 128.  Spottiswood  says,  that  Knox,  in  Iris  sermon, 
(either  doubting  the  king's  sincerity,  or  favouring  the  faction  of 
the  nobleman.)  "fell upon  him  with  a  bitter  reproof.'*  History^ 
191.  But  the  archbishop  does  not  seem  to  have  read  the  sermon, 
which  contains  no  reproof  of  the  king,  either  bitter  or  mild.  In- 
deed, the  preacher  seems  to  have  used,  on  that  oceasion,  less  free- 
dom in  the  application  than  ordinary. 

t  Preface  to  the  Sermon. 
I  Ibid.  F^ecords  of  Town  Council,  nt  infra.  Historic,  p.  .381.  Incon- 
sequence of  being  called  before  the  privyeouncil,  he  immediately 
wrote  out  the  sermon,  as  exactly  according  to  what  he  preached  as 
he  could,  andsentit  to  the  press,  to  let  the  impartial  see,  "upon 
how  small  occasions,  great  oifence  is  now  taken."  At  the  end  of 
it  is  this  postscript:  "Lord,  into  thy  hands  I  commr'ndmy  spirit; 
for  the  terrible  roaring  of  gnnnes,  and  the  noise  of  armour  do  so 
pierce  my  heart,  that  my  soul  thirslith  to  depart ."  On  the  margin 
are  these  words :  "  The  castle  of  Edinburgh  was  shooting  against 
the  exiled  forfhrist  .Jesus'  sake."  Then  follows  the  date  at  which 


304*  LIFtl    OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

Spottiswood  says,  that  he  not  only  stood  to  what  he 
had  said  in  the  pulpit,  but  added,  *^  That  as  the  king, 
for"  the  queen's  ^^  pleasure,  had  gone  to  mass,  and 
dishonoured  the  Lord  God,  so  should  he  in  his  justice 
make  her  the  instrument  of  his  overthrow.  This 
speech  (continues  the  archbishop's  manuscript,)  es- 
teemed too  bold  at  the  time,  came  afterwards  to  be 
remembered,  and  was  reckoned  among  other  of  his 
prophetical  sayings,  which  certainly  were  marvel- 
ous. The  queen,  enraged  at  this  answer,  burst  forth 
into  tears."'* 

The  report  of  the  inhibition  laid  upon  the  Refor- 
mer,  created  great  agitation  in  the  city.  His  col- 
league, who  was  appointed  to  supply  his  place  dur- 
ing the  suspension,  threatened  to  desist  entirely 
from  preaching.  The  town  council  met,  and  ap- 
pointed a  deputation  to  wait  on  their  majesties,  and 
request  the  removal  of  the  inhibition  ;  and  in  a  se- 
cond meeting,  on  the  same  day,  tliey  came  to  an 
unanimous  resolution,  that  they  would  "  in  no  man- 

llse  nri'iing  was  finislied.  "  Tlie  last  day  of  August  1565,  at 
I'aii!"  oi'the  clock  \\\  ihe  afternoon,  written  indigestly,  but  yet  truly 
so  larre  MS  msMiiory  would  serve,  if  those  things  that  inpiiblike  1 
spake  oil  Sunday,  August  19,  for  the  which  1  was  discharged  to 
preach  for  a  timf .  Be  merciful  to  thy  flock,  0  Lord,  and  at  thy 
pleasure  put  end  to  my  misery,     John  Knox." 

*  Spottiswood,  191,  192.  Keith,  540,  i54.7.  Keith  calls  in 
question  the  archbishop's  narration;  because  Knox,  in  his  histo- 
ry, does  not  say  that  the  queen  was  present,  and  does  not  mention 
die  prediction,  although  '•  fond  enough  to  catch  at  and  force  such 
thiiig-i  upoii  Ills  readers."  But  it  should  be  noticed,  that  Knox 
did  not  wiitc  this  part  of  the  history  ;  the  fifth  book  being  com- 
piled aficr  his  death,  and  not  being  found  in  the  ancient  MSS. 
rSec  JicicertisemeHi  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  his  Historic,  PJdin. 
l7o2.  It  must  be  confessed,  liowcver,  that  Spottiswood's  account 
of  this  alVaix"  is  inaecaiate  in  a  number  of  particulars.  David 
Bii'liunan  sajs  that  tlic  kijig  had  "  cast  thepsalme  booke  in  the 
fiio.'"  which  was  the  cause  of  Kuox's  deuusuiation  ai^ainst  him. 
TaiV  prefixed  to  History  of  the  Reformation. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  305 

ner  of  way  consent  or  grant  that  his  mouth  be 
closed,"  but  that  he  should  be  desired,  "  at  his 
pleasure,  and  as  God  should  move  his  heart,  to  pro- 
ceed forward  to  true  doctrine  as  before,  wliich  doc- 
trine they  would  approve  and  abide  at  to  their  life's 
end."* 

It  does  not  appeur  that  he  continued  any  time 
suspended  from  preaching.  For  the  King  and  queen 
left  Edinburgh  before  the  next  sabbath,f  and  the 
prohibition  extended  only  to  the  time  of  their  resi- 
dence in  the  city.  Upon  their  return,  it  is  probable 
that  the  court  judged  it  unadvisable  to  enforce  an 
order  which  had  already  created  much  discontent, 
and  might  alienate  the  minds  of  the  people  still  far- 
ther from  the  present  administration.  Accordingly, 
we  find  him  exercising  his  ministry  in  Edinburgh 
with  the  same  boldness  as  formerly.  Complaints 
were  made  to  the  council  of  the  manner  in  which  he 
prayed  for  the  exiled  noblemen  ;  but  secretary  Mait- 
land,  who  had  formerly  found  so  much  fault  Avitli 
his  prayers,  defended  them  on  the  present  occasion, 
saying  that  he  had  heard  them,  and  they  were  such  as 
no  body  could  blame. :i: 

Christopher  Goodman  had  officiated  with  much 
acceptance  as  minister  of  St.  Andrews,  since  the 
year  1560;  but  he  was  prevailed  on,  by  the  solicita- 
tions of  his  friends  in  Enghmd,  to  return,  about  tliis 
time,  to  his  native  country.§  Tlic  commissioners 
from  St.  A.ndrev,s  were  instructed  to  petiticni  the 
General  Assembly,  Avhich  met  in  December  this 
year,  that  Knox  should  be  translated  frcnn  Edin- 
burgh to  their  city.  Tliey  claimed  a  right  to  him, 
as    he    had  commenced   his  ministry    among   them ; 

*  Records  of  Town  Comiei!,  2.id  Auo-ii-t.  {.irjj.      Kci(,h,  317. 

t  Knox,  Historie,  p.  381. 

i  Ibid.  p.  389. 

§  See  Note  S8.  ' 


^OG  LIFE   OP   JOHN   KN©X. 

and  they  might  think  that  tlie  dissentions  between 
the  court  and  him  would  induce  him  to  prefer  a 
more  retired  situation.  But  the  petition  was  re- 
fused *. 

This  Assembly  imposed  on  him  several  important 
services.  He  was  commissioned  to  visit  the  churches 
in  the  south  of  Scotland,  and  appointed  to  write 
^'  a  comfortable  letter/'  exhorting  the  ministers, 
cxhorters,  and  readers,  throughout  the  kingdom, 
to  persevere  in  the  discharge  of  their  functions, 
which  many  of  them  were  threatening  to  throw  up, 
on  account  of  the  non-payment  of  their  stipends, 
and  exciting  the  people  among  whom  they  laboured 
to  relieve  their  necessitiesf.  He  had  formerly  re- 
ceived an  appointment  to  draw  up  The  Form  of  Ex- 
communication and  Public  Repentance.^  At  this 
time  he  was  required  to  compose  a  Treatise  of  Fasting, 
Tlie  Assembly,  having  taken  into  consideration  the 
troubles  of  the  country,  and  the  dangei's  which 
threatened  the  whole  protestant  interest,  appointed 
a  general  fast  to  be  kept  through  the  kingdom.  The 
form  and  order  to  be  observed  on  that  occasion  they 
left  to  be  drawn  out  by  Knox  and  his  colleague.  As 
nothing  had  been  hitherto  published  expressly  on 
this  subject,  they  were  authorized  to  explain  the 
duty,  as  well  as  state  the  reasons  which  at  this  time 
called  for  that  solemn  exercise.     The  whole  was  ap- 

*  Keith,  562. 

t  Ibid.  533. 

I  The  appointment  was  laid  upon  ]iim  in  June  1563.  Keitli, 
■525.  He  does  not  seem  to  have  finished  it  till  1567;  for  this 
date  is  added  after  a  prayer  at  the  end  of  the  treatise.  Then  fol- 
lows a  postscript.  "  This  booke  is  thought  necessary  and  pro- 
fitable for  the  church,  and  commanded  to  be  printed  by  the  Gen- 
erall  Assemblie."  The  order  for  printing  it  seems  to  have  been 
l;rst  given  by  the  Assembly  in  156S,  and  renewed  in  1571. 
Psalmes  in  Meeter,  &c.  (commonly  called  Knox's  Liturgy)  prin- 
ted by  Andro  Hart,  A.  1611,  p.  28,  67.  Dunlop's  Confessions 
ii.  705,  74^. 


/  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  307 

/ 

pointed  "^0  be  ready  before   the  time  of  the  fast,  to 
^erveis  a  directory  to  ministers   and   people.     The 
tre?«^se  does  credit  to  the  compilers,  both  as  to  mat- 
tp€  and  form.     It  is  Avritten  in  a  perspicuous  and  nerv- 
ous style.     In  the  grounds  assigned   for  fasting,  the 
crifinal   oiatc  of  all  the   reformed  churches,  the  late 
decree  of  the  Council  of  Trent   for  tlie   extirpation 
of  the  protestant  name,   the  combination   of  the  pop- 
ish princes  for  carrying  this  into  execution,   and   the 
barbarities   exercised  towards   their  brethren  in  dif- 
ferent countries,   are  all   held  forth  as  a  warning  to 
the   protestants   of   Scotland,   and  urged  as   calls  to 
repentance  and  prayer.* 

In  fact,  strong  as  their  apprehensions  were,  the 
danger  was  nearer  to  themselves  than  they  imagin- 
ed. The  most  zealous  and  powerful  protestants 
being  exiled,  the  queen  determined  to  carry  into 
execution  the  design  of  which  she  had  never  lost 
sight;  and  while  she  amused  the  nation  with  pro- 
clamations against  altering  the  received  religion, 
and  tantalized  the  ministers  with  offers  of  more  ade- 
quate support,  was  preparing  for  the  immediate  re- 
storation of  the  Roman  Catholic  worship.  No  means 
were  left  unattcmpted  for  gaining  over  the  n(»hility 
to  that  religion.  The  king  openly  professed  him- 
self  a  papist,  and  officiated  in  some  of  their  most  su- 
perstitious rites.  The  earls  of  Lennox,  Cassilis,  and 
Caithness,  with  lords  Montgomery  and  Seton,  did 
the  same,  t  The  friars  were  employed  to  preach  at 
Holyroodhouse,  and,  to  gain  the  favour  of  the  peo- 
ple, endeavoured  to  imitate  the  popular  method  of 
the  protestant  preachers. t.     In  the  beginning  of  Fc- 

*  Bee  Note  TT. 

t  Robertson,  App.  No.  11.  Koilh,  App.  p.  IfiS,  IGT.  Knox, 
389,  .391. 

I  The  friars  were  so  little  esteemed,  that  they  soon  wearied  of 
preaching.    They  boasted  that  they  w ould dispute  with  the  prot- 

5!    3 


308  LIFE   01'  JOHN  KNOX. 

bruary,    1566,  a  message   arrived  from  the  cardinal 
of  Lorrain,  with  a  copy  of  the  league  for  tht  gene- 
ral  extirpation  of  the  protestants,    and   instriicfions 
to  obtain  her  subscription  to  it,   and  her  consenito 
proceed  to  extremities   against  the  exiled   nobility. 
Mary  scrupled  not  to  set  her  hanil  to  iUle  ipagne.* 
The  exiled  noblemen  were  summoned  to  appear  be- 
fore the  parliament  on  the    12th   of  March.     The 
lords  of  the  Articles  were   chosen  according  to  the 
queen's  pleasure ;  the  popish  ecclesiastics  were  re- 
stored to  their  place  in  parliament ;  the  altars  to  be 
erected  in  St.  Giles's  church  for  the  Roman  Catholic 
worship  were  prepared. -j- 

But  these  measures,  when  ripe  for  execution, 
were  blasted,  in  consequence  of  a  secret  engagement 
which  the  king  had  entered  into  with  some  of  the 
protcstant  nobles.  The  first  effect  produced  by  this 
engagement  was  the  well  known  assassination  of 
Jlizio,  an  unworthy  favourite  of  the  queen,  who  was 
the  principal  instigator  of  the  measures  against  the 
protestant  religion  and  the  banished  lords,  and  had 
incurred  the  jealousy  of  the  king,  the  contempt  of 
the  nobility,  and  the  hatred  of  the  people.  The  re- 
moval of  this  minion  from  her  majesty's  counsels 
and  presence  would  have  been  a  meritorious  act ; 
but  the  manner  in  which  it  Avas  accomplished  was 
marked  with  the  barbarous  manners  of  the  age. J 

estfint  ministers  ;  bill  when  tlie  eonimissioncrs  of  the  General  As- 
sembly waited  on  their  majesties,  and  requested  that  this  might 
be  granted  in  their  presence,  the  queen  replied,  that  "  schewald 
not  jeopard  her  religioun  i;pon  siek  as  wer  thare  present ;  for 
sche  knew  wciil  enouch,  that  the  protestants  wer  more  learned. 
Knox,  llistorie,  p.  391. 

*Keith,  p.  326.App.  ler.  Robertson,  App.  No.  14.  Melvil's 
Memoirs,  63,  64-. 

t  Knox,  392,394.  Keith,  App.  126.  The  queen's  letter  to  the 
archbishop  of  Glasgow,  apud  Keitli,  331.  Goodall  and  Black- 
wood, apud  Robertson,  ii.  145.     Lond.  1809. 

\  The  noblemen  wished  to  bring  Uizio  to  a  pubhc  trial,  but  the 


LItE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  303 

A  eo)»P^^t^  change  in  the  state  of  the  court  follow- 
ed ny^^  t^i^  •  *^®  popish  counsellors  fled  from  tha 
pai^e  ;  the  banished  lords  returned  out  of  England  ; 
aid  the  parliament  was  prorogued,  without  accom- 
plishing any  of  the  objects  for  which  it  had  been  as- 
semblpfl-  But  the  queen  soon  persuaded  the  weak 
and  uxorious  king  to  desert  the  noblemen,  retire 
with  her  to  Dunbar,  and  emit  a  proclamation,  dis- 
owning his  consent  to  tlie  late  attempt,  by  which  he 
exposed  himself  to  the  contempt  of  the  nation,  with- 
out regaining  her  affection.  Having  collected  an 
army,  she  returned  to  Edinburgh,  threatening  to 
inflict  the  most  exemplary  vengeance  on  all  who 
h^d  been  accessory  to  the  murder  of  her  secretary, 
and  the  indignity  shewn  to  her  person.  She  found 
herself,  however,  unable  to  resume  her  plan  for  al- 
tering the  received  religion  ;  and  the  earl  of  Murray, 
with  the  other  lords  who  had  opposed  her  marriage, 
were  soon  after  pardoned. 

When  the  queen  came  to  Edinburgh,  Knox  left  it, 
and  retired  to  Kyle.  There  is  no  reason  to  think 
that  he  was  privy  to  the  conspiracy  which  proved 
fatal  to  Rizio.  But  it  is  probable  that  he  had  ex- 
pressed his  satisfaction  at  an  event,  which  contribut- 
ed to  the  safety  of  religion  and  the  commonwealth,  if 
not  also  his  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  the  con- 
spirators.*    At  any  rate,  he  was,   on  other  grounds, 

kin^  would  i»ot  wait  for  this,  aiiii  determined  tliat  hr*  slioiiid  os 
seized  in  the  quooirs  presence,  altlioaa;li  his;  with  child,  *^hat  he 
might  have  the  opportunity  of  upbraiding  her  for  the  wrongs 
which  he  had  suftered.     Keith.  App.  12t,  122. 

*  King  James  VI.  having  found  great  fault  with  Knox  for  ap- 
proving of  the  assassination  of  Rizio,  one  of  the  ministers  said, 
that  "  the  slaughter  of  David  [Rizio,]  *o  far  as  it  was  the  work 
of  God,  was  allowed  by  Mr.  Knox,  and  not  otherwise.-'  Caid. 
jNIS.  ad  Ann.  1591.  Knox  himself  does  not,  however,  iriake 
this  qualification,  when  he  mentions  the  subject  iucidentallv; 
Hisiorie.  n.  S6. 


310 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 


sufficiently  obnoxious  to  the  queen  ;  and  as  her  re- 
sentmenfcj  on  the  present  occasion,  was  exctedin"-- 
ly  inflamed,  it  was  deemed  prudent  for  him  to  vith- 
draw.* 

Having,  at  last,  "  got  quit"  of  one  who  had  long 
been  troublesome  to  her,  the  queen  -was  'Iptermined 
to  prevent  his  return  to  the  capital.  We  need  not 
doubt  that  the  town -council  and  inhabitants,  who 
had  formerly  refused  to  aguee  to  his  suspension 
from  preaching  for  a  short  time,  would  exert  them- 
selves to  obtain  his  restoration.  But  she  resisted 
the  importunities  of  all  his  friends.  She  was  even 
unwilling  that  he  should  find  a  refuge  within  the 
kingdom,  and  wrote  to  a  nobleman  in  the  west 
country,  with  whom  he  resided,  to  banish  him  from 
his  house. t  It  does  not  appear  that  he  returned 
to  Edinburgh,  or,  at  least,  that  he  resumed  his  mi- 
nistry in  it,  until  the  queen  was  deprived  of  the  go- 
vernment. 

Being  banished  from  his  flock,  he  judged  this  a 
favourable  opportunity  for  paying  a  visit  to  England. 
Parental  afl'eetion,  on  the  present  occasion,  iucreas- 
ed  the  desire  which  he  had  long  felt  to  accomplish 
this  journey.  His  two  sons  had  some  time  ago  been 
sent  by  him  into  that  kingdom,  probably  at  the 
desire  of  their  mother's  relations,  to  obtain  their 
education  in  some  of  the  English  seminaries.  Hav- 
ing obtained  the   queen's  safe  conduct,  he  applied  to 

*  Knox,  Historic,  395,  and  Answer  to  Tyrie,  A.  iiij. 

t  Letter  from  arclihisStop  (Trindiii  to  BuIIinger,  l7th  Aii2,'iist, 
1566.  Strype's  Grindal,  App.  20.  Letter  from  bislsop  Park- 
hurst,  written  in  Deeember,  iSHfi.  Kurnet's  Ilisl.  of  Refor.  iii. 
Ajip.  No.  91.  In  the  Assembly  wliieli  met  in  June  this  year, 
Mr.  John  Craii:^  desired  that  "  Jolni  Carnes,  who  had  read 
pr.iyers,  and  exliorted  four  years  and  more  in  Edinburgh,  and 
had  Weill  profited, — miu;ht  be  joyned  wiJh  him  as  colleac^iie  in 
the  kirk  of  Jidinburgh,  in  respuct  he  was  alone.^'     Keith,  560. 


/  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  Sit 

the  Gep^r^l   Assembly,   which    met    in  December, 
1566  ^01"  *^^i^    liberty   to   remove.      They    readily 
p.,.j^^ed  it,  upon  condition  of  his    returning  against 
t|»i  time  of  their  next  meeting  in  June ;  and,  at  the 
same  time,  gave  him  a  most  ample  and  honourable 
testimonial,  in  which  they  describe  him   as  *' a  true 
and  faiihful  minister,  in  doctrine   pure  and  sincere, 
in    life    and  conversation   in  our  sigJit  inculpable," 
and  one  who  "  has    so    fruitfully   used  that   talent 
granted  to   him  by  the  Eternal,  to  the  advancement 
of  the  glory    of  his  godly  name,  to  the  propagation 
of  the  kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  edifying  of  them 
who  heard  his  preaching,  that  of  duty  we  most  hear- 
tily praise  his  godly  name,  for  that  so  great  a  benefit 
granted  unto  him  for  our  utility  and  profit."* 

The  Reformer  was  charged  with  a  letter  from  the 
Assembly,  to  the  bishops  and  ministers  of  England, 
interceding  for  lenity  to  such  of  their  brethren  as 
scrupled  to  use  tlie  sacerdotal  dress,  enjoined  by  the 
laws.  The  controversy  on  tliat  subject  was  at  this 
time  carried  on  with  great  warmth  among  the  Eng- 
lish clergy.  It  is  not  improbable,  that  the  Assem- 
bly interfered  in  this  business  at  the  desire  of  Knox, 
to  whom  the  composition  of  the  letter  was  commit- 
ted.f  He  could  not  have  forgotten  the  trouble  which 
he  himself  had  suffered  on  a  similar  ground,  and  lie 
had  a  high  regard  for  many  of  the  scruplers.  This 
interposition  did  not  procure  for  them  any  relief. 
Even  though  the  superior  clergy  had  been  more 
zealous  to  obtain  it  than  they  were,  Elizal)eth  was 
inflexible,  and  would  listen  neither  to  the  suppiica- 

*  Keith,  564. 

tlbiJ.  565,  506.  Knox.  402,  403.  Spottiswood,  198.  190. 
The  letter  was  subscribed  by  "  .Tohn  llavidson.  for  .Tames  Nicluild- 
son,  writer  and  clarke  of  the  church  of  Edinhorou^h.'-  Strype's 
Life  of  Archbishop  Parker.  App.  S8. 


312  LIE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

tious  of  her  bishops,  nor  the  advice  of  her  counsel- 
lors. Knox's  good  opinion  of  the  English  queea 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  improved  by  this  vis^t.* 

There  was  one  piece  of  public  service  which  \^ 
performed,  before  undertaking  his  journey  to  Eng- 
land.  On  the  23d  of  December,  the  qnpp.n  granted 
a  commission  to  the  archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  un- 
der the  Privy  Seal,  restoring  him  to  his  ancient  ju- 
risdiction, which  had  been  abolished,  in  1560,  by 
act  of  parliament.!  This  step  was  taken,  partly 
to  prepare  for  the  restoration  of  the  popish  reli- 
gion, and  partly  to  facilitate  another  dark  design 
■which  was  soon  after  disclosed.  The  protestants 
could  not  fail  to  be  both  alarmed  and  enraged  at  this 
daring  measure.  The  Reformer,  moved  both  by 
his  own  zeal,  and  the  advice  of  his  brethren,  ad- 
dressed a  circular  letter  to  the  principal  protestants 
in  the  kingdom,  requesting  their  immediate  advice 
on  the  measures  most  proper  to  be  adopted  on  this 
occasion,  and  inclosing  a  copy  of  a  proposed  suppli- 
cation to  the  queen.  This  letter  discovers  all  the 
ardour  of  the  Avriter's  spirit,  called  forth  by  such  an 
alarming  occurrence.  After  mentioning  the  late 
acts  for  the  provision  of  the  ministry,J  by  which  the 
queen  attempted  to  blind  them,  he  says  :  "  How 
that   any   such   assignation,    or    any    promise    made 

*  Speaking  of  England,  he  says  :  "  And  yet  is  sche  that  now 
riqjneth  oyer  thame  nether  2:"de  protestant,  nor  yet  resohite  pa- 
pist ,;  let  the  warldjndgequhilk  is  the  third."  Historie,  p.  277. 
By  comparing  p.  2B9,  it  appears  that  this  was  ^vritten  by  him  in 
l^fiT,  after  his  return  from  England. 

t  Laings  History  of  Scothmd.  yoi.  i.  75,  7(i.  This  historian 
has  refuted  the  charges  of  forgery  which  Wliilaker  had  brought 
against  Knox  and  Calderwood  o»  this  head.     Ibid.  p.  78,  79. 

I  Keitli,  p.  D6i,  562.  The  occurrence  which  had  taken  place, 
helps  to  ex[>laiuthe  coldness  with  which  the  Assembly  recci\ed 
fhe  iafoimatipn  of  these  acts  in  llieir  favour.     Ibid.  p.  508. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  313 

thereof. ^<^^^  stand  in  any   stable   assurance,  Avlien 
that  Tioman  Antichrist,  by  just  laws  once  banished 
fi.o,<  this  realm,  shall  be  intrusted  above  us,  we  can 
pj  ways  understand.     Yea,  farther,  we  cannot  see 
what  assurance  can  any  within  this  realm,  that  hath 
prnfoeood  the  Lord  Jesus,  have  of  life,   or  inherit- 
ance,  if  the  head  of   that   odious   Beast   be    cured 
among  us.''     Having  inforced  his  request,  he  adds  : 
"  As  from   the  beginning   we   have    neither    spared 
substance  nor  life,  so  mind  we  not  to  faint  unto  the 
end,  to  maintain  the  same,  so  long  as  we  can  find 
the  concurrence  of  brethren ;    of  whom  (as  God  for- 
bid,) if  we  be  destitute,  yet  are  we  determined  never 
to  ^be  subject  to  the  Roman  Antichrist,  neither  yet 
to  his  usurped  tyranny  ;    but  when   we  can   do   no 
farther  to  suppress   that   odious  Beast,  we    mind  to 
seal  it  with   our   blood    to   our   posterity,    that    the 
bright  knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ  hath  banished  that 
Man  of  Sin,  and  his  venomous   doctrine,  from   our 
hearts   and  consciences.     Let  this  cur  letter  and  re- 
quest bear  witness  before  God,   before  !iis   church, 
before   the    world,    and   before  your  own  conscien- 
ces."*    The  supplication  of  the  General  Assembly 
to  the  lords  of  the  privy  council,  on  the  same  sub- 
ject, also  bears  marks  of  the  Heformer's  peu.-j- 

During  the  time  that  Knox  was  in  England,  that 
tragedy,  so  well  known  in  Scottish  history,  was  act- 
ed, which  led  to  a  complete  revolution  in  the  go- 
vernment of  the  kingdom,  and,  contrary  to  the  de- 
signs of  the  actors,  tlu-ew  the  power  solely  into  the 
hands  of  the  protestants.  Mary's  affection  for  her 
husband,  which  had  cooled  soon  after  their  mar- 
riage, was,  from  the  time  of  Rizio's  assassination, 
converted  into  a  fixed  hatred,  which  she  was  at  little 
pains  to  conceal.     lu  proportion   as   her  mind  v.as 

*  Cald.  IMS.  apijfi  Kehli,  566,  jor.  r  Ibid 


^^^  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

alienated  from  the  king,  the  unprincipled  earl  of 
Both  well  grew  in  her  favour.  He  engrosst^l  the 
whole  management  of  public  affairs,  and  was  tia^t. 
ed  by  her  majesty  with  every  mark  of  regard  ah.\ 
affection.  In  these  circumstances,  the  ne^-lected 
unhappy  king  was  decoyed  to  Edinburgli,  lua^ca  ;« 
a  solitary  dwelling  at  the  extremity  of  the  city,  and 
murdered  on  the  night  of  February  9,  15fi7 ;  the 
house  iu  which  he  lay  being  blown  up  with  gun- 
powder. 

It  would  be  impertinent  to  enter  here  into  the 
controversy  respecting  the  authors  of  this  murder, 
which  has  been  agitated  with  uncommon  keenness, 
from  that  day  to  the  present  time.  The  accusation 
of  the  earl  of  Murray  as  a  party  to  the  deed,  which 
was  at  first  circulated  with  the  evident  design  of 
turning  away  the  public  mind  from  the  real  perpe- 
trators, insinuated,  and  afterwards  brought  forward 
directly  in  the  conference  at  York,  ])y  way  of  retor- 
tion of  the  charge  exhibited  by  him  against  the 
queen,  and  still  kept  up  by  some  of  the  zealous  par- 
tizans  of  Mary,  is  destitute  of  all  proof,  and  utterly 
incredible.  TSiat  Bothwell  was  the  prime  contriver 
and  agent  in  the  murder  cannot  admit  of  a  doubt 
with  any  impartial  and  reasonable  inquirer.  And 
that  Mary  was  privy,  and  accessory  to  it,  by  per- 
mission and  approbation,  there  is,  I  think,  all  the 
evidence,  moral  and  legal,  which  could  reasonably 
be  expected  in  a  case  of  the  kind.  The  whole  of 
her  behaviour  towards  the  king,  from  the  time  that 
she  brought  him  from  Glasgow  till  she  left  him  on 
the  fatal  night ;  the  remissness  which  she  discovered 
in  inquiring  into  the  murder  ;  tlie  shameful  manner 
ill  which  the  farce  of  Bothwell's  trial  was  conducted  ; 
and  the  glaring  act  (whicli  struck  with  horror  the 
Avhole  of  Europe,  and  even  her  own  friend*-)  of  tak- 
ing to  her  bed,  with  indecent  haste^,  the  man  who 


LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX.  815 

"vvas  stigmatized  as  the  murderer  of  her  husband,  af- 
ford the  strongest  presumption  of  her  guilt ;  and, 
when  taken  in  connection  with  the  direct  evidence 
arising  from  letters  and  depositions,  would  have 
been  sufficient  long  ago  to  shut  the  mouths  of  any 
but  the  defenders  of  Mary,  queeu  of  Scots.* 

Knox  was  absent  from  Edinburgh  at  the  time  of 
the  queen's  marriage  with  Both  well ;  but  his  col 
league  ably  supported  the  honour  of  his  place  and 
order  on  that  occasion,  when  the  whole  nobility  of 
Scotland  observed  a  passive  and  disgraceful  silence. 
Being  required  by  both  the  parties  to  publish  the 
banns,  he,  after  considerable  reluctance,  agreed, 
by  the  advice  of  his  session,  to  make  known  the 
purpose ;  but  he  at  the  same  time  protested  from 
the  pulpit,  on  three  several  days,  and  took  heaven 
and  earth  to  witness,  that  he  abhorred  and  detested 
the  intended  marriage  as  unlawful  and  scandalous, 
and  solemnly  charged  the  nobility  to  use  their  influ- 
ence to  prevent  the  queen  from  taking  a  step,  which 
would  cover  her  with  infamy.  Being  called  before 
the  council,  and  accused  of  having  exceeded  the 
bounds  of  his  commission,  he  boldly  replied  that  the 
bounds  of  his  commission  were  the  word  of  God, 
good  laws,  and  natural  reason,  to  all  of  which,  tlie 
proposed  marriage  was  contrary.  And  Bothwell 
being  present,  he  charged  him  with  the  crime  of 
adultery,  the  precipitancy  with  which  the  process  of 

*  Those  who  wish  to  see  the  proof  of  these  assertions,  may 
consult  Mr.  Hume's  History  of  the  period,  with  the  notes  ;  Di-. 
Robertson's, with  his  Dissertation:  and  especially  Mr,  Laing's 
Dissertation  on  the  subject.  This  last  writer  has  examined  the 
point  with  great  industry,  acuteness,  and  judgment;  established 
the  genuineness  of  the  letters  to  Bothwell,  and  cleared  the  whole 
evidence  from  the  objections  and  cavils  of  the  fantastical  Whit- 
aker,  a  late  author,  who  has  ecjualled  any  of  his  predecessors  in 
prejudice,  and  exceeded  all  of  them  in  the  illiberal  and  virulent 
abuse  with  which  he  ha«  treated  the  most  respectable  of  his 
opponents. 

T  2 


316  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

divorce  had  been  carried  through,  the  suspicions  en- 
tertaiaed  of  collusion  between  him  and  his  wife,  of 
his  having  murdered  the  king,  and  ravished  the 
queen,  all  of  which  would  be  confirmed,  if  they  car- 
ried their  purpose  into  execution. *^ 

The  events  which  followed  in  rapid  succession 
upon  this  infamous  marriage  ;  the  confederation  of 
the  nobility  for  revenging  the  kiug^'s  death,  and  pre- 
serving the  person  of  the  infant  prince  ;  the  flight  of 
Bothwell ;  the  surrender  and  imprisonment  of  Mary  5 
her  resignation  of  the  government ;  the  coronation 
of  her  son ;  and  the  appointment  of  the  earl  of  Mur- 
ray as  regent  during  his  minority,  are  all  well  known 
to  the  readers  of  Scottish  history. 

Knox  seems  to  have  returned  to  his  charge  at  the 
time  that  the  queen  fled  with  Bothwell  to  Dunbar. 
He  was  present  in  the  General  Assembly  which  met 
at  Edinburgh  on  the  25th  of  June,  and  was  delegat- 
ed by  them  to  go  to  the  west  country,  and  endea- 
vour to  persuade  the  Hamiltons,  and  others  who  still 
stood  aloof  from  the  confederated  lords,  to  join 
•with  them  in  settling  the  distracted  afl*airs  of  the 
country,  and  to  attend  a  general  convention  of  the 
delegates  of  the  churches,  to  be  held  on  the  20th  of 
July  following. t  He  was  unsuccessful  in  this  nego- 
ciation.  But  the  convention  was  held,  and  the  no- 
bles, barons,  and  other  commissioners,  who  were 
present,  subscribed  a  number  of  articles,  with  refer- 
ence to  religion  and  the  state  of  the  nation.  J 

*Biiikof  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  85,  S7,  103.  Anderson's 
Collections,  ii.  278 — 28:3.  Knox,  405,  406.  Spottiswood,  202, 
203.  Craig  gave  in  a  defence  ol'  liis  conduct  to  the  General  As- 
sembly, 30th  Dec.  1507  ;  hut  it  was  not  until  the  Oth  July,  1569, 
that  the  Assembly  expressed  tlieir  i'ormal  approbation,  and  de- 
clared that  "  he  had  done  the  dewtie  of  a  faithful  minister." 

t  Keith,  574,  577.     Knox,  410. 

t  Keith,  581— 583.     Knox,  411.     Spottis.  209,  210. 


LIFE  OF   JOHN    KNOX.  317 

On  the  S9th  of  July,  the  E.eformer  preached  the 
sermon  at  the  coronation  of  king  James  VI.  in  the 
parish  church  of  Stirling.*  He  objected  to  the  ce- 
remony of  unction,  as  a  Jewish  rite,  abused  under 
the  papacy ;  but  it  was  deemed  inexpedient  to  de- 
part from  the  accustomed  ceremonial  on  the  present 
occasion.  It  was  therefore  performed  by  the  bishop 
of  Orkney,  the  superintendents  of  Lothian  and  An- 
gus assisting  him  to  place  the  crown  on  the  king's 
head.f  After  the  coronation,  Knox,  along  with 
some  others,  took  instruments,  and  craved  extracts 
of  the  proceedings.  J 

When  the  queen  was  confined  by  the  lords  in 
the  castle  of  Lochlevin,  they  had  not  resolved  in 
what  manner  they  should  dispose  of  her  person  for 
the  future.  Some  proposed  that  she  should  be  al- 
lowed to  leave  the  kingdom ;  some  that  she  should  be 
imprisoned  during  life;  while  others  insisted  that 
she  ought  to  suffer  capital  punisliment.  Of  this  last 
opinion  was  Knox,  with  almost  all  the  ministers,  and 
the  great  body  of  the  people.  The  chief  ground 
upon  which  they  insisted  for  this,  was  not  her  mal- 
administration in  the  government,  or  the  mere  safe- 
ty and  peace  of  the  commonwealth  :  which  were  the 
reasons  upon  which  the  parliament  of  England,  in 
the  following  century,  proceeded  to  the  execution 
of  her  grandson.     But  they  grounded  their    opinion 

*  Knox.  412.  Buchanan  calls  it  luculentam  concionem.  Hist. 
ilb.   xviii.     Upcr.  Rud.  torn.  i.  p.  366. 

t  Cald.  M>?.  ii.  67,  68.     Anderson's  Collections,  ii.  249. 

I  Keith.  439.  Keith  expresses  his  surprise  at  Knox's  taking 
iiistrinuents  in  the  name  of  tlie  estates,  as  he"  could  properly  be- 
iono'  to  no  estate  at  all,"  p.  4*0.  But  the  record  does  not  say  that 
he  took  instruments  inthe  name  of  the  estates.  It  is  evident  that  he 
acted  in  the  name  orthe  church,  whicli  was  considered  as  having 
an  iiiterestin  the  transaction,  as  by  otie  clause  of  the  coronation 
oath  tlie  king  engaged  to  maintain  the  protestant  religion,  and  the 
privile^^es  of  the  church.     Ibid.  p.  42S. 


sis  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

upon  the  personal  crimes  with  which  Mary  was 
charged.  Miircleu  and  adultery,  they  reasoned,  w  ere 
crimes  to  which  the  punishment  of  death  was  allot- 
ted by  the  law  of  God,  and  of  nations.  From  this 
penalty  persons  of  no  rank  could  plead  exemption. 
The  ordinary  forms  of  judicial  procedure,  indeed, 
made  no  provision  for  the  trial  of  a  supreme  magis- 
trate for  these  crimes ;  because  the  laws  did  not 
suppose  that  such  enormous  offences  would  be  com- 
mitted by  them.  But  extraordinary  cases  required 
extraordinary  remedies  ;  and  new  offences  gave  birth 
to  new  laws.  There  were  examples  in  scripture  of 
the  capital  punishment  of  princes,  and  precedents  for 
it  in  the  history  of  their  own  country. *^ 

Upon  these  grounds,  Knox  scrupled  not  publicly 
to  maintain,  that  the  estates  of  the  kingdom  ought 
to  bring  Mary  to  a  trial,  and^  if  she  was  found 
guilty  of  the  murder  of  her  husband,  and  an  adul- 
terous connection  with  Bothwell,  that  she  ought  to 
be  put  to  death.  Throkmorton,  the  English  am- 
bassador, had  a  conference  with  him,  with  the  view 
of  mitigating  the  rigour  of  this,  judgment ;  but 
though  he  acquiesced  in  the  resolution  adopted  by 
the  lords  to  detain  her  in  prison,  he  retained  his  sen- 
timent, and,  after  the  civil  war  was  kindled  by  her 
escape,  repeatedly  said,  that  he  considered  the  na- 
tion as  suffering  for  their  criminal  lenity. f 

The  earl  of  Murray,  being  established  in  the  re- 
gency, directed  his  attention,  at  an  early  period,  to 
the  settlement  of  religion,  and  the  redressing  of  the 
principal  grievances  of  wliich  the  church  had  long 
complcfciucd.     A  parliament  being  summoned  to  meet 

*  Keitlu  4?1,  422, 428.  Throkmortoii's  Loiters,  14lh  and  18lh 
July;  apiid  flobertson,  App.  No.  21.  '"  Tiie  women  (says  tlie 
ainljjissador)  he  most  furious  and  impudeut  against  the  cmeeu,  and 
jet  the  men  he  mad  enough." 

tCald.  MS.  ii.  73. 


LIIE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  319 

m  the  middle  of  December,  he,  with  the  advice  of 
the  privy  council,  previously  nominated  certain  ba- 
rons, and  commissioners  of  boroughs,  to  consr.lt 
upon  and  digest  such  overtures  as  were  proper  to  be 
laid  before  that  assembly.  With  these  he  joined 
Knox,  and  other  four  ministers,  to  assist  in  matters 
which  related  to  the  church.  This  committee  met 
in  the  beginning  of  December,  and  sat  until  the 
opening  of  the  parliament.  The  record  of  their 
proceedings,  both  as  to  civil  and  ecclesiastical  af- 
fairs, is  preserved  :  and,  as  many  of  their  proposi- 
tions were  not  adopted  by  the  parliament,  it  is  val- 
uable as  a  declaration  of  the  sentiments  of  a  number 
of  the  most  able  men  in  the  kingdom.* 

On  the  15th  December,  Knox  preached  at  the 
opening  of  the  parliamenl,  and  exhorted  them  to 
begin  with  the  affairs  of  religion,  in  which  case  tliey 
would  find  better  success  in  their  other  business. 
The  parliament  ratified  all  the  acts  which  had  been 
passed,  in  l;i60,  in  favour  of  the  protestant  religion, 
and  against  popery.  New  statutes  of  a  similar  kind 
were  added.  It  was  provided,  that  no  prince  should 
afterwards  be  admitted  to  the  exercise  of  authority  in 
the  kingdom,  without  taking  an  oath  to  maintain  the 
protestant  religion ;  and  that  none  but  protestants 
should  be  admitted  to  any  office,  not  hereditary  nor 
held  for  life.  The  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  exercis- 
ed by  the  different  assemblies  of  the  church,  was  for- 
mally ratified,  and  commissioners  appointed  to  define 
more  exactly  the  causes  which  properly  came  within 
the  sphere  of  their-judgment.  The  thirds  of  benefices 
were  appointed  to  be  paid  immediately  to  collectoi*s 
appointed  by  the  church,  who  were  to  acount  to 
the  exchequer  for  the  overplus  after  paying  the  sti- 
pends of  the  ministers.  And  the  funds  of  provos- 
*  See  Xole  UU. 


320  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

tries,  prcbeudarics,  and  chaplaiaries  were  appropri^ 
ated  to  maintain  bursars  in  colleges.* 

In  the  act  ratifying  the  jurisdiction  of  the  church, 
Knox  was  appointed  one  of  the  commissioners  for 
drawing  out  the  particular  points  which  pertained 
to  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  to  be  presented  to  next 
meeting  of  parliament.  The  General  Assembly, 
which  met  about  the  same  time,  gave  him  a  com- 
mission, along  with  some  others,  to  act  for  them  in 
tliis  matter,  and,  in  general,  to  consult  with  the  regent 
and  council  on  such  ecclesiastical  questions  as  oc- 
curred after  the  dissolution  of  that  assembly.  He 
was  also  appointed  to  assist  the  superintendent  of 
Lothian  in  his  visitation,  and  afterwards  to  visit  the 
churches  in  Kyle,  Carrick,  and  Cunningham. f 

During  the  regency  of  Murray,  there  were  no  jars 
between  the  church  and  the  court,  nor  any  of  those 
unpleasant  complaints  which  had  been  made  at  every 
meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  before  that  time, 
and    which    were    afterwards   renewed. I      All    the 

*  Cald.  MS.  ad  ami.  1567,  ami  Acts  1.  Pari.  James  VI. 

t  Ibid.     Keilh,  585,  586. 

I  Dr.  Rohertso!)  says,  that  the  regulations  respecting  the  thirds, 
made  by  the  parliament,  December  1367",  did  not  produce  any  con- 
siderable change  iuthe  situation  of  the  clergy,  and  speaks  of  them 
as  still  "groaning  under  extreme  poverty,  unable  to  obtain  any 
thing  but  fair  words  and  liberal  promises."  History  of  Scotland, 
ii.  2.>0,  312.  Lond.  1809.  But  the  law  which  gave  power  to  the 
collectors  appointed  by  the  church  to  uplift  the  thirds,  and  to  pay 
the  stipends,  before  any  thing  was  allowed  to  the  court,  w as  cer 
tainly  a  considerable  benefit.  The  church  herself  viewed  it  in 
this  light.  Calderwood  says,  "that  the  ministers  were  now  re- 
freshed with  the  allowance  made  by  the  last  parliament."  MS. 
ad  ann.  1567.  And  the  Assembly,  in  their  letter  inviting  Wil 
lock  to  return  from  England,  expressly  say,  "  Our  enemies,  praised 
be  God,  are  dashed ;  religion  established  ;  sufficieM  provisioi/ 
made  for  mmi.s^er.s,"  8cc.  Keith,  590.  The  account  which  I 
have  given  in  the  text  is,  1  think,  supported  by  the  register  of  the 
/av  icencrai  assemblies  which  were  held  durim?  <he  regency  o,f 
IMurrav. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  321 

<'rievanees  of  which  they  complained  were  not,  in- 
deed,  i^dressed ;  and  the  provision  made  by  law  was 
still  inadequate  for  the  support  of  such  an  eccle- 
siastical establishment  as  the  nation  required,  in- 
cluding the  seminaries  of  education.  But  the  re- 
gent not  only  received  the  addresses  of  the  gen- 
eral assemblies  in  a  ^'  manner  very  different  from 
that  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed ;-'  but 
shewed  a  disposition  to  grant  their  petitions,  as  far 
as  was  in  his  power.  It  was  chiefly  through  his  in- 
fluence that  the  favourable  arrangement  concerning 
the  thirds  of  benefices  was  made  ;  and  he  endeavour- 
ed, though  unsuccessfully,  to  obtain  the  consent  of 
parliament  to  the  dissolution  of  the  prelacies,  and 
tko  appropriation  of  their  revenues  to  the  common  fund 
of  the  church.* 

Our  Reformer  had  now  reached  that  point  from 
which  he  could  take  a  calm  and  deliberate  view  of 
the  dangerous  and  bustling  scene  through  which  he 
had  passed,  and  the  termination  to  which  the  ardu- 
ous struggle,  in  which  he  had  been  so  long  engaged, 
was  now  happily  brought.  Superstition  and  igno- 
rance were  overthrown  and  dispelled  ;  true  religion 
was  established  ;  the  supreme  government  of  the  na- 
tion was  in  the  hands  of  one  in  whose  wisdom  and 
integrity  he  had  the  greatest  confidence  ;  the  church 
was  freed  from  many  of  those  grievances  under  which 
she  had  hitherto  groaned,  and  enjoyed  the  pros- 
pect of  obtaining  the  redress  of  such  as  still  remain- 
ed. The  work  on  which  his  heart  had  been  so  ar- 
dently set  for  such  a  long  period,  and  for  the  suc- 
cess of  which  he  had  so  oflen  trembled,  had  prosper- 
ed beyond  his  utmost  expectation.  He  now  congra- 
tulated himself  on  being  released  from  all  liurden  of 
public  affairs,   and  spending  the   remainder    of  his 

*  Letter  from  the  Regent  to  ilic  General  Assemlily.  iilt.  June. 
i569.     Buik  of  the  Universal!  Kirk.  p.  tj— f  r. 


S22  LIFE    OP   JOHN    KNOX. 

days  in  religious  meditation,  and  preparation  for 
that  event  of  which  his  increasing  infirmities  admon- 
ished him.*  He  even  secretly  cherished  the  wish 
of  resigning  his  charge  in  Edinburgh,  and  retiring 
to  that  privacy,  from  which  he  had  been  drawn  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Scottish  Reformation. f 

But  "the  way  of  man  is  not  in  himself."  Provi- 
dence  had  allotted  to  him  further  trials  of  a  public 
nature  :  he  was  yet  to  see  the  security  of  the  re- 
formed religion  endangered,  and  the  country  involv- 
ed in  another  civil  war,  even  more  distressing  than 
the  former,  in  as  much  as  the  principal  persons  on 
each  side  were  professed  protestants.  From  the  time 
thai  the  government  was  transferred  from  Mary  to 
her  infant  son,  and  the  earl  of  Murray  appointed  to 
the  regency,  a  number  of  the  nobility,  with  the 
house  of  Hamilton  at  their  head,  had  stood  aloof, 
and,  from  other  motives  as  much  as  attachment  to 
the  queen,  had  refused  to  acknowledge  the  authori- 
ty of  the  regent.;!:  Upon  the  escape  of  the  queen 
from  imprisonment,  they  collected  to  her  standard, 

*Cald.MS.  ii.  108. 

t  Speaking  of  (lie  eoiigregaf  ion  of  wliieli  he  had  been  pastor  at 
Geneva,  he  says:  "God  comfort  that  dispersed  little  flock, 
amoni^st  whom  I  lived  with  quietness  of  conscience.,  and  content- 
ment of  heart ;  and  amongst  whom  I  w  ouhl  be  content  to  end  my 
days,  if  so  it  might  stand  with  God's  good  pleasnre.  For  seeing 
it  hatli  pleased  His  Majesty,  above  all  men's  expectations,  to 
prosper  the  work,  for  the  performing  whereof  I  left  that  compa- 
ny,! would  even  as  gladly  return  to  them,  if  they  stood  in  need 
of  my  labours,  as  ever  I  was  glad  to  be  delivered  from  the  rage 
of  mine  enemies.  I  can  give  you  no  reason  that  1  should  so  desire 
other  than  that  my  heart  so  thirsteth."  Letter,  11th  February. 
1508.     Cald.  MS.  ii.  91. 

I  The  Haniiltons  were  afraid  thai  the  Duke's  title  to  the  suc- 
cession would  he  infringed,  and  were  offended  that  the  regency, 
which  they  considered  as  his  due.  was  conferred  on  Murray. 
Keltic  423.  Throkmorton's  liCtlcrs,  l-ith  andlSth  July,  apud, 
Robertson,  App.  No.  21.  Spottiswood,  226,  227.  Argyle  and 
Huntly  had  at  this  time  family  (juarrels  with  Murray.  Keith, 
4-17,  450. 


^IFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  3^3 

and  avowed  their  design  to  restore  her  to  the  full 
exercise  of  the  royal  authority.  In  consequence  of 
the  defeat  at  Laugside,  Mary  was  driven  from  the 
kingdom,  and  her  party  broken ;  and  the  regent,  by 
his  v'gorous  measures,  reduced  the  whole  kingdom 
to  a  state  of  obedience  to  the  king's  authority.  Des- 
pairing to  accomplish  their  object  during  his  life, 
the  partizans  of  Mary  resolved  to  cut  him  off  by  pri- 
vate means. 

During  the  year  1568,  two  persons  were  employed 
to  assassinate  him  ;  but  tlie  design  was  discovered.* 
This  <lid  not  hinder  new  machinations.  Hamilton 
of  Bothwellhaugh,  a  nephew  of  the  archbishop  of 
St.  Andrews,  undertook  to  perpetrate  the  deed  He 
was  one  of  the  prisoners  taken  at  the  battle  of  Lang- 
side,  and  after  being  arraigned,  condemned,  and 
brought  out  to  execution,  liad  his  life  given  him  by 
the  regent.f  Some  time  after  he  was  set  at  liberty 
along  with  the  other  prisoners. J  It  is  said  that  he 
was  actuated  by  revenge,  on  account  of  an  injury 
which  he  had  received,  by  detaining  one  of  his  for- 
feited estates,  or  by  the  cruel  manner  in  which  his 
wife  had    been   dispossessed    of  it.i^     Whether  this 

*  Tlie  Hist,  of  King  James  the  Sext,  p.  4-S.  Birroirs  Diary,  IT. 

t  Ibid.  p.  43.  I  Ibid,  p.  fi3. 

§  This  story  is  related  in  very  diflerent  ways.  One  aeeoinit 
makes  the  rcAenge  to  turn  solely  upon  the  treatment  of  his  wife, 
who,  expecting  to  be  allowed  to  remain  in  her  IsoKse  of  •'  Wood- 
islie,"  was  "  nncourtousiie  and  unmoreifullie  put  tliairfra,  all  hir 
gudis  lane  fra  hir,  and  sehoe  left  stark  naked.  Tiie  inntillwoman 
quhat  for  grief  of  mynd  and  exceeding  cald,  thsvt  sclioe  had  tl.eii 
contractit,  conceaved  sic  madness  as  was  almost  incredible." 
Historic  of  King  James  the  Sext,  p.  71.  Spottiswood's  account  is 
very  difte rent.  He  says,  that  Bcitlnvellhaugh  had  redeemed  his 
life  by  yielding  up  the  lands  of  Woodhouselie,  which  were  fn-  on 
to  the  justice  clerk,  and  he  refusing  to  part  with  t'?em,  Bof  !^  e  1- 
haugh  "  made  his  (piarrel  to  the  regent,  [i.  e.  r:vpn^"d  hossi'lf 
upon  the  rcscent.^  who  was  most  innocent,  and  hiui  rcilorcd  him 

u  2 


324  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX, 

was  really  the  cast;,  or  whether  it  was  afterwards  cir- 
culated to  diminish  the  odium  of  his  crime,  and  turn 
it  away  from  his  party ;,  cannot  perhaps  be  certain- 
ly determined.  But  it  does  not  appear,  that  he 
ever  suffered  any  thing  from  the  regent  which  can 
be  pleaded  as  an  excuse  for  his  bursting  the  ties  of 
gratitude  by  which  he  was  bound  to  him.  Having 
concerted  the  design  with  some  of  the  leading  per- 
sons of  his  faction,  who  incited  him  to  carry  it  into 
execution  ;*  he  followed  the  regent  in  his  progress 
to  Glasgow,  Stirling,  and  Linlithgow ;  and  finding 
an  opportunity  in  the  last  of  these  places,  shot  him 
through  the  body  with  a  musket-ball.  The  wound 
proved  mortal,  and  the  regent  died  on  the  same  even- 
ing. While  some  of  his  friends,  who  stood  round 
his  bed,  lamented  the  excessive  lenity  which  he  had 
shewn  to  his  enemies,  and  in  particular,  to  his  mur- 
derer, he  replied,  with  a  truly  noble  and  Christian 

to  life  and  liberty."  Spottis.  History,  p.  233.  Crawfurd,  in  his 
Memoirs  of  the  Affairs  of  Scotland,  p.  140.  1st  edit,  says,  that 
''  Murray  sent  some  officers  to  take  possession  of  the  house,  who 
not  only  turned  the  gentlewoman  out  of  doors,  but,"  &c.  This  is 
the  authority  which  has  been  relied  upon  by  all  tliose  writers  who 
have  criminated  the  regent:  yet  it  is  now  discovered  that  this  is 
one  of  those  impudent  forgeries  by  which  that  work  is  disgraced 
from  beginning  to  end.  See  Hist,  of  King  James  the  Sext,  preface. 
*  That  the  assassination  of  the  regent  was  the  effect  of  a  con- 
spiracy and  not  of  personal  revenge,  is  clear  from  many  consider- 
ations. Within  a  few  days  after,  his  secretary,  Mr.  John  Wood, 
was  murdered  in  Fife.  Anderson's  Coll.  iii.  84.  The  house  in 
which  Bothwellhaugh  concciiled  himself,  while  he  committed 
the  murder,  belonged  to  the  archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  who 
confessed  before  his  execution,  that  he  "  furtherit  the  deed.'' 
Historic  of  King  James  the  Sext,  p.  117.  The  horse  on  which 
the  murderer  escaped  belonp;ed  to  John  Hamilton,  abbot  of  Ar- 
broath, one  of  tlie  Duke's  sons.  Cald.  ad  ann.  Ii570.  He  rode  im- 
mediately to  Hamilton,  ivhere  lie  was  "  received  with  great  ap- 
plause."    Ibid. 


^ 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  325 

spirit,  that  nothing  would  make  him  repent  an  act  of 
clemency.* 

The  consternation  which  is  usually  produceil  by 
the  fall  of  a  distinguished  leader,  was  absorbed  in 
the   deep   distress  which  the  tidings  of  the  regent's 
murder  spread    through  the  nation.     The    common 
people,   who  had  experienced   the  beneficial  effects 
of  his   short   administration,  to  a  degree    altogether 
unprecedented    in  the  country,    felt  as  if  each    had 
lost    a    father,     and    loudly    demanded    vengeance 
against  the  authors  of  the  parricide.     Many  who  had 
envied  or  hated  him  during  his  life  were  now  for« 
ward  to  do  justice  to  his  virtues.     Those  Avho  had 
not  been   able   to  conceal  their  satisfaction   on  the 
first  intelligence   of  his   death,  became  ashamed  of 
the  indecent  exultation  which  they  had  imprudently 
expressed.     The    Hamiltous   were   anxious  to  clear 
tliemselves    from  the   imputation   of  a   crime  which 
they  saw  to  be  universally  detested.     The  murder- 
er was   dismissed  by  them,   and  was  glad  to   con- 
ceal his  ignominy,  by  condemning  himself  to  perpet- 
ual  banishment.      The   only  one   of  his   crimes  for 
which  the  archbishop  of  St   Andrews  afterwards  ex- 
pressed contrition,  before  his  execution,  was  his  ac- 
cession to  the  murder  of  the  regent.f     Nor  were  these 
feelings  confined  to  Scotland  ;  the  sensation  was  gen- 
eral through  England,  and  tlie  expressions  of  grief 

*  Buch.  Calil.  Spottis. 

t  liistorie  and  J^ife  of  King  James  the  Sext,  p.  IIT.  "  To 
liie  tliiril  head-'  (his  participation  in  the  murder  oi'  the  late  re- 
geiit)  tile  archbishop  '•  answerit  thus  :  Tiiat  he  not  onJy  knew 
ihairof,  and  waid  not  stopp  it,  l)ot  rather  furtherit  the  deed  ti'.airof, 
qiihiii;  I:e  repentit,  and  askit  God  nieroie  i'av  the  same.''  Yet  an 
author,  in  the  nineteenth  century,  can  write  of'lhis  deed  in  the  fol- 
low iiig  terms  :  "  The  lieiress  of  Woodiionseiie  fell  a  sacriliee  to  the 
corrupt  tyranny  of  the  regent  LIurray.  Her  husband,  Ilaniilton  of 
Bothwelihaugh,  pat  the  guilty  lyraiil  to  death,  as  base-born  Mur- 
ray rode  tiiroiish  old  Li'j!it]i;<<j\v*s   crowded   town."'  Chalmers's 


826 


LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX. 


and  condolence  from  that  country  evinced  the  un- 
coramon  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  all  ranks. 

It  was  the  happiness  of  tlie  regent,  that,  in  his  ear- 
1^  years,  he  fell  into  the  company  of  men,  who  culti- 
vated his  vigorous  understanding,  gave  a  proper  di- 
rection  to  his  activity,  and  instilled  into  his  mind  thft 
principles  of  religion  and  virtue.  His  early  adoption 
of  the  reformed  sentiments,  the  steadiness  with  which 
lie  adhered  to  them,  the  uniform  correctness  of  his 
morals,  his  integrity,  sagacity,  and  enterprizing  but 
cool  courage,  soon  placed  him  in  the  first  rank 
among  those  who  embarked  in  the  struggle  for  the 
reformation  of  religion,  and  maintenance  of  national 
liberties,  and  secured  to  him  their  cordial  and  un- 
bouuded  confidence.  The  honours  which  queen 
Mary  conferred  on  him  were  not  too  great  for  the 
services  which  he  rendered  to  her ;  and  had  she  con- 
tinued to  trust  him  with  tlie  direction  of  her  coun- 
sels, those  measures  would  have  been  avoided  which 
precipitated  her  ruin.  He  was  repeatedly  placed 
in  a  situation  which  would  have  tempted  the  ambi- 
tion of  others,  less  qualified,  to  aspire  to  the  supreme 
authority  ;  yet  he  shewed  no  disposition  to  grasp  at 
this.  When  he  accepted  the  regency,  it  was  in  com- 
pliance with  the  decided  and  uncorrupted  voice  of  the 
acting  majorily  in  the  nation,  pointing  him  out  as  the 
fittest  person  for  occupying  that  high  station.  His 
conduct,  in  one  of  the  most  delicate  and  embarrassing 
situations  in  which  a  governor  was  ever  placed,  shew- 
ed that  his  countrymen  were  not  mistaken  in  their 
choice.     lie  united,  in  no  ordinary  degree,  those  qua- 

Calodoiiia,  ii.  .^T 1 .  Did  I  not  iwspeet  the  erudition  of  this  writer, 
and  pity  liis  prejudice,  (uliieii,  upon  eeelesiastieid  and  political 
svibjccts,  is  \v(»rtliy  of  tlie  darkest  ajije  into  wltieh  he  has  carried 
his  researches,)  tiiere  are  i'evv  expressions  which  1  wouid  reckou 
too  strong  to  be  employed  in  reprobating  the  spirit  which  is  breath- 
ed in  this  passage. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  3^7 

lities  which  are  rarely  combined  in  the  same  indivi- 
diialj  and  which  make  up  the  character  of  an  accom- 
plished prince.  Excelling  equally  in  the  a,rts  of  v/ar 
and  peace,  he  reduced  the  country  to  universal  obe- 
dience to  the  kind's  authority  by  his  military  skill 
and  valour,  and  preserved  it  in  a  state  of  tranquillity 
and  order  by  the  wise  and  impartial  administration  of 
justice.  Successful  in  all  his  warlike  enterprizes,  he 
never  once  tarnished  the  laurels  of  victory,  by  cruel- 
ty or  unnecessary  rigour  to  the  vanquished.  He 
knew  how  to  maintain  the  authority  of  the  laws,  and 
bridle  the  licentious,  by  salutary  severity,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  temper  the  rigour  of  justice  by  the 
interposition  of  mercy.  He  used  to  sit  personally 
in  the  courts  of  judicature,  and  exerted  himself  to 
obtain  for  all  the  subjects  an  easy  and  expeditious 
decision  of  litigated  causes.  His  uncommon  libera- 
lity to  his  friends,  to  the  learned,  and  to  his  ser- 
vants ;  and  his  unostentatious  charity  to  tisc  poor, 
have  been  celiibratcd  by  one  who  had  the  best  op- 
portunities of  becoming  acquainted  with  them.* 
Nor  has  the  breath  of  calumny,  which  has  laboured 
in  many  ways  to  blast  his  reputation,  ever  insinuat- 
ed that  he  oppressed  or  burdened  the  public,  during 
his  regency,  in  order  to  enrich  himself  or  his  family- 
Add  to  all  his  exemplary  piety,  the  only  source  of  ge- 
nuine virtue.  His  family  was  so  regulated  as  to  re- 
semble a  church  rather  than  a  coraL  Not  a  profane 
nor  lewd  word  was  to  be  heard  from  any  of  his  domes- 
tics. Besides  the  ordinary  exercise  of  devotion,  a 
chapter  of  the  bible  was  always  read  at  dinner  and 
supper;  and  it  was  his  cuslom',  on  such  occasions, 
to  require  his  chaplain,  or  some  other  learned  men 
(of  whom  he  had  always  a  number  about  him)  to 
give  their  opinion  upon  the  passage,  for  his  own  iu- 

*  Buchanan,  oper.  p.  385.  Rud. 


328  LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

structioii  ami  that  of  his  family.  "  A  man  truly 
good  (says  archbishop  Spottiswood,)  and  worthy  to 
be  ranked  amongst  the  best  governors  that  this  king- 
dom hath  enjoyed,  and,  therefore,  to  this  day  honour- 
ed with  the  title  of  The  Good  Regent .'^'^ 

This  may  be  deemed,  by  some  readers,  an  impro- 
per digression  from  the  subject  of  this  work.  But 
even  though  it  had  been  still  less  connected  with  it 
than  it  is,  though  there  had  not  subsisted  that  inti- 
mate familiarity  and  co-operation  between  the  Re- 
gent and  tlie  Reformer,  I  could  scarcely  have  de- 
nied myself  the  satisfaction  of  paying  a  small  tribute 
to  the  memory  of  one  of  the  greatest  men  of  his  age, 
who  has  been  traduced  and  vilified  in  a  most  unjus- 
tifiable and  wanton  manner,  in  modern  times,  and 
whose  character  has  been  drawn  with  unfavourable, 
and,  in  my  opinion,  witli  unfair  colours,  by  the 
most  moderate  of  our  historians.  All  that  I  have 
attempted  is  to  sketch  the  most  prominent  features 
of  his  character.  That  he  was  faultless,  I  am  far 
from  vvishing  to  insinuate  ;  but  the  principal  charges 
which  have  been  brought  against  him,  I  consider  as 
either  irrelevant,  or  unproved,  or  greatly  exaggerated. 
That  his  exaltation  to  the  highest  dignity  in  the 
state  whicli  a  subject  could  enjoy,  produced  no  un- 
favourable  change  on  his  behaviour,  is  what  none 
can  be  prepared  to  affirm  ;  but  I  have  not  seen  the 
contrary  established.  The  confidence  which  he  re- 
posed in  his  friends  was  great,  and  he  was  inclined 
to  be  biassed  by  their  advice ;  but  that  he  became 
l!ie  dupe  of  worthless  favourites,  and  fell  by  lis- 
tening to  their  flattery,  and  refusing  to  barken  to 
wliolosome  advice,  and  not  by  the  treaclicry  of  his 
iViends.  and  the  malice  of  his  implacable  enemies, 
tjre  assertions  which  have  been  repeated  upon  (he 

*  History,  234. 


LIFE  OF   JOHN   KXOX.  339 

authority  of  a  single  witness,   are  unsupported  by 
facts,  and  capable  of  being  disproved.* 

The  regent  died  on  the  evening  of  Saturday  ;  and 
the  intelligence  of  his  murder  was  conveyed  early 
next  morning  to  Edinburgh.  It  is  impossible  to  de- 
scribe the  anguish  which  the  Keformer  felt  on  this 
occasion.  A  cordial  and  intimate  friendship  had  long 
subsisted  between  them.  Of  all  the  Scottish  nobili- 
ty, he  placed  the  greatest  confidence  in  Murray's 
attachment  to  religion  ;  and  his  conduct  after  his 
elevation  to  the  regency  had  served  to  heighten 
the  good  opinion  which  he  formerly  entertained  of 
him.  He  looked  upon  his  death  as  the  greatest  ca- 
lamity which  could  befal  the  nation,  and  the  fore- 
runner of  other  evils. f  When  the  shock  produced 
by  the  melancholy  tidings  had  subsided,  the  first 
thought  that  rushed  into  his  mind  was,  that  he  had 
himself  been  the  instrument  of  obtaining,  from  his 
clemency,  a  pardon  to  the  man  who  had  become  his 
murderer :  a  thought  which  naturally  produced  a 
very  different  impression  on  him  from  what  it  did  on 
the  dying  regent. J 

In  his  sermon  that  day,  he  introduced  tlie  sub- 
ject ;  and  after  saying,  that  God  in  his  great  mercy 
raised  up  godly  rulers,  and  took  them  away  in  his 
displeasure  on  account  of  the  sins  of  a  nation,  he 
thus  poured  out  the  sorrows  of  his  heart  in  an  ad- 
dress to  God.  ^^  O  Lord,  in  what  misery  and  con- 
fusion found  he  this  realm  !  To  what  rest  and  quiet- 
ness now   by  his  labours  suddenly    he   brought  the 

*  See  Note  XX. 

t  Smetoni  Rcsponsio  a<l  Hamilloiiii  Diaio:;iini.  p.  lis. 

\  "  Upon  the  23-of  Maii,  tlie  sheriie  of  Linlithejow,  the  hiird  of 
Innerweek,  James  Uamiltou  of  BoihcUiaiigh.  and  six  others,  were 
put  to  anassyse;  thcirhands bound  ;  ajid  pardoned,  ai  (he  request 
')f  Mr.  Knox,  whereof  he  sore  repented  ;  for  iioiiiu  elliaugli  !»iil<>d 
^he  resceut  shortlie  after.*'     Ca!d.  MS.  ad  anno  1508. 


330  LIFE   OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

same,  all  estates,  but  especially  the  poor  commons, 
can  witness.  Thy  image,  O  Lord,  did  so  clearly 
shine  in  that  personage,  that  the  devil,  and  the 
wicked  to  whom  he  is  prince,  could  not  abide  it ; 
and  so  to  punish  our  sins  and  our  ingratitude  (who 
did  not  rightly  esteem  so  precious  a  gift,)  thou  hast 
permitted  him  to  fall,  to  our  great  grief,  in  the 
hands  of  cruel  and  traitorous  murderers.  He  is  at 
rest,  O  Lord  ;  w^e  are  left  in  extreme  misery."* 

Only  a  few  days  before  this,  when  the  murder  was 
fully  concerted,  the  abbot  of  Kilwinning  applied 
to  Knox  to  intercede  with  the  regent  in  behalf  of 
his  kinsmen,  who  were  confined  for  practising 
against  the  government.  He  signified  his  readiness 
to  do  all  in  his  power  for  the  relief  of  any  of  that  fa- 
mily v/ho  were  willing  to  own  the  authority  of  the 
Ring  and  regent ;  but  he  intreated  him  not  to  abuse 
him,  by  employing  his  services,  if  any  mischief  were 
intended  against  the  regent ;  for  ^'  I  protest  (said  he) 
before  God,  who  is  the  only  witness  now  betwixt  us, 
that  if  there  be  any  thing  attempted,  by  any  of  that 
surname,  against  the  person  of  th?i  man,  in  that  case, 
I  discharge  myself  to  you  and  them  for  ever."  After 
the  assassination,  the  abbot  sent  to  desire  another 
interview  :  but  Knox  refused  to  see  him,  and  desir- 
ed the  messenger  to  say  to  him,  *'  I  have  not  now 
the  regent  to  make  suit  unto  for  the  Hamiltons."t 

*  Cald.  MS.  ii.  IjO.  He  is  said  to  have  added  this  to  his  usual 
prayers  after  dinner  and  supper.  But  in  a  volume  of  Calder- 
Mood's  History,  in  the  Advocates'  Library  in  Edinburgh  (which 
has  been  transcribed  more  early  than  any  copy  which  I  have  seen,) 
these  words  are  scored  out;  and,  it  is  introduced  as  the  prayer 
which  he  offered  up  in  public,  the  day  on  which  he  was  informed 
of  the  regent's  death.  There  are  a  number  of  other  interlined 
and  marginal  alterations  in  lliat  manuscript,  by  which  it  differs 
from  tlie  other  copies. 

t  Cald.  MS.  ad  anu.  1570. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  33^1 

At  this  time  there  was  handed  about  a  fabricated 
account  of  a  pretended  conference  held  by  the  late, 
Regent  with  Lord  Lindsay,  Wishart  of  Pittarrow,  the 
tutor  of  Pitcur,  James  Macgill,  and  Knox  ;  in  which 
they  were  represented  as  advising  him  to  set  aside 
the  young  king,  and  place  the  crown  ou  his  own 
head.  The  modes  of  expression  peculiar  to  each  of 
the  persons  were  carefully  imitated  in  the  speeches 
put  into  their  mouths,  to  give  it  the  greater  air  of 
credibility.  The  design  of  it  evidently  was  to  lessen 
the  odium  of  the  murder,  and  tlie  veneration  of  the 
people  for  the  memory  of  Murray ;  but  it  was  uni- 
versally regarded  as  an  impudent  and  gross  forgery. 
Its  fabricator  was  Thomas  Maitlaud,  a  young  man  of 
talents,  but  corrupted  by  his  brother  the  secretary, 
who  before  this  had  engaged  himself  to  the  queen's 
party,  and  was  suspected  of  having  a  deep  hand,  in 
the  plot  for  cutting  off  the  regent,* 

On   the  day  on  which   the  iveelcly  conference  was 
lield  in  Edinburgh,  the  same  person  slipped  into  the 
pulpit  a  schedule,  containing   words    to  this   effect, 
•^  Take  up  now  the  man  whom  you  accounted  ano- 
ther God,  and.  consider  the  end   to  which  iiis  ambi- 
tion hath  brought  him."      Knox,  whose  turu'it  was 
to  preach  that  day,  took  up  the  paper  on  entering 
the  pulpit,   supposing  it  to  be  a  note  requesting  the 
prayers  of  the   congregation  for  a  sick  person,  and, 
having  read  it,  laid   it  aside  without  any  apparent 
emotion.      But  towards  the  conclusion  of  his  sermon, 
having  deplored  the  loss  which  the  church  and  com- 
monwealth   had    recently    sustained,    and    declared 
the   account  of  the  conference,  which  had  been  cir- 
culated,   to    be  false  and    calumnious,  he  said  that 
there   were  persons   who  rejoiced  at  the  treasonable 
murder,   and  scrupled  not  to  make  it  the  subject  of 
their  merriment ;  particularly  there  was  one  present 
*  Cald.  MS.  ii.  iji—j.^r. 


23^  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

who  had  thrown  in  a  writing  insulting  over  an  event 
which  was  the  cause  of  grief  to  all  good  men.  ^'  That 
wicked  man,  whosoever  he  be,  shall  not  go  unpun- 
ished, and  shall  die  where  there  shall  be  none  to  la- 
ment him.''  Maitland,  when  he  went  home,  said  to 
his  sister,  that  the  preacher  was  raving,  when  he  spake 
in  such  a  manner  of  a  person  who  was  unknown  to 
him  ;  but  she,  understanding  that  her  brother  had 
written  the  line,  reproved  him,  saying  with  tears, 
that  none  of  that  man's  denunciations  were  wont  to 
prove  idle.  Spottiswood  (who  had  his  information 
personally  from  the  mouth  of  that  lady)  says,  that 
Maitland  died  in  Italy,  ^^  having  no  known  person 
to  attend  him."* 

Upon  Tuesday  the  14th  of  February,  the  regent's 
corpse  was  brought  from  the  palace  of  Holyrood- 
house,  and  iutered  in  the  south  aisle  of  the  collegi- 
ate church  of  St.  Giles.  Before  the  funeral,  Knox 
preached  a  sermon  on  these  words.  Blessed  are  the 
dead  ichich  die  in  the  Lord.  Three  thousand  persons 
were  dissolved  in  tears  before  him,  while  he  described 
the  regent's  virtues,  and  bewailed  his  loss.f  Bu- 
chanan paid  his  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  de- 
ceased, by  writing  the  inscription  placed  on  his  mon- 
ument, with  that  expressive  simplicity  and  brevity 
which  are  dictated   by   genuine   grief.|     A   conven- 

*  Spottiswoodj  p.  231-.  Mackenzie  labours  to  overthroAV  the 
archbishop's  narrative  of  this  affair.  Lives  of  Scottish  Writers, 
iii.  195,  196.  But  whatever  opinion  we  may  form  about  the  pre- 
<liction,  it  cannot  be  doubterl  that  Spottiswood  had  the  best  infor- 
mation to  proceed  upon  as  to  tlie  facts  w  hicli  he  relates.  Nor  has 
Mackenzie  any  otlier  authority  for  i\  hat  he  says  about  the  death 
of  Maitland,  but  the  archbishop's,  Mho  must  have  been  satisfi- 
ed that  what  he  says  in  the  account  of  Smeaton  was  notlnconsis-. 
tent  with  what  he  had  written  as  to  Knox's  denunciation. 

t  Cald.MS.  ii.tsr. 

\  The  inscription,  engraved  on  brass,  is  yet  to  be  seen  ;  a  copy 
•jf  which  shall  be  inserted  in  note  YY.     But  Buchanan  has,  in  his 


LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX.  383 

tion  of  the  nobility  was  held  after  the  funeral,  at 
which  it  was  resolved  to  avenge  his  death  ;  but  dif- 
ferent opinions  were  entertained  as  to  the  mode  of 
doing  this,  and  the  commons  complained  loudly  of 
the  remissness  with  which  it  was  carried  into  execu- 
tion. The  General  Assembly,  at  their  first  meet- 
ing, testified  their  detestation  of  the  crime,  by  or- 
dering the  assassin  to  be  publicly  excommiinicated 
in  all  the  chief  towns  of  the  kingdom,  and  appoint- 
ing the  same  process  to  be  used  against  all  who 
should  afterwards  be  convicted  of  accession  to  the 
conspiracy.* 

During  the  sitting  of  the  convention,  Knox  re- 
ceived a  number  of  letters  from  his  acquaintances  in 
England,  expressive  of  their  high  regard  for  the 
character  of  the  regent,  and  their  sorrow  at  so  griev. 
ous  a  loss.f     One  of  his  correspondents,  Dr.   Lau- 

History,  reared  to  him  "  a  monument  more  durable  than  brass," 
which  will  preserve  his  memory  as  long  as  the  language  in  which 
it  is  written  shall  continue  to  be  understood,  and  as  long  as  a  pic- 
ture taken  from  life  shall  be  preferred  to  the  distorted  representa- 
tions of  a  jaundiced  imagination.  Nor  has  he  neglected  to  cele- 
brate the  regent  in  his  verses.     Epigram,  lib.  ii.  29.  iii.  7,  9,  IS. 

*  Spottiswood,  235. 

t  Among  others,  he  received  letters  from  Christopiier  Goodman, 
and  John  Willock.  Cald.  ut  supra.  It  appears  from  this,  that 
Willoek  had  before  this  time  returned  to  Eagland,  after  he  was  re- 
called from  it  by  the  General  Assembly,  in  1568.  I  find  no  men- 
tion of  that  reformer,  after  this  period,  by  any  of  the  writers  of 
that  age.  A  late  author  has  very  wantonly  attempted  to  load  the 
memory  of  this  excellent  man  with  a  capital  crime.  He  gives  the 
following  extract  from  the  paper  office,  22d  April,  1590,  "  Twa 
men,  the  ane  namyt  Johnne  Gibsonne.  Scottisliman,  preacher,  and 
the  otlier  Johune  Willokis,  now  baith  lying  in  prison  at  Leicester, 
were  convicted  by  a  jury  oi'rolberi/.^^  The  last  of  these  convicts, 
says  he,  was  "  the  reforming  co-adjutor  of  Knox."  Chalmers's 
Life  ofRuddiman,  p.  307.  What  evidence  has  tliis  author  for  say- 
ing so  .-  Nothing  but  the  samenes^s  of  the  name  !  Just  as  if  a  per- 
son, on  reading  in  the  public  pacers  of  one  George  Chalmers  who 
was   convicted  of  a  robbery,  (no  unlikely  ibing)  should  imraedi* 


334  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

reiice  Humphrey,*  urged  him  to  write  a  memoir  of 
the  deceased.  Had  he  done  this,  he  would  no  doubt, 
from  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  him,  have  com- 
municated a  number  of  particulars  of  which  we  must 
now  be  content  to  remain  ignorant.  But  thougli  h& 
had  been  disposed  to  undertake  this  task,  the  state 
of  his  health  must  have  prevented  its  execution. 

The  grief  which  he  indulged,  in  consequence 
of  this  mournful  event,  and  the  confusions  which 
followed  it,  preyed  upon  his  spirits,  and  injured 
his  health. f  In  the  month  of  October,  he  had  a 
stroke  of  apoplexy,  which  affected  his  speech  to 
a  considerable  degree.  Upon  this  occasion,  his 
enemies  exulted,  and  circulated  the  most  exaggerat- 
ed tales.  The  report  ran  through  England  as  well 
as  Scotland,  that  John  Knox  would  never  preach  nor 
speak  more ;  that  his  face  was  turned  into  his  neck  ; 
that  he  was  become  the  most  deformed  creature 
ever  seen  ;  that  he  was  actually  dead.|     A  most  un- 

ately  take  it  into  his  head  that  this  was,  and  could  be,  no  other 
*  than  (lie  author  of  the  Life  of  Ruddiman,  and  Caledonia!  It  is 
evident  tlsat  the  second  convict  was  no  preacher,  else  this  desig- 
nation would  have  been  added  to  his  name,  as  well  as  to  that  of 
tiie  first.  It  is  probable  that  Willock,  who  was  a  preacher  as 
early  as  1540,  was  not  alive  in  1590 :  it  is  utterly  incred- 
ible tliat  he  should  then  have  been  in  a  condition  to  act  as  a  rob- 
ber.— But  it  is  paying  too  much  regard  to  such  a  charge,  to 
bring  exculpatory  proof. 

*  In  the  copy  of  Cald.MS.  belonging  to  the  church  of  Scotland 
the  name  is  written  Winfrid  ;  but  in  the  copy  of  the  Advocates' 
Library,  it  is  Uiafrede.  The  person  meant  is  evidently  Dr.  Lau- 
leuce  Humphrey  (Umfredius.)  professor  of  divinity,  and  Head 
of  one  of  the  eollegts  in  the  university  of  Oxford.  This  learned 
man  was  a  puritan,  but  enjoyed  the  patronage  of  secretary  Cecil. 
Strype's  Annals,  i.  421,430 — 432. 

t  Smetoni  Respons.  ad  Hamilt.  p.  116. 

\  Bannatyne's  Journal,  p.  54.     Cald.  MS.  ii.  206.     Bannatyne 
says  "■  the  disorder  was  a  kynd  of  apoplexia,  called  by  the  phi* 
siliones  resolutione  ;"  probably  a  more  gentle  stroke  of  the  di« 
order,  attended  with  the  relaxation  of  the  system. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN    KNOX.  335 

equivocal  expression  of  the  high  consideration  in 
which  he  was  held,  which  our  Reformer  received  in 
common  with  some  other  great  men  of  his  age.* 

*Iii  1356,  Calvin  was  suddenly  seized  in  the  pulpit  with  a  fe- 
ver, which  confined  him  to  his  bed  for  a  considerable  time,  and 
from  which  it  was  not  thought  he  would  recover.  On  that  occasion 
the  popish  clergy  of  Noyon  (his  native  city)  met,  and,  rather 
prematurely,  gave  public  thanks  to  God  for  his  death.  Melch, 
Adam,  Vit.  Exter.  Theol.  p.  93. — '•  Plusieurs  grands  hommes 
(says  Senebier)  out  partage  cet  honneur  avec  Calvin,  et  out  eu, 
eomme  lui,  la  satisfaction  de  connoitre  la  profonde  estime  qu'oa 
avoit  concue  pour  eux."  Historic  Tiitterraire  de  Geneve,  torn.  i. 
22i. 


B36  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOXo 


PERIOD  VIII. 


FROM    HIS     KBIXG     STRUCK    WITH    APOPLEXY,     ANNO   1570. 
TO    HIS    DEATH,    ANNO    1572. 


Those  who  flattered  themselves  that  the  Reformers 
disorder  was  mortal  were  disappointed  ;  for  he  con- 
valesced, recovered  the  use  of  his  speech,  and  was 
able,  in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  to  resume  preach- 
ing, at  least  on  Sabbath  days.*  He  never  recover- 
ed, however,  from  the  debility  which  was  produced 
by  the  stroke. 

The  confusions  which  he  had  augured  from  the 
death  of  the  good  regent  soon  broke  out,  and  again 
spread  the  flames  of  civil  discord  through  the  nation. 
The  Hamiltons  openly  raised  the  queen's  standard. 
Kircaldy  of  Grange,  governor  of  the  castle  of  Edin- 
burgh, who  had  been  corrupted  by  Maitland,  after 
concealing  his  defection  for  a  time  under  the  flag  of 
neutrality,  declared  himself  on  the  same  side,  and 
became  the  principal  agent  in  attempting  to  over- 
turn the  government  which  he  had  been  so  zealous 
in  erecting.  The  defection  of  Grange  was  a  source 
of  great  injury  to  the  inhabitants  of  Edinburgh, 
and  of  distress  to  Knox.  He  had  a  warm  afFec> 
tion  for  the  governor,  on  account  of  the  important 
services  which  he  had  rendered  to  the  Reformation : 
and  he  continued  always  to  think  that  he  was  at  hot 
torn  a  sincere  friend  to  religion.  Under  this  con- 
viction, he  spared  no  pains  in  endeavouring  to  pre 

*  Bannatyne's  Journal,  p.  55, 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  387 

vent  him  from  renouncing  his  fidelity  to  the  king, 
and  afterwards  to  reclaim  him  from  his  apostacy. 
But  in  both  he  was  unsuccessful. 

Id  the  end  of  the  year  1570,  he  was  personally  in- 
volved  in   a  disagreeable  quarrel  with  Grange.     A 
servant  of  the  latter  having  been  imprisoned  on   a 
charge  of  murder,   he   sent  a  company   of   soldiers 
from  the  castle,   who  forced  the  prison,  and  carried 
off  the  criminal.     Knox,  in  his   sermon  on  the   fol- 
lowing Sabbath,  condemned  this  riot,  and  violation 
of  the   liouse  of  justice.      Had   it  been  done  by  the 
authority  of  a  blood-thirsty   man,   and   one  who  had 
no  fear  of  God,  he  would  not,  he  said,  have  been  so 
much  moved  at  it ;  but  he  was  affected  to  think  that 
one  of  whom  all  good  men   had  formed  so  great  ex- 
pectations, should  have  fallen  so  far  as  to  act  such  a 
part ;  one  who,  when  formerly  in  prison,  had  refused 
to  purchase  his  own  liberty  by  the  shedding  of  blood. 
An   exaggerated  report   of  this  censure  being    con- 
veyed  to   the   castle,    the    governor,   in   great   rage, 
made  his    complaint,  first  to   Knox's  colleague,  and 
afterwards  formally  to  the  kirk- session,  that  he  had 
been  traduced  as   a  murderer,  and  required  that   his 
character  should  be  vindicated  as  publicly  as  it  had 
been  calumniated.      Knox  explained  and  vindicated 
what  he  had  said.    On  a  subsequent  Sabbath,  Grange, 
who  had  been  absent  from  the  church  nearly  a  whole 
year,  came  down  to  it,  accompanied  with  a  number 
of  the   persons  who  had  been  active  in  the  murder 
and  riot.     Knox,  looking  upon  this   as  an  attempt  to 
out-brave  the  scandal  which  his  conduct  had  given, 
took   occasion  to  discourse  particularly  of  the   sin  of 
forgetting  benefits   received  from  God,  and   warned 
his  hearers  against  confiding  in  the  divine  mercy  while 
they   were  knowingly  transgressing  any  of  the  com- 
mandments, or  proudly  defending  their  transgression. 
Grange  was  much    incensed    at   these    warnings. 


338  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KXOX. 

Avhicli  he  c<i!si(lei'ed  as  levelled  at  him,  and,  iu 
speaking  of  the  preacher,  made  use  of  very  threat- 
ening language.  The  report  having  spread  that  the 
governor  of  the  castle  was  become  a  sworn  enemy  to 
Knox,  and  intended  to  kill  him,  several  of  the  no- 
blemen and  gentlemen  of  Kyle  and  Cunningham 
sent  a  letter  to  Grange,  in  which,  after  mentioning 
his  former  appearances  for  religion,  and  the  reports 
which  had  reached  their  ears,  they  warned  him 
against  doing  any  thing  to  the  prejudice  of  the  man 
whom  "  God  had  made  the  iirst  planter  and  chief  wa- 
terer  of  his  church  among  them,"  and  protested  that 
"  his  death  and  life  were  as  dear  to  them  as  their  own 
deaths  and  lives.''* 

Knox  was  n(>t  to  be  deterred,  by  threatenings, 
from  doing  what  he  considered  to  be  his  duty.  He 
persisted  in  warning  his  hearers  to  avoid  all  par- 
ticipation with  those,  who,  by  supporting  the  pre- 
tensions of  tlie  queen,  prevented  the  punishment  of 
notorious  crimes,  and  sought  the  overthrow  of  the 
king's  authority,  and  tlie  reformed  religion.  When 
tlie  General  Assembly  met  in  March  1571,  anony- 
mous libels  were  thrown  into  the  assembly- house, 
and  placards  fixed  on  the  church- door,  accusing  him 
of  seditious  railing  against  their  sovereign  the  queen, 
refusing  to  pray  for  her  w  clfare  and  conversion,  re- 
presenting  her  as  a  reprobate,  whose  repentance  was 
hopeless,  and  uttering  imprecations  against  her. 
The  assembly  having,  by  public  intimation  requir- 
ed the  accusers  to  come  forward  and  substantiate 
their  charges,  another  anonymous  bill  appeared,  pro- 
raising  that  the  writer  would  do  so  against  next  assem- 
bly, if  the  accused  continued  his  offensive  speeches, 
and  was  ^'  then  law-byding,  and  not  fugitive  accord- 
ing to  his  accustomed  manner.'' 

*  Bamiatyne's  .loun^rtl.  p.  67 — 87. 


LIFE  OP  JOHN  KNOX.  3^39 

SeveraT  of  his  friends  dealt  with  him  to  pass  over 
these  anonymous  libels  in  silence,  but  he  refused  to 
comply  with  this  advice,  considering  that  the  credit 
of  his  ministry  was  implicated.  Accordingly,  he 
produced  them  in  the  pulpit,  and  returned  a  partic- 
ular answer  to  the  accusations  which  they  contain- 
ed. That  he  had  charged  the  late  queen  with  the 
crimes  of  which  she  had  notoriously  been  guilty,  he 
granted,  but  that  he  had  railed  against  her,  they  would 
not,  he  said,  be  able  to  prove,  without  proving  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  and  other  inspired  writers,  to  be  railers. 
*^  He  had  learned  plainly  and  boldly  to  call  wicked- 
ness by  its  own  terms,  a  fig,  a  fig,  and  a  spade,  a 
spade.''  He  had  never  called  her  reprobate,  nor 
said  that  her  repentance  was  impossible  ;  but  he 
had  affirmed  tliat  pride  and  repentance  could  not  re- 
main long  together  in  one  heart.  He  had  prayed 
that  God  for  the  comfort  of  his  church,  would  op- 
pose his  power  to  her  pride,  and  confound  her,  and 
her  assistants,  in  their  impiety :  this  prayer,  let  them 
call  it  imprecation  or  execration,  as  they  pleased, 
had  stricken,  and  would  yet  strike,  whoever  sup- 
ported her.  To  the  charge  of  not  praying  for  her, 
he  answered,  '•  I  am  not  bound  to  pray  for  her  in 
this  place,  for  sovereign  to  me  she  is  not  !  and  I  let 
them  understand  that  I  am  not  a  man  of  law  tiiat 
has  my  tongue  to  sell  for  silver,  or  favour  of  the 
world."*  What  title  she  now  had,  or  even  had  to 
the  government,  he  would  not  dispute  :  the   estates 

*  Crawfurd,  in  his  Memoirs  of  Scotland,  (p.  186.  Edin.  Anno 
1706,)  among  other  things  diso-raceful  to  the  Reformers,  says  that 
they  openly  avowed,  on  tliis  occasion,  "  That  to  pray  for,  or  for- 
give our  real  or  reputed  enemies,  was  no  part  of  a  Christian's 
duty.''  It  is  sufficient  to  say,  that  there  is  not  one  word  of  this  in 
the  "  authentick  MS.-'  from  which  he  professes  that  his  me- 
moirs were  "  faithfully  publish'd."  See  Historic  and  Life  of 
King  James  tlie  Sext,  p.  113,  114.  The  public  are  under  great 
obligations  to  Mr.  Malcolm  Laing,  for  exposing  this  literary  for- 

-V'  "(O 

A    M 


346  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

had  deprived  her  of  it;  and  it  belonged  to  them  to 
answer  for  this  :  as  for  him,  he  had  hitherto  lived  in 
obedience  in  all  lawful  authority  within  this  king- 
dom. To  the  insinuation  that  he  might  not  be 
^Haw-byding"  against  next  assembly,  he  replied, 
that  his  life  was  in  the  custody  of  Him  who  had  pre- 
served him  to  that  age  at  which  he  was  not  apt  to 
flee,  nor  could  any  yet  accuse  him  of  leaving  the 
people  of  his  charge,  except  at  their  own  command. 

After  these  defences,  his  enemies  fled,  as  their 
dernier- resort f  to  an  attack  upon  his  Blast  of  the 
Trumpet,  and  accused  him  of  inconsistency  in  writ- 
ing against  female  government,  and  yet  praying  for 
queen  Elizabeth,  and  seeking  her  aid  against  his  na- 
tive country.  This  accusation  he  also  met  in  the 
pulpit,  and  refuted  with  great  spirit.  After  vindi- 
cating his  consistency,  he  concludes  in  the  follow- 
ing manner :  '^  One  thing,  in  the  end,  I  may  not 
pretermit,  that  is,  to  give  him  a  lie  in  his  throat,  that 
either  dare,  or  will  say,  that  ever  I  sought  support 
against  my  native  country.  What  I  have  been  to  my 
country,  albeit  this  unthankful  age  will  not  know,  yet 
the  ages  to  come  will  be  compelled  to  bear  witness  to 
the  truth.  And  thus  I  cease,  requiring  of  all  men 
that  has  to  oppose  any  thing  against  me,  that  he  will 
do  it  so  plainly  as  I  make  myself  and  all  my  doings 
manifest  to  the  world ;  for  to  me  it  seems  a  thin  g 
most  unreasonable,  that  in  my  decrepid  age,  I  shall 
be  compelled  to  fight  against  shadows  and  hoidets, 
that  dare  not  abide  the  light.-'* 

The  conduct  of  our  Keformer  at  this  time  affords 
a  striking  display  of  the  uncxtinguishable  ardour  of 
his  mind.     He  was  so  debilitated  in  body,  that  he  ne- 

j^cry,  which  has  continiitMl  so  long  to  impose  upon  cur  most  acute 
and  industrious  historians. 

*  The  accusation  and  defences  may  he  seen  at  full  length  in  his 
secretary,  Baniiatyne-s  Journal,  p.  1)9.  l-?o. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  34i 

ver  went  abroad  except  on  Sabbath  clays,  to  preach 
in  the  forenoon.*  He  had  given  up  with  attend- 
ance upon  church  courts.  He  had,  previous  to  the 
breaking  out  of  the  last  disturbances,  weaned  his 
heart  from  public  affairs.  But  whenever  he  saw  the 
welfare  of  the  church  and  commonwealth  threaten- 
ed, he  forgot  his  resolutions  and  his  infirmities,  and 
entered  into  the  cause  with  all  the  keenness  of  his 
more  vigorous  days.  Whether  the  public  proceed- 
ings of  the  nation,  or  his  own  conduct,  were  ar- 
raigned and  condemned,  whether  the  attacks  upon 
them  were  open  or  clandestine,  he  stood  prepared 
to  repel  them,  and  convinced  the  adversaries,  that 
they  could  not  accomplish  their  designs  without  op- 
position, as  long  as  he  was  able  to  move  a  tongue. f 
His  situation  in  Edinburgh  became  very  critical  in 
April  1571 7  when  Grange  received  the  Hamiltons, 
with  their  forces,  into  the  castle.  Their  inveteracy 
against  him  was  so  great,  that  his  friends  were  oblig- 
ed to  watch  his  house  during  the  night.  They  wish- 
ed to  form  a  guard  for  his  protection  when  he  went 

*  BaiiDatyiie,  p.  ^7. 

t  The  lively  interest  uliich  lie  continued  to  take  in  puLlic  af- 
fairs is  apparent  from  the  letters  of  his  corr^^spondence.  Captain 
Crawford  of  Jordanhili  sent  him,  at  his  desire,  a  minute  account 
of  the  taking  of  Dumbarton  castle,  in  15v  1,  with  an  inventory  of 
the  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions  found  in  it.  Bannatyne, 
i  23.  Thei-e  are  two  letters  to  him  from  Alexander  Hay,  elerk 
of  the  privy  council,  informing  him  of  the  most  important  trans- 
actions in  England,  arid  on  the  continent.  Ibid.  294 — 302.  From 
these  letters,  (Dee.  1.  and  l-i.  1571.)  it  also  a])pears.  that  he  was 
then  engaged  in  continuing  his  History,  and  had  applied  to  Hay 
for  materials.  From  the  public  papers,  mentioned  in  one  of  the 
l.'tiers,  it  would  seem  that  he  had  advanced,  in  writing,  to  the  pe- 
riod between  1567  and  157G,  of  which  nothing  now  remains. 
Ibid.  293,  299.  The  following  clause  in  a  prayer  composed  by 
him  about  (his  time,  upon  finding  himself  unable  to  finish  the  his- 
tory, shews  the  important  light  in  whiclLhe  viewed  that  work. 
'-  Rease  thou  up  the  spreitis  of  some  to  observe  thy  notable  wor- 
kis,  faithfuilie  to  eontit  the  same  to  Mj'it,  that  the  prosperities 


342  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

abroad  ;  but  the  governor  of  the  castle  forbade  this, 
as  implying  a  suspicion  of  him,   and  offered  to  send 
Melvill,  one  of  his   officers,   to  conduct  him  to  and 
from  church.     "  He  wold  gif  the  woulf  the  wedder  to 
keip,*'  says  Banuatyne.     The  Duke  and  his  friends 
refused  to  pledge  their  word  for  his  safety,  because 
•^  there  were  many  rascals  among  them  who  loved  him 
not."     Intimations  were  often  given   him  of  threat- 
cnings  against  his  life  ;  and  one  evening,  as  he  sat  in 
his  house,  a  musket  ball  was  fired  in  at  the  window, 
and  lodged   in  the  roof  of  the  room.     It  happened 
that  he  sat  at  the  time  in  a  different  part  of  the  room 
from  his  usual,  otherwise  the  ball,  from  the  direction 
which  it  took,  must  have  struck  him.*     Upon  this  a 
number  of  the  inhabitants,  along  with  his  colleague, 
repaired  to  him,  and  renewed  a  request  which  they 
had    formerly  made,    that    he    would  remove  from 
Edinburgh,  to    a  place  where  his  life  would  be  in 
greater  safety,  until  such  time  as  the  queen's  party 
should  evacuate  the  town.      But  he  refused  to  yield 
to  them,  apprehending  that  his  enemies  wished  to  inti- 
midate him  into  flight,  that  they  might  carry  on  their 
designs  more  quietly,  aud  then   accuse  him  of  cow- 
ardice.    Being  unable  to  persuade  him  by  any  other 
means,  they  at  last  had    recourse  to  an   argument 
which  prevailed.     They  told  him  tliat  they  were  de- 
termined to  defend  him,   if  attacked,   at  the  peril  of 
their  lives,    and  if   blood   was  shed  in  the  quarrel, 
which  was  highly  probable,  they  would  leave  it  on 
his  head.     Upon  this,  he  consented,    "  sore  against 
lus  will,"'  to  leave  that  city.f 

On  the  ;7th  of  Mav  he  left  Edinbursjh,  and  cross- 

[poslei'itiesj  (o  eoine  imiy  praise  tliy  holie  name,  for  the  grealt 
graces  plentifullie  powred  I'oortli  upon  this  unthankfull  geuera- 
tione.     Johnc  Knox  trt:sting  end  of  trawell."     Ibid.  129. 

*  Cald.  MS.  ad  ann.  ±372.  Life  prefixed  to  History,  anno  1644. 

•i-  Baiinatyne,  139 — 146. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX.  843 

jng  the  Frith  at  Leith,  travelled  by  short  stages  to 
St.  Andrews,  which  he  had  shosen  as  the  place  of 
his  retreat.*  Alexander  Grordon,  bishop  of  Gal- 
loway, occupied  his  pulpit.  He  preached  and  pray- 
ed in  a  manner  more  acceptable  to  the  queen's  party 
than  his  predecessor, t  but  little  to  the  satisfaction 
of  the  people,  who  despised  him  on  account  of  his 
weakness,  and  disliked  him  for  supplanting  their  fa- 
vourite pastor.  The  church  of  Edinburgh  was  for  a 
time  dissolved.  A  great  number  of  its  most  respect- 
able members  either  were  driven  from  the  city,  or 
left  it  through  dissatisfaction.  The  celebration  of 
the  Lord's  Supper  was  suspended.  Durhig  a  whole 
week  '^  there  was  neither  preaching  nor  prayer,  nei- 
ther was  there  any  sound  of  bell  heard  in  all  the 
town,  except  the  ringing  of  the  cannon. ":[: 

Amidst  the  extreme  hostility  by  which  both  par- 
ties  were  inflamed,  and  which  produced  several  dis- 
graceful acts  of  mutual  retaliation,  many  proofs 
were  exhibited  of  the  personal  antipatliy  which  the 
queen's  adherents  bore  to  the  Reformer.  An  inha- 
bitant of  Leith  was  assaulted,  and  his  body  mutilat- 
ed, because  he  was  of  tiie  same  name  with  him.  A 
servant  of  John  Craig  being  met  one  day  by  a  re- 
connoitring party,  and  asked  who  was  his  master, 
answered  in  his  trepidation,  Mr.  Knox,  upon  which 
he  was  seized ;   and,  although  he  immediately  cor- 

*Bannatyne,  14-1,  145.     Hlsloj-ie  of  Kin;^  James  the  Sext,  p. 

t  The  principles  upon  Avliich  I'.ie  hisiiop  vindicated  tl»e  authority 
of  the  queen,  and  the  diity  of  priiTiiig  for  her  in  the  pulpit,  she\v 
the  strong  and  universal  opinion  of  her  guilt  at  that  time.  He  did 
not  venture  to  insinuate  her  innocence,  although  the  lown  was 
at  that  time  fuli  of  armed  mca.  enlisted  under  her  banners.  Ban- 
iiatYue,  ISi,  iS;2. 

\  Eamiatyne,  1-14,  169,  170.  Hist,  of  King  James  the  Sext, 
133, 124.  Knox's  Epistle  to  his  brethren  of  the  Church  of  Edin- 
burgh, no»v  dispersed.    Streveiing.  1-5T1. 


31ri  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

reeted  his  mistake,  they  desired  him  to  "  hold  at  his 
lirst  master,''  aud  haled  him  to  prison.  Having  for- 
tifietl  St.  Giles's  steeple,  to  overawe  the  town,  the 
soldiers  baptized  one  of  the  cannons  by  the  name  of 
ICnox,  Avhich  they  were  so  fond  of  firing,  that  it 
burst,  killed  two  of  the  party,  and  wounded  others.* 
They  circulated  the  most  ridiculous  tales  respecting 
his  conduct  at  St.  Andrews.  John  Law,  the  letter- 
carrier  of  St.  Andrews,  being  in  the  castle  of  Edin- 
burgh, ^^the  ladie  Home  and  utheris  wald  neidis 
thraip  in  his  face,  that"  John  Knox  ^^was  banist 
the  said  toune,  because  that  in  the  yarde  he  had 
resist  sum  Sanctis,  amongis  whome  thair  came  up  the 
devill  icith  liornis,  which  when  his  servant  Richart 
sawe,  [he]  ran  woode,  and  so  died."f 

Although  he  was  free  from  personal  danger,  Knox 
did  not  find  St.  Andrews  that  peaceful  retreat  which 
he  had  expected.  The  Kircaldies  and  Ealfours  were 
a  considerable  party  in  that  quarter,  and  the  Hamil- 
tons  had  their  friends  both  in  the  university  and 
among  the  ministry.  These  were  thorns  in  the  Re- 
former's side,  and  made  his  situation  uneasy,  as  long 
as  he  resided  araong'them.  Having  left  Edinburgh, 
because  he  could  not  be  permitted  to  discharge  his 
conscience,  in  testifying  against  the  designs  of  per^ 
sons  whom  he  regarded  as  conspirators  against  the 
legal  government  of  the  country,  and  the  security 
of  the  reformed  religion,  it  was  not  to  be  expected 
that  he  would  preserve  silence  on  this  subject  at  Si. 
Andrews.  In  the  discourses  which  he  preached  on 
the  eleventh  chapter  of  Daniel's  prophecy,  he  fre- 
t[uently  took  occasion  to  advert  to  tlie  transactions 
of  his  own  time,  and  to  iuveigh  a^iilust  tlic  murder 
of  the  late  king,  aud  the  regent.     This  was  very  grat- 

*  Bannatyiie,  154,  240.  322. 

tlbid.  309,  310.     "  Gif  this  had  bene  their  first  iiivoiitit  lie 
(savs  the  same  Richar!)  I  '.vaitl  ncyer  have  blckit  paper  fur  it." 


LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX.  ,  34i3 

ing  to  the  cars  of  the  opposite  faction,  particularly 
to  Robert,  and  Archibald  Hamilton,  the  former  a  mi- 
nister  of  the  city,  and  the  latter  a  professor  in  one 
of  the  colleges.  Displeased  with  the  censures  of  bis 
relations,  and  aware  of  his  popularity  in  the  pulpit, 
Robert  Hamilton  circulated  in  private,  that  it  did  not 
become  Knox  to  exclaim  so  loudly  against  murderers, 
for  he  had  seen  his  subscription,  along  with  that  of 
the  earl  of  Murray,  to  a  bond  for  assassinating  Harn- 
ly.  But  when  the  Reformer  applied  to  him,  Hamil- 
ton denied  that  he  had  ever  spoken  such  words. 

Archibald  Hamilton  being  complained  of  for  with- 
drawing from  Knox's  sermons,  and  accusing  him  of  in- 
tolerable railing,  endeavoured  to  bring  the  matter  un- 
der the  cognition  of  the  masters  of  the  university, 
among  whom  his  influence  was  great.*  Knox  did  not 
scruple  to  give  an  account  of  his  conduct  before  the 
professors,  for  their  satisfaction;  but  he  judged  it 
necessary  to  enter  a  protestation,  that  his  appear- 
ance should  not  prejudge  the  liberty  of  the  pulpit, 
nor  the  authority  of  the  regular  church-courts,  to 
whom,  and  not  to  any  university,  the  judgment 
of  religious  doctrine  belonged. f      This  incident  ac- 

*  Arcliibald  HaniUton  a  short  time  after  this  left  Scotland,  and 
goin:^  to  France,  made  a  recantation  of  the  protestant  religion.  As 
an  evidence  of  the  sincerity  of  his  conversion,  he  published  the  dia- 
logue Be  Confusione  Calviiiiana'  Secta-  apiid  ScrAos  ;  a  book  which 
I  have  frequently  referred  to,  and  which  strikingly  exemplifies 
the  adage,  Omnis  aposfuta  osor  acerrim.us  sui  ordinis.  Jn  the  co- 
pious abuse  of  Knox  with  which  it  abounds,  wc  are  reminded  of  the 
present  quarrel.  Thomas  Snieton,  principal  of  the  university  of 
Ixlasgow,  (who  had  lately  left  the  Roman  Catholic  communion) 
published  an  elegant  and  masterly  reply  to  it,  which  exhibit^, 
among  other  things,  tlie  great  contrast  between  a  man  wlio  has 
exchanged  a  corrupt  system  of  religion  for  the  sake  of  a  more  pure, 
undone  who  has  taken  the  opposite  course. 

t  Hamiltonii  Diai<;g.  p.  61.  Rmetonii  Respons.  ad  Ilanult. 
Dialog,  p.  90.  in.     Bann.Tfync.  DS.] — S8j. 


346  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

counts  for  ilie  zeal  with  which  he  expresses  himself 
oil  this  subject,  in  his  letter  to  the  General  Assem- 
bly which  met  in  August  157^;  in  which  he  ex- 
horts them,  above  all  things,  to  preserve  the  church 
from  the  bondage  of  the  universities,  and  not  to  ex- 
empt them  from  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.* 

Another  source  of  distress  to  the  Reformer,  at 
this  time,  was  a  scheme  which  the  courtiers  had 
formed  for  altering  the  policy  of  the  church,  and  se- 
curing to  themselves  the  principal  part  of  the  eccle- 
siastical revenues.  This  plan  seems  to  have  been 
concerted  under  the  regency  of  Lennox ;  it  began 
to  be  put  into  execution  during  that  of  Mar,  and  was 
afterwards  completed  by  Morton.  We  have  already 
had  occasion  to  notice  the  aversion  of  many  of  the 
nobility  to  the  book  of  discipline,  and  the  principal 
source  from  which  this  aversion  sprung.  While  the 
earl  of  Murray  administered  the  government,  he  pre- 
vented any  new  encroachments  upon  the  rights  of 
the  church ;  but  the  succeeding  regents  were  either 
less  friendly  to  them,  or  less  able  to  bridle  the  ava- 
rice of  the  more  powerful  nobles.  Several  of  the 
richest  benefices  becoming  vacant  by  the  decease, 
or  by  the  sequestration  of  the  popish  incumbents, 
who  had  been  permitted  to  retain  them,  it  was  ne- 
cessary to  determine  in  what  manner  they  should  be 
disposed  of  for  the  future.  The  church  had  uni- 
formly required  that  their  revenues  should  be  divid- 
ed, and  applied  to  the  support  of  the  religious  and 
literary  establishments  ;  but  with  tliis  demand  the 
courtiers  were  by  no  means  disposed  to  comply. 
At  the  same  time,  the  total  secularization  of  them  was 
deemed  too  bold  a  step  :  nor  could  laymen,  with 
any  shadow  of  consistency,  or  by  a  valid  title,  hold 
benefices  vAuch  the  law  declared  to  be  ecclesiastical. 

*  I3;MM!atvne.  364. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX.  84/? 

The  expedient  resolved  on  was,  that  the  bishopries 
and  other  livings  should  be  presented  to  certain  mini- 
sters, who,  previous  to  their  admission,  should  make 
over  the  principal  part  of  their  revenues  to  such  no- 
blemen as  had  obtained  the  patronage  of  them  from 
the  court. 

Accordingly,  in  a  convention  of  certain  ministers 
and  courtiers,  held  at  Leith  in  January  1573?  it  was 
agreed  that  the  name  and  oflBce  of  archbishop,  bishop, 
&c.  should  be  continued  during  the  king's  minority, 
and  that  qualified  persons  from  among  the  ministers 
should  be  advanced  to  these  dignities.  No  greater 
power,  however,  was  allotted  to  them  than  to  superin- 
tendents, with  wliom  they  were  equally  subject  to 
the  assemblies  of  the  church.*  Such  was  the  origin 
and  nature  of  that  species  of  episcopacy  which  was 
introduced  into  the  reformed  church  of  Scotland,  in 
the  minority  of  James  VI.  It  does  not  appear  to 
have  proceeded  in  any  degree  from  predilection  to 
hierarchical  government,  but  from  the  desire  which 
the  courtiers  had  to  secure  to  themselves  the  reve- 
nues of  the  church.  This  was  emphatically  express- 
ed by  the  name  oi  tulcJian  bishops,^  which  was  com- 
monly applied  to  those  who  were  at  this  time  admit- 
ted to  the  oflBce. 

Encroachments  were,  however,  made  upon  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  church  in  different  ways,  partic- 
ularly by  the  presentation  of  unqualified  persons, 
who  were  sometimes  continued  in  the  enjoyment  of 
livings,  without  the  admission  of  the  church  ;  by  the 
granting  of  pluralities  and  even  by  civil  courts  as- 
suming the  cognizance  of  causes  of  an  ecclesiastical 

*  Caldenvood,  De  reg.  eecl.  Scotic.  relatio,  p.  8.  anno  1618. 
andepist.  Philad.  Vind.  apud  Altare  Damasc.  p.  727,  729.  Lugd. 
Batav.  1708.     Petrie,  part  ii.  p.  372,  374. 

t  A  Tulchan  is  a  calf's  skin  stuffed  uitli  straw,  set  up  to  make 
the  eow  give  her  milk  freely. 

y3 


34j8  life   of  JOHN  KNOX. 

nature.     Of  nil  of  these  we  find  the  ministers  com- 
plaining about  this  time.* 

It  has  been  insinuated,  that  Knox  approved  of  the 
resolutions  of  the  convention  at  Leith  to  restore 
the  episcopal  office ;  and  the  articles  sent  by  him  to 
the  Greneral  Assembly,  August  1572,  have  been  ap- 
pealed to  as  a  proof  of  this.f  But  all  that  can  be 
deduced  from  these  articles  is,  that  he  desired  the 
conditions  and  limitations  agreed  upon  by  that 
convention  to  be  strictly  observed,  in  the  election 
of  bishops,  in  opposition  to  the  granting  of  bi- 
shoprics to  laymen  (of  which  one  glaring  instance 
had  just  taken  place,)  and  also  to  the  simoniacal 
pactions  which  the  ministers  made  with  the  nobles 
on  receiving  presentations.  Provided  one  of  the 
propositions  made  by  him  to  the  assembly  had  been 
enforced,  and  the  bishops  had  been  bound  to  give 
an  account  of  the  whole  of  their  rents,  and  either 
to  support  ministers  in  the  particular  places  from 
which  tliey  derived  these,  or  else  to  pay  into  the 
funds  of  the  church  the  sums  requisite  for  this  pur- 
pose, it  is  evident  that  the  mercenary  views  both  of 
the  patrons  and  presentees  would  have  been  defeat- 
ed, and  the  church  would  have  gained  her  object, 
the  use  of  the  episcopal  revenues.  It  was  the  pros- 
pect  of  this  that  induced  some  honest  ministers  to 
agree  to  the  proposed  regulations,  at  the  convention 
held  in  Leith.  But  it  required  a  greater  portion  of 
disinterested  firmness  than  falls  to  the  most  of  men 
to  act  upon  this  principle,!  and  the  nobles  were  able 

*  See  Note  ZZ. 

+  Robertson's  History  of  Sfothuid,  ii.  358,  359.  Loiul.  1809. 

:j^  I  have  read  someuhcre  ((lioiigh  I  cannot  at  present  find  my 
authority)  that  Mr.  Robert  Poni,  when  oftercd  a  bishopric,  took 
the  advice  of  the  General  Assembly  as  to  accepting  it,  and  profes- 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  349 

to  find  even  at  this  period,  a  sufficient  number  of 
pliantj  needy,  or  covetous  ministers,  to  be  the  part- 
ners or  the  dupes  of  their  avarice. 

There  is  no  reason,  however,  to  think  that  our 
Reformer  departed,  on  this  occasion,  from  his  prin- 
ciples, which,  as  we  have  already  seen,  were  hostile 
to  episcopacy.  At  this  very  time  he  received  a  let- 
ter from  his  friend  Beza,  expressing  his  satisfaction 
that  they  had  banished  the  order  of  bishops  from  the 
Scottish  church,  and  admonishing  him  and  his  col- 
leagues to  beware  of  suffering  it  to  re-enter  under 
the  deceitful  pretext  of  preserving  unily.^  In  the 
General  Assembly,  whicli  met  at  St.  Andrews  in 
March  1572,  the  "  making  of  bishops"  was  intro- 
duced, and  he  "  opponit  himself  directlie"  unto  it.f 

He  had  an  opportunity  of  declaring  his  mind  more 
publicly  on  this  head.  The  earl  of  Morton,  who 
had  obtained  from  the  crown  a  gift  of  the  archbi- 
shopric of  St.  Andrews,  bargained  for  it  with  John 
Douglas,  rector  of  the  university,  and  provost  of 
the  new  college,  '^  a  good  upright-hearted  man, 
but  ambitious  and  simple,"^  and  now  superannu- 
ated. Knox  was  offended  with  this  appointment 
in  every  point  of  view.  Having  preached  on 
the  day  appointed  or  the  inauguration  of  the 
new  archbishop,  Morton  desired  him  to  preside 
in  the  service  ;  but  he  positively  refused,  and  pro- 
nounced an  anathema   against  both  the  donor  and 

sed  liis  readiness  to  apply  its  funds  to  the  support  of  the  minis- 
try within  the  diocese. 

*  In  the  same  letter  Beza  commends  Knox  for  establishing  not 
merely  the  purity  of  doctrine  in  tjie  Scottish  church,  but  also 
discipline  and  good  order,  Avithout  whicli  the  former  could  not 
be  preserved  for  any  time.  Bez^e  Epistol.  Tiieol.  ep.  Ixxix.  p. 
3 it,  355,  edit.  1J73. 

t  Mr.  James  Melville's  Diary,  p.  26.  MS,  Adv.  Lib. 

t  Ibid.  p.  sr. 


350  LIFE   01   JOHN  KNOX. 

the  receiver.  The  provost  of  St.  Salvador  having 
said  tliat  liis  couduct  proceeded  from  disappoint- 
ment, because  the  bishopric  had  not  been  conferred 
on  himself,  he,  on  the  following  Sabbath,  repelled 
the  invidious  charge.  He  had  refused,  he  said,  a 
greater  l)ishopric  than  that  of  St.  Andrews,  which  he 
might  have  had  by  the  favour  of  greater  men  than 
Douglas  had  his  ;*  what  he  had  spoken  was  for  th^ 
exoneration  of  his  conscience,  that  the  church  of 
Scotland  might  not  be  subject  to  that  order,  espe- 
cially after  a  very  different  one  had  been  established 
in  the  book  of  discipline,  had  been  subscribed  by 
the  nobility,  and  ratified  by  parliament.  He  lamented 
also  that  a  burden  should  be  laid  upon  one  old  man, 
which  twenty  men  of  the  best  gifts  could  not  sus- 
tain.f  At  the  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly^^ 
he  entered  a  formal  protest  against  this  procedure. 
In  a  private  letter  written  by  him  about  this  time  to 
Wishart  of  Pittarrow,  as  well  as  in  his  public  letter  to 
the  assembly  which  met  at  Stirling,  in  1571?  he  ex- 
pressed his  strong  disapprobation  of  the  new  plans 
for  defrauding  the  church  of  her  patrimony,  and  en- 
croaching upon  her  free  jurisdiction. :j: 

While  he  was  engaged  in  these  contests,  his  bo- 
dily strength  Avas  every  day  sensibly  decaying.  Yet 
he  continued  to  preach,  although  unable  to  walk  to 

*  Meaning  EduarJ  YI.  of  England  and  his  conncil.  Se» 
above,  p.  79. 

t  Bannatyne,  321,  324,  ii75.  Cald.  MS.  ii.  2C9,  33S,  340. 
Mr.  James  Mtdvill  says,  that  he  spake  against  the  appointment 
of  Doiis;las,  "  bot  sparina;lje,  because  he  lovit  the  man,"  and 
rather  in  the  language  of  regret  than  of  censure.  MS.  Diary, 
p.  27. 

i  Btiik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  53.  Cald.  MS.  ii.  269,  270, 
280,281.  I'etrie,  part  ii.  370.  Spottis.  2jS.  Collier  says,  that 
in  the  letter  to  the  assembly  at  Stirling,  '••  there  are  some  peas- 
sages  not  iinbecotiiwg'  ii\niysun  of  integrity  and  courage,"  ii.  533. 
Those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  spirit  of  this  historiaa  will 
think  this  high  praise  from  such  a  quarter. 


I 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  351 

the  pulpit  without  assistance  ;  and,  when  warmed  with 
his  subject,  he  forgot  his  weakness,  and  electrified 
the  audience  with  his  eloquence.  James  Melville, 
afterwards  minister  of  Anstruther,  was  then  a  stu- 
dent at  the  college,  and  one  of  his  constant  hear- 
ers. The  account  which  he  has  given  of  his  appear- 
ance is  exceedingly  striking^;  and  as  any  translation 
would  enfeeble  it,  I  shall  give  it  in  his  own  words. 
^^Of  all  the  benefits  I  haid  that  year  [1^1,]  was 
the  coming  of  that  maist  notable  profet  and  apostle 
of  our  nation,  Mr  Jhone  Knox,  to  St.  Andrews,  who, 
be  the  faction  of  the  queen  occupeing  the  castell  and 
town  of  Edinbrugh,  was  compellit  to  remove  there- 
fra,  with  a  number  of  the  best,  and  cliusit  to  coma 
to  St.  Andrews.  I  heard  him  teache  there  the  prophe- 
cies of  Daniel,  that  simmer,  and  the  wintar  following/ 
I  haid  my  pen  and  my  litle  buike,  and  tuk  away  sic 
things  as  I  could  comprehend.  In  the  opening  up  of 
his  text,  he  was  moderat  the  space  of  an  half  houre  ; 
but  when  he  enterit  to  application,  he  made  me  so 
to  grew,*  and  tremble,  I  could  not  haid  a  pen 
to  Avryt. — He  was  very  weik.  I  saw  him,  everie 
day  of  his  doctrine,  go  hiille,  and  fear,  j  with  a  fur- 
ring of  marticks  about  his  neck,  a  staffe  in  the  an 
hand,  and  gud  godlie  Richart  Ballanden,  his  ser- 
vand,  haldin  up  the  ulher  oxter,X  from  the  abbey  to 
tlie  parish  kirk,  and,  be  the  said  Richart,  and  ano 
ther  servant,  lifted  up  to  the  pulpit,  whar  he  be- 
hovit  to  lean,  at  his  first  eutrie  :  hot,  er  he  haid 
done  with  his  sermone,  lie  was  sa  active  and  vig- 
orous, that  he  was  lyk  to  ding  the  piiljpit  in  blads^ 
and  flie  out  of  it.'*[j 

*  i.  e.  ibrill.  f  i.  e.  slowly  aiul  varily. 

i  i.  e.  arm-pit.  §  i.  e.  beat  tlie  pulpit  in  pkees. 

i!  Melvill's  Diary,  p.  23,  28.  This  deseriptioa  may  also  be  sees 
ill  the  later  editions  of  Dr.  Robertson's  History  of  Scotland.  Somt- 
additional  particulars  respecting  our  Reformer,  durin?  hi«  resi-. 
dence  at  St.  Andrews,  mav  be  seen  in  -Vote  AAA. 


;    35S  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

J 

^  Duiiug  his  stay  at  St.  AndreAvs,  lie  published  a 
vindication  of  tlie  reformed  religion,  in  answer  to  a 
letter  written  by  a  Scots  Jesuit,  called  Tyrie.  The 
argumentative  part  of  the  work  was  finished  by  him 
in  1568 ;  but  he  sent  it  abroad  at  this  time,  with 
additions,  as  a  farewell  address  to  the  world,  and  a 
dying  testimony  to  the  truth  which  he  had  so  long 
taught  and  defended.*  Along  with  it  he  published 
one  of  the  religious  letters  which  he  had  formerly 
written  to  his  mother-in-law,  Mrs.  Bowes  ;  and,  in  an 
advertisement  prefixed  to  this,  he  informs  us  that 
she  had  lately  departed  this  life,  and  that  he  could 
not  allow  the  opportunity  to  slip  of  acquainting  the 
public,  by  means  of  this  letter,  with  the  principal 
cause  of  that  intimate  Christian  friendship  which 
had  so  long  subsisted  between  them. 

The  ardent  desire  which  he  felt  to  be  released,  by 
death,  from  the  troubles  of  the  present  life  appears 
in  all  that  he  wrote  about  this  time.  '^  Wearie  of 
the  world/'  and  "  thristing  to  depart,"  are  expres- 
sions frequently  used  by  him.  The  dedication  of  the 
above  work  is  thus  inscribed  :  "  John  Knox,  the  ser- 
vant of  Jesus  Christ,  now  wearie  of  the  world,  and 
daylie  luikiiig  for  the  resolution  of  this  my  earthly 
tabernakle,  to  the  faithful  that  God  of  his  mercie 
shall  appoint  to  fight  after  me.''  In  the  conclusion 
of  it  he  says,  "  Call  for  me,  deir  brethren,  that  God, 
in  his  mercy,  v/ill  pleis  to  put  end  to  my  long  and 
paneful  battell.  For  now  being  unable  to  fight,  as 
God  sumtymes  gave  strenth,  I  thrist  an  end,  befoir 
I  be  moir  troublesum  to  the  faithful!.  And  yet, 
Lord,  let  my  desyre  be  moderat  be  thy  holy  spirit." 
hi  a  prayer  subjoined   to   the  dedication  are  these 

*  Kt'ith  says,  .epeuLing  of  llus  book,  "Mr.  Knox  makes  some 
gdoil  ami  solid  observations,  from  which,  in  my  opinion,  the  Jesuit 
(in  his  reply)  lias  not  handsomely  extricated  himself."  History, 
Appen.  p.  2^5. 


b 


LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX.  353 

words.  ^^  To  thee,  O  Lord,  I  commend  my  spirit. 
For  I  thrist  to  be  resolved  from  this  body  of  sin, 
and  am  assured  that  I  shall  rise  agane  in  glorie  ;  how- 
soever it  be  that  the  wicked  for  a  tyme  sail  trode  me 
and  others  thy  servandes  under  their  feit.  Be  mer- 
ciful, O  Lord,  uTito  the  kirk  within  this  realme : 
continew  with  it  the  light  of  tliy  evangell ;  augment 
the  number  of  true  preicheris.  And  let  thy  mercy- 
full  providence  luke  upon  my  desolate  bedfellow, 
the  fruit  of  her  bosome,  and  my  two  deir  children, 
Nathanael  and  Eleazar.  Now,  Lord,  put  end  to  my 
miserie."  The  advertisement ''  to  the  Faithful  Head- 
er,'' dated  from  St.  Andrews,  13th  July,  157^,  con- 
cludes in  the  following  manner :  ^^  I  hartly  salute 
and  take  my  good  night  of  all  tlie  faithful  in  both 
realmes,  earnestly  desyring  the  assistance  of  their 
prayers,  that  without  any  notable  slander  to  the 
evangel  of  Jesus  Christ,  I  may  end  my  battel.  jPor, 
as  the  luorlde  is  wearie  of  me,  so  am  I  of  it. 

The  General  Assembly  being  appointed  to  meet 
at  Perth  on  the  0th  August,  he  took  his  leave  of 
them  in  a  letter,  along,  with  which  he  transmitted 
certain  articles  and  questions  which  he  recommend- 
ed to  their  consideration.  The  Assembly  returned 
liim  an  answer,  declaring  their  approbation  of  his 
propositions,  and  their  earnest  desires  for  his  pre- 
servation and  comfort.*  The  last  piece  of  public 
service  which  he  performed  at  their  request,  was 
examining  and  approving  a  sermon  which  had  been 
lately  preached  by  David  Ferguson,  minister  of 
Dunfermline.  His  subscription  to  this  sermon,  like 
every  thing  which  proceeded  from  his  mouth  or 
pen,  about  this  time,  is  uncommonly  striking. 
"  John  Knox,  with  my  dead  hand,   but  glaid  heart, 

*  Bannafviie,  3Ci — z:,^.     CiiUl.  ii.  355,  335. 


354;  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

praising  Go^l,    that  of  his  mercy  he  levis  such  light 
to  his  kirk  in  this  desolatioun/"'* 

From  the  rapid  decline  of  our  Reformer's  health, 
ill  spring  1572,  there  was  every  appearance  of  his 
ending  his  days  in  St.  Andrews  ;  but  it  pleased  God 
that  he  should  be  restored  once  more  to  his  flock, 
and  allowed  to  die  peaceably  in  his  own  bed.  In 
consequence  of  a  cessation  of  arms  agreed  to,  in  the 
end  of  July,  between  the  regent  and  the  adherents 
of  the  queen,  the  city  of  Edinburgh  was  abandoned 
by  the  forces  of  the  latter,  and  secured  from  the  an- 
noyance of  the  garrison  in  the  castle.  As  soon  as  the 
banished  citizens  returned  to  their  houses,t  they 
sent  a  deputation  to  St.  Andrews^,  with  a  letter  to 

*  "  Ane  sermon  prechit  before  the  regent  and  nobilitie  upon  a 
part  of  the  third  chapter  of  Malaehl  [verse  T — 12.]  in  the  Kirk 
of  Leith.  at  the  time  of  the  Generall  Assemblie,  on  Sonday  the 
13.  of  January.  Anno  Do.  15T1.  Be  David  Furgusone.  minis- 
ter of  the  evangell  at  Dunfernilyne.  Iniprentit  at  Sanctandrois, 
be  Robert  Lekpreuik.  Anno  Do.  MDLXXII."  The  dedication 
to  the  regent  Mar  is  dated  20th  August,  1572.  Lekpreuik,  the 
printer,  removed  from  Edinbiirgli,  at  the  sime  time,  and  for  the 
same  cause,  with  Knox,  and  set  up  liis  printing-press  at  St.  An- 
drews. It  was  liere  that  he  printed  a  version  of  Calvin's  Cate- 
chism, written  "  in  liatin  heroic  verse,"'  by  Patrick  Constant, 
who  afterwards  took  the  name  of  Adamson,  and  was  archbishop 
of  St.  Andrew  s.  On  this  occasion  '•  first  I  saw  that  excellent  art 
of  printing,"  says  Melvill.in  his  Diary,  p.  27,  28. 

t  Previous  to  the  cessation  of  arms,  the  banished  citizens  (who 
had  taken  up  their  residence  chiefly  in  Leith)  entered  into  a  so- 
lemn league,  by  which  they  engaged  "  in  the  fear  of  God  the  Fa- 
ther, of  his  Son  our  Lord  Jcbus  Christ,  and  of  tlie  Holie  Spirit, 
Uickand  to  witness  his  hoiie  name,"  that  tliey  would,  with  their 
lives,  land*,  and  goods,  promote  the  gospel  professed  among  them, 
maintain  the  authority  of  the  king  and  regent,  assist  and  concur 
with  others  against  the  enemies  in  the  castle,  defend  one  another 
if  attacked,  and  submit  any  variances  which  might  arise  among 
themselves  to  brotherly  arbitration,  or  to  the  judgment  of  the 
town  council.     Bauaatyne,  .'JGi — oGt. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  S5$ 

their  minister,  expressive  of  tlieir  earnest  desire 
^^  tliat  once  again  his  voice  might  be  heard  among 
them,"  and  intreatiug  him  immediately  to  come  to 
Edinburgh,  if  his  health  would  at  all  permit  him.*- 
After  reading  the  letter,  and  conversing  with  the 
commissioners,  he  agreed  to  return,  but  under  the 
express  condition,  that  he  should  not  be  urged  to 
observe  silence  respecting  the  conduct  of  those  who 
held  the  castle  against  the  regent  ;  ^' whose  treason- 
able and  tyrannical  deeds  (he  said)  he  would  cry 
out  against,  as  long  as  he  was  able  to  speak."  He, 
therefore,  desired  them  to  acquaint  their  constitu- 
ents with  this,  lest  they  should  afterwards  repent  of 
his  austerity,  and  be  apprehensive  of  ill-treatment 
on  his  account.  This  he  repeated  upon  his  return 
to  Edinburgh,  before  he  entered  tlie  pulpit.  Both 
the  commissoners  and  the  rest  of  their  brethren  as- 
sured him,  that  they  did  not  mean  to  put  a  bridle  in 
his  mouth  ;  but  wished  him  to  discharge  his  duty  as 
he  had  been  accustomed  to  do.f 

On  the  17th  of  August,  to  the  great  joy  of  the 
queen's  faction,  whom  he  had  overavv'ed  during  his 
residence  among  them,  the  Reformer  left  St.  An- 
drews, along  with  his  family,  and  was  accompanied 
on  his  journey  by  a  number  of  his  brethren  and  ac- 
quaintances. Being  obliged  by  his  weakness  to  tra- 
vel slowly,  it  was  the  23d  of  the  month  before  he 
reached  Leith,  from  which,  after  resting  a  day  or 
two,  he  came  to  Edinburgh.  The  inhabitants  en- 
joyed the  satisfaction  of  seeing  him  again  in  his  own 
pulpit,  on  the  first  Sabbath  after  he  arrived ;  but 
his  voice  was  now  so  enfeebled  that  he  could  not  be 
heard  by  the  half  of  the  congregation.  Nobociy  was 
more  sensible  of  this  than  himself.     He  therefore  re- 

*  Bannatyne,  370 — 373.     "  Leath  we  are  to  tliseas  or  hurt  your 
persone  oiiy  wayis,  and  far  leather  to  want  you." 
t  Ibid,  372,  373. 

z  2 


356  LI  Ft  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

quested  his  session  to  provide  a  smaller  house  in 
which  he  could  be  heard,  if  it  were  only  by  a  hun- 
dred persons ;  for  his  voice,  even  in  his  best  time, 
was  not  able  to  extend  over  the  multitude  which  as- 
sembled in  the  large  church,  much  less  now  when 
he  was  so  debilitated.     This  was  done  accordingly.* 

During  his  absence,  a  coolness  had  taken  place 
between  his  colleague  and  the  parish,  who  found 
fault  with  him  for  temporizing  during  the  time  that 
the  queen's  faction  retained  possession  of  the  city. 
In  consequence  of  this,  they  had  separated,  and 
Craig  was  gone  to  another  part  of  the  country. f 
Knox,  perceiving  that  he  would  not  long  be  able  to 
preach,  and  that  he  was  already  incapacitated  for  all 
other  ministeiial  duties,  was  extremely  solicitous  to 
have  one  settled  as  his  colleague,  that  the  congrega- 
tion might  not  be  left  ^^  as  sheep  without  a  shep- 
herd," when  he  was  called  away.  The  last  General 
Assembly  having  granted  to  the  church  of  Edin- 
burgh liberty  to  choose  any  minister  within  the  king- 
dom, those  of  Dundee  and  Perth  excepted,  they 
now  unanimously  fixed  upon  James  Lawson,  sub- 
principal  of  the  college  of  Aberdeen.  This  choice 
was  very  agieea'ole  to  the  Reformer,  who,  in  a  let- 
ter sent  along  with  those  of  the  superintendent  and 
session,  urged  him  to  comply  with  the  call  without 
delay.  Thou;^h  this  letter  has  already  appeared  in 
print,!  yet  as  it  is  not  long,  and  is  very  descriptive 
of  his  frame  of  mind  at  tiiis  interesting  period,  I  shall 
lay  it  before  the  reader. 

^^  All  worldie  strenth,  yea  ewin  in  things  spirit- 
uall,  decayes  ;  and  yit  sail  never  the  work  of  God 
decay.  Belovit  brother,  seing  that  God  of  his  mer- 
cie,  far  above  my  expectalione,  has  callit  rac  ones 
agane  to  Edinburgh,  and  yit  that  1  feill  nnture  se 

♦Banuatync,  p.  373,  385.     Smefoni  Respons,  p.  117,  118. 
+  Bee  Note  IIBB.  \  Banuatjne,  386. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN    KNOX.  357 

decayed,  aud  daylie  to  decay,  that  I  luke  not  for  a 
long  continewance  of  my  battel!,  I  wald  gladlie  anes 
discharge  my  conscience  into  your  bosome,  and  in- 
to the  bosome  of  vtheris,  in  whome  I  think  the  feare 
of  God  remanes.  Gif  I  hath  had  the  habilitie  of  bo- 
die,  I  suld  not  have  put  you  to  the  pane  to  the  whilk 
I  now  requyre  you,  that  is,  anes  to  visit  me,  that  we 
may  conferve  together  of  heawinlie  things  ;  for  into 
earth  there  is  no  stabilite,  except  the  kirk  of  Jesus 
Christ,  ever  fightand  vnder  the  crosse,  to  whos& 
myghtie  protectione  I  hartlie  comit  yeu.  Of  Edin- 
burgh the  vii  of  Septepber,    157^.     Jhone  Kxox/^ 

In  a  postscript  these  expressive  words  were  added, 
"  Haste,  brother,  lest  you  come  too  late." 

In  the  beginning  of  September,  intelligence  came 
to  Edinburgh,  that  the  Admiral  of  France,  the 
brave,  the  generous,  the  pious  Coligni  was  murder- 
ed in  the  city  of  Paris,  by  the  orders  of  Charles 
IX.  Immediately  on  the  back  of  this,  tidings  ar- 
rived of  that  most  detestable  and  unparalleled  scene 
of  barbarity  and  treachery,  the  general  massacre  of 
the  protestants  throughout  that  kingdom.  Post  af- 
ter post  brought  fresh  accounts  of  the  most  shock- 
ing and  unheard-of  cruelties.  Hired  cut-throats, 
aud  fanatical  cannibals  marched  from  city  to  city, 
paraded  the  streets,  and  entered  into  the  houses  of 
those  that  were  marked  out  for  destruction.  'No  re- 
verence was  shewn  to  the  hoary  head,  no  respect  to 
rank  or  talents,  no  pity  to  tender  age  or  sex.  Aged 
matrons,  women  upon  the  point  of  their  delivery,  and 
children,  were  trodden  under  the  feet  of  the  assas- 
sins, or  dragged  with  hooks  into  the  rivers ;  others, 
after  being  thrown  into  prison,  were  instantly  brought 
0ut,  and  butchered  in  cold  blood.  Seventy  thou- 
sand persons  Vv'ere  murdered  in  one  week.  For  seve- 
ral days  the  streets  of  Paris  literally  ran  with  blood. 
The  savage  raonarcli,  standing  at  the  windows  of  the 


*35B  LIFE   OF   JOHX   KNOX. 

palace,  with  his  courtiers,  glutted  his  eyes  with  tha. 
inhuman  spectacle,  and  amused  himself  with  firing 
upon  the  miserahle  fugitives  who  sought  shelter  at 
his  merciless  gates.* 

The  intelligence  of  this  massacre  (for  which  a  so- 
lemn thanksgiving  was  offered  up  at  Rome  by  order 
of  the  Popef)  produced  the  same  horror  and  con- 
sternation in  Scotland  as  in  every  other  protestant 
country.^  It  inflicted  a  deep  wound  on  the  ex- 
hausted spirit  of  Knox.  Besides  the  blow  struck  at 
the  whole  reformed  body,  he  had  to  lament  the  loss 
of  many  individuals,  eminent  for  piety,  learning,  and 
rank,  whom  lie  numbered  among  his  acquaintances. 
Being  conveyed  to  the  pulpit,  and  summoning  up 
the  remainder  of  his  strength,  he  thundered  the  ven-, 
geance  of  heaven  against  that  cruel  murderer  and 
false  traitor,  the  king  of  France,  and  desired  Le 
Croc,  the  French  ambassador,  to  tell  his  master,  that 
sentence  was  pronounced  against  him  in  Scotland^ 
that  the  divine  vengeance  would  never  depart  from 
him,  nor  from  his  house,  if  repentance  did  not  ensue; 
but  his  name  would  remain  an  execration  to  posteri- 
ty, and  none  proceeding  from  his  loins  would  enjoy 
that  kingdom  in  peace,  Tiie  ambassador  complain- 
ed of  the  indignity  offered  to  his  master,  and  requir- 

*  iMemoires  de  SuTly,  toni.  i*.  16.  Paris  1664.  Brantosme  Me- 
nwires,  apiid  .Tiirieu.  Apolog-ie  pour  la  Reformation,  torn.  i.420. 
SuH'twni  Ucspoiisv.  ad  llamilt.  Dial.  p.  117. 

t  The  Pope's  Bull  for  the  Jubilee  may  be  seen  in  Strype'*^ 
Life  of  arclihisliop  Parker,  Append.  No.  68,  p.  108. 

\  The  recjont  Mar  issued  a  proclamation  on  the  occasion, sum- 
inoninj:^  a  t;cneral  convention  of  deputies  from  all  parts  of  the 
kingdom,  to  deliberate  on  the  measures  proper  to  be  adopted  for 
defence  against  the  cruel  and  treasonable  conspiracies  of  the  pa- 
pists, liannalyne,  397 — *01.  Strype  has  inserted  the  pream- 
ble, ami  one  of  the  articles  of  a  supplication  presented  i)y  this 
convention  to  the  regent  and  council.  Ajinais,  ii.  180,181.  This 
may  be  compared  u  ith  the  more  full  account  of  their  proceedings,, 
in  Bauuatyne,  400 — ill. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  3»9 

ed  the  regent  to  silence  the  preacher ;  but  this  was 
refused,  upon  which  he  left  Scotland.* 

Lawson,  having  received  the  letters  of  invitation* 
hastened  to  Edinburgh,  and  had  the  satisfaction  to 
find  that  Knox  was  still  able  to  receive  him.  Hav- 
ing preached  to  the  people,  he  gave  universal  satis- 
faction.! On  the  following  Sabbath,  Slst  Septem- 
ber, Knox  began  to  preach  in  the  Telbootb  church, 
which  was  now  fitted  up  for  him.  He  chose  for  the 
subject  of  his  discourses,  the  account  of  our  Savi- 
our's crucifixion,  as  recorded  in  the  xxvii.  chapter 
of  the  gospel  according  to  Matthew,  a  theme  upon 
which  he  often  expressed  a  wish  to  close  his  minis- 
try. On  Sabbath  the  9th  of  November,  he  presid- 
ed in  the  installation  of  Lawsou  as  his  colleague  and 
successor.  The  sermon  was  preached  by  him  in  the 
Tolbooth  church ;  after  it  was  ended,  he  removed, 
with  the  audience,  to  the  large  church,  where  he  went 
through  the  accustomed  form  of  admission,  by  pro- 
posing the  questions  to  the  minister  and  people,  ad- 
dressing an  exhortation  to  both,  and  praying  for  the 
divine  blessing  upon  the  connection.  Upon  no  for- 
mer occasion  did  he  deliver  himself  more  to  the  sa- 
tisfaction of  those  who  were  able  to  hear  him.  Af- 
ter declaring  the  mutual  duties  of  pastor  and  con- 
gregation, he  protested,  in  the  presence  of  Him  be- 
fore whom  he  expected  soon  to  appear,  that  he  had 
walked  among  them  with  a  good  conscience,  preach- 
ing the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  in  all  sincerity,  not 
studying  to  please  men,  nor  to  gratify  his  own  affec- 
tions ;  he  praised  God,  that  he  had  been  pleased  to 
give  them  a  pastor  iu  his  room,  when  he  was  now 

•  Bannatyue,  401,  402, 

t  Mr.  James  ^lelviile,  speakiog  of  LawsoR,  calls  him  "a  man 
of  sitigiiiar  learning,  zeal,  and  eloquence,  whom  I  never  hard 
preaehe  hut  he  meitit  my  hart  with  tears."     MS.  Biary,  p.  33. 


360  LIFE  OF   JOHN  KNOX. 

iina1)lc  to  teach  ;  he  fervently  prayed,  that  any  gifts 
which  had  heen  conferred  on  himself  might  be  aug- 
mented a  thousand  fold  in  his  successor ;  and,  in  a 
most  serious  and  impressive  manner,  he  exhorted  and 
charged  all  present  to  adhere  steadfastly  to  the  faith 
which  they  had  professed.  Having  finished  the  ser- 
vice, and  pronounced  the  blessing  with  a  cheerful 
but  exhausted  voice,  he  came  down  from  the  pul- 
pit, and,  leaning  upon  his  staff,  crept  down  the 
street,  which  was  lined  with  the  audience,  who,  as 
if  anxious  to  take  the  last  sight  of  their  beloved  pas- 
tor, followed  him  until  he  entered  his  house,  from 
which  he  never  again  came  out  alive.* 

On  the  Tuesday  following,  (Nov.  11,)  he  was 
seized  with  a  severe  cough,  which,  together  with 
the  deiluxion,  greatly  affected  his  breathing.  When 
his  frieuds,  anxious  to  prolong  his  life,  proposed  to 
call  in  the  assistance  of  physicians,  he  readily  acqui- 
esced, saying,  that  he  would  not  neglect  the  ordina- 
ry means  of  health,  although  he  was  persuaded,  that 
the  Lord  would  soon  put  an  end  to  all  his  troubles. 

*  As  it  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  the  quotations,  the  reader  may 
be  informed,  once  for  all,  that  the  account  of  the  Reformer's  last 
illness  and  death  is  taken  from  the  following  authorities  :  "  Ex- 
imii  viri  Joannis  Knoxii,  Scotieanae  Eeelesife  instauratoris.  Vera 
extremae  vitse  et  obitus  Historia,*'  published  by  Thomas  Smeton, 
principal  of  the  university  of  Glasgow,  at  the  end  of  his  '•  Res- 
ponsioad  Hamiltonii  Dialogum.  Edinburgi.  apud  Johannem  Ros- 
seum.  Pro  Henrico  Charteris.  Anno  Do.  1579.  Cum  Privilegio 
Uegali  :*' — "Journal  of  the  Transactions  in  Scotland,  (Annis) 
1570 — 1573,  by  Richard  Bannatyne,  secretary  to  John  Knox," 
413 — 4,29.  edited  from  an  authentic  MS.  by  J.  Graham  Dalyell, 
Esq.  Ajino  1805: — Spottiswood's  History,  p.  265 — 267.  Anno 
1677,  and  Calderwood's  IMS.  History,  ad  Ann.  1572  ;  copy  in  Ad- 
vocates* Library,  Edinburgli,  transcribed  Anno  1634'.  The  two 
first  of  these  works  contain  the  most  ancient  and  authentic  nar- 
ratives, lioth  being  written  at  the  time  of  the  event,  and  by  persons 
who  were  eve  and  ear-witn^ssrs  of  wKat  flier  relate. 


LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX.  36l 

It  was  his  ordinary  practice  to  read  every  day  some 
chapters  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament;  to  which 
he  added  a  certain  number  of  the  Psalms  of  David, 
the  whole  of  which  he  perused  regularly  once  a 
month  On  Thursday  the  13th,  he  sickened,  and  was 
obliged  to  desist  from  his  course  of  reading ;  but  he 
gave  directions  to  his  wife,  and  to  his  secretary,  Rich- 
ard Bannatyne,  that  one  of  them  should  every  day  read 
to  him,  with  a  distinct  voice,  the  17th  chapter  of  the 
Gospel  according  to  John,  the  53d  of  Isaiah,  and 
a  chapter  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  This  was 
punctually  complied  with  during  the  whole  time  of 
his  sickness ;  so  that  scarcely  an  hour  passed  in 
which  some  part  of  scripture  was  not  read.  Besides 
the  above  passages,  he,  at  different  times,  fixed  on 
certain  Psalms,  and  some  of  Calvin's  I^^rench  ser- 
mons on  the  Ephesians.  Sometimes  as  they  were 
reading  these  sermons,  thinking  him  to  be  asleep, 
they  asked  him  if  he  heard,  to  which  he  answered, 
'^  I  hear  (I  praise  God,)  and  understand  far  better," 
which  words  he  uttered  for  the  last  time,  about  four 
hours  before  his  death. 

The  same  day  on  which  he  sickened,  he  desired 
his  wife  to  discharge  the  servants'  wages  ;  and  next 
day  wishing  to  pay  one  of  his  men  servants  himself, 
he  gave  him  twenty  shillings  above  his  fee,  adding, 
"  Thou  wilt  never  receive  more  of  me  in  this  life.'' 
To  all  his  servants  he  gave  suitable  exhortations  to 
walk  in  the  fear  of  God,  and  as  became  Christians  \vh(^ 
had  been  educated  in  his  family. 

On  Friday  the  14th,  he  rose  from  bed  sooner  than 
his  usual  hour  ;  and,  thinking  that  it  was  the  Sab- 
bath, said,  that  he  meant  to  go  to  church,  and 
preach  on  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  upon  which  he 
had  meditated  through  the  whole  night.  This  was 
the  subject  upon  which  he  should  have  pieaclied  in  hi^^ 
ordinary  course,     J5ut  he  was  so  weak,  that  he  need 


362  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

etl  to  be  supported  from  his  bed-side,  by  two  men,  and 
it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  he  could  sit  on  a  chair. 

Next  day  at  noon,  John  Durie,  and  Archibald 
Steward,  two  of  his  intimate  acquaintances,  came 
into  his  room,  not  knowing  that  he  was  so  sick.  He 
rose,  however,  on  their  account;  and  having  pre- 
vailed on  them  to  stay  dinner,  he  came  to  the  table, 
which  was  the  last  time  that  he  ever  sat  at  it.  He 
ordered  a  hogshead  of  wine  wliich  was  in  his  cellar 
to  be  pierced  ;  and,  with  a  hilarity  which  he  delight- 
ed to  indulge  among  his  friends,  desired  Archibald 
Steward  to  send  for  some  of  it  as  long  as  it  lasted^ 
for  he  would  not  tarry  until  it  was  all  drunk. 

On  Sabbath  he  kept  his  bed,  and  mistaking  it  for 
the  first  day  of  the  fast  appointed  on  account  of  the 
French  massacre,  refused  to  take  any  dinner.  Fair- 
ley  of  Braid,  who  was  present,  informed  him  that 
the  fast  did  not  commence  until  the  following  Sab- 
bath, and  sitting  down,  and  dining  before  his  bed, 
prevailed  on  him  to  take  a  little  food. 

He  was  very  anxious  to  meet  once  more  with  the 
session  of  liis  church,  to  leave  them  his  dying  charge, 
and  bid  them  a  last  farewell.  In  compliance  with 
his  wish  his  colleague,  the  elders,  and  deacons, 
with  David  Lindsay,  one  of  the  ministers  of  Leith, 
assembled  in  liis  room  on  Monday  the  17th,  when 
he  addressed  tiicm  in  the  following  words,  which 
made  a  deep  and  lasting  impression  on  the  minds  of 
all.  "  The  day  now  approaclies,  and  is  before  the 
door,  for  which  I  have  frequently  and  vehemently 
thirsted,  when  I  shall  be  released  from  my  great  la- 
bours and  innumerable  sorrows,  and  shall  be  with 
Christ.  And  now,  God  is  my  witness,  whom  I  have 
served  in  spirit,  in  the  gospel  of  his  Son,  that  I  have 
taught  nothing  but  the  true  and  solid  doctrine  of 
the  gospel  of  the  Son  of  God,  and  liave  had  it  for 
my  only  object   to  instruct  the  ignorant,  to   confiriu 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  363 

the  faithful,  to  comfort  the  weak,  the  fearful,  and 
the  distressed,  by  the  promises  of  grace,  and  to 
figlit  against  the  proud  and  rebellious,  by  the  divine 
threatenings.  I  know  that  many  have  frequently 
and  loudly  complained,  and  do  yet  complain,  of  my 
too  great  severity  ;  but  God  knows  that  my  mind 
was  always  void  of  liatred  to  the  persons  of  those 
against  whom  I  thundered  the  severest  judgments. 
I  cannot  deny  but  that  I  felt  the  greatest  abhorrence 
at  the  sins  in  which  they  indulged,  but  I  still  kept 
this  one  thing  in  view,  that,  if  possible,  I  might 
g'ain  them  to  the  Lord.  What  influenced  me  to  nt- 
ter  whatever  the  Lord  put  into  my  mouth  so  boldly, 
without  respect  of  persons,  was  a  reverential  fear  of 
my  God,  who  called,  and  of  his  grace  appointed  me 
to  be  a  steward  of  divine  mysteries,  and  a  belief  that 
be  will  demand  an  account  of  my  discharge  of  the 
trust  committed  unto  me,  when  1  shall  stand  before 
his  tribunal.  I  profess,  therefore,  before  God,  and 
before  his  holy  angels,  that  I  never  made  merchan- 
dize of  the  sacred  word  of  God,  never  studied  to 
please  men,  never  indulged  my  own  private  pas- 
sions or  those  of  others,  but  faithfully  distributed 
the  talent  intrusted  to  me,  for  the  edification  of  the 
church  over  which  I  watched.  Whatever  obloquy 
wicked  men  may  cast  on  me  respecting  this  point, 
I  rejoice  in  the  testimony  of  a  good  conscience.  In 
the  mean  time,  my  dearest  brethren,  do  you  perse- 
vere in  the  eternal  truth  of  the  gospel ;  wait  dili- 
gently on  the  flock  over  which  the  Lord  hath  set 
you,  and  which  he  redeemed  with  the  blood  of  his 
only  begotten  Son.  And  thou  my  brother,  Lawson, 
fight  the  good  fight,  and  do  the  work  of  the  Lord 
joyfully  and  resolutely.  The  Lord  from  on  high 
bless  you,  and  the  whole  church  of  Edinburgh, 
against  whom,  as  long  as  they  persevere  in  the  word 
of  truth  which   iliey  liave  heard  of  me,  the  gates  of 

jv  3 


364)  tIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

liell  shall  not  prevail."  Having  warned  them  against 
countenancing  those  who  disowned  the  king's  au- 
thority, and  made  some  observations  on  a  complaint 
which  Maitland  had  lodged  against  him  before  the 
session,  he  was  so  exhausted  that  he  was  obliged  to 
desist  from  speaking.  Those  who  were  present  were 
filled  with  botli  joy  and  grief  by  this  affecting  ad- 
dress. After  reminding  him  of  the  warfare  which 
he  had  endured,  and  the  triumph  which  awaited 
him,  and  joining  in  prayer,  they  took  their  leave  of 
him  in  tears. 

When  they  were  going  out,  he  desired  his  col- 
league and  Lindsay  to  remain  behind,  to  whom  he 
said  :  ^'  There  is  one  thing  that  greatly  grieves  me. 
You  have  been  witnesses  of  th*^  former  courage  and 
constancy  of  Grange  in  the  cause  of  God  ;  but  now, 
alas  !  into  what  a  gulph  has  he  precipitated  himself ! 
I  intreat  you  not  to  refuse  to  go,  and  tell  him  from 
iiie.  That  John  Knox  reraaius  the  same  man  now 
when  he  is  going  to  die,  that  ever  he  knew  him 
Avhen  able  in  body,  and  wills  him  to  consider  what 
he  was,  and  the  estate  in  which  he  new  stands, 
which  is  a  great  part  of  his  trouble.  Neither  the 
craggy  rock  in  which  he  miserably  confides,  nor  the 
carnal  prudence  of  that  man  (Maitland)  whom  he 
esteems  a  demi-god,  nor  the  assistance  of  strangers, 
shall  preserve  him  ;  but  he  shall  be  disgracefully 
dragged  from  his  nest  to  punishment,  and  hung  on 
a  gallows  before  the  face  of  the  sun,  unless  he  speedi- 
ly amend  his  life,  and  flee  to  the  mercy  of  God. 
That  man's  soul  is  dear  to  me,  and  I  would  not  have 
it  perish,  if  I  could  save  it."  The  ministers  under- 
took to  execute  tiiis  commisson,  and  going  up  to 
the  castle,  obtained  an  interview  with  the  gover- 
nor, and  delivered  their  message.  He  at  first  ex- 
hibited some  symptoms  of  relenting,  but  having 
consulted    with    Maitland,    he   returned    and    gave 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  36j 

ihern  a  very  unpleasant  answer.  This  being  reported 
to  Knox,  he  was  much  grieved,  and  said,  that  he 
had  been  very  earnest  in  prayer  for  that  man,  and 
he  still  trussed  that  his  soul  would  be  saved,  although 
his  body  should  come  to  a  miserable  end.*^ 

After  his  interview  with  the  session,  he  was  much 
worse :  his  difficulty  of  breathing  encreased,  and  he 
could  not  speak  without  obvious  and  great  pain. 
Yet  he  continued  still  to  receive  persons  of  every 
rank,  who  came,  in  great  numbers,  to  visit  him,  and 
he  suffered  none  to  go  away  without  exhortations, 
which  he  uttered  with  such  variety  and  suitableness 
as  astonished  those  who  Avaited  upon  him.  Lord 
Boyd  came  in  and  said,  "  I  know.  Sir,  that  I  have 
offended  you  in  many  things,  and  am  now  come  to 
crave  your  pardon."  His  answer  was  not  heard,  as 
the  attendents  retired  and  left  them  alone.  But  his 
lordship  returned  next  day,  in  company  with  the 
earl  of  Morton,  and  the  laird  of  Drumlanrig.  His 
conversation  with  Morton  was  very  ]»articular,  as  re- 
lated by  the  earl  himself  before  his  death.  He  asked 
him,  if  he  was  previously  acquainted  with  the  design 
to  murder  the  late  king.  Morton  having  answered 
in  the  negative, f  he  said,  "  Well,  God  has  beauti- 
iied  you  with  many  benefits   which  he  has  not  given 

*  After  the  eastle  surrendered,  a.id  Kircaldy  was  condemned 
io  die,  Lindsay  attended  !iiin  at  liis  earnest  desire,  and  received 
much  satisfaction  from  conversation  with  him.  When  lie  was 
on  the  scaftbld,  he  desired  the  minister  to  repeat  Knox's  last 
words  a!)out  hi;ii,  and  said  that  he  hoped  they  would  prove  true. 
Mr.  James  Melville  had  this  information  from  Mr.  Lindsay. 
MS.  Diary,  p.  29,  30.     See  also  Spottis.  266,  272. 

i  He  aeknowledi^ed  afterwards  that  lie  did  know  of  the  mur- 
der ;  Initexcused  himself  ior  concealing  if.  The  queen  (he  said) 
was  the  doer,  and  as  for  the  king,  he  was  "  sic  a  bairne,  that 
tbair  was  nothinr^- tatikl  Isini  brit  Ik-  v.  aid  reveil!  it  to  hir.""  Ban- 
nalvu?.  191.  4{k. 


366 


LIFE    Ol    JOHN    KNOX. 


to  every  man  ;  as  he  has  given  you  riches,  wisdom, 
and  friends,  and  now  is  to  prefer  you  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  realrae.*  And  therefore,  in  the  name  of 
God,  I  cliarge  you  to  use  all  these  benefits  aright, 
and  better  in  time  to  come  that  ye  have  done  in 
times  bypast ;  first  to  God's  glory,  to  the  further- 
ance of  the  evangel,  the  maintenance  of  the  church 
of  God,  and  his  ministry ;  next  for  the  weal  of  the 
king,  and  his  realm,  and  true  subjects.  If  so  ye  shall 
do,  God  shall  l)less  you  and  honour  you ;  bnt  if  ye 
do  it  not,  God  shall  spoil  you  of  these  benefits,  and 
your  end  shall  be  ignominy  and  shame. '"f 

On  Thursday  the  20th,  lord  Lindsay,  the  bishop  of 
Caithness,  and  several  gentlemen  visited  him.  He  ex- 
horted them  to  continue  in  the  truth  which  they  had 
heard,  for  there  was  no  other  word  of  salvation,  and 
besought  them  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  those  in 
the  castle.  The  earl  of  Glencairn  (who  had  often 
visited  him)  came  in,  with  lord  Ruthven.  The  lat- 
ter, who  called  only  once,  said,  ''  If  there  be  any 
thing,  Sir,  that  I  am  able  to  do  for  you,  I  pray  you 
charge  me.''  His  reply  was,  "  I  care  not  for  all  the 
pleasure  and  friendship  of  the  world." 

A  religious  lady  of  his  acquaintance  desired  him 
to  praise  God  for  what  good  he  had  done,  and   was 

*  The  regent  Mar  dicfl  on  the  29th  October  preceding.  The 
nobility  were  at  this  time  met  to  choose  his  successor,  and  it  was 
understood  tl»at  Morton  wotild  be  raised  to  that  dignity.  He  was 
elected  re2;ent  on  t)ie  day  of  Knox's  death.  Bannatyne,  411,  412, 
427'.  The  author  of  the  Historic  of  Kincj  James  the  Sext  says, 
that  the  recjentdied  October  18,  and  adds,  "  efter  Iiim  dyedJohne 
Knox  in  tliat  same  moncth/'  p.  197.  But  he  has  mistaken  the 
time. 

t  Morton  gave  this  account  of  his  conference  with  the  Refor- 
mer, to  the  ministers  who  attended  him,  before  his  execution.  Be- 
ing asked  by  tliem  if  lie  fiad  not  found  Knox's  admonition  true, 
he  replied,  *■•  I  have  fand  it  indeid.''  Morto's  Confession,  apiid 
Bannatyne,  508,  509. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    RNOX.  367 

beginning  to  speak  in  his  commendation,  when  he 
interrupted  her.  ^"  Tongue,  tongue,  lady,  flesh  of 
itself  is  over-proud,  and  needs  no  means  to  esteem 
itself.''  He  put  her  in  mind  of  what  had  been  said 
to  her  long  ago,  ••  Lady,  lady,  the  black  one  has 
never  trampit  on  your  fiite/'  and  exhorted  her  to 
lay  aside  pride,  and  be  clothed  with  humility.  He 
then  protested  as  to  himself,  as  he  had  often  done 
before,  that  he  relied  wholly  on  the  free  mercy  of 
God,  manifested  to  mankind  through  his  dear  Son 
Jesus  Christ,  whom  alone  he  embraced  for  wisdom, 
and  righteousness,  and  sanctification,  and  redemp- 
tion. The  rest  of  the  company  having  taken  their 
leave  of  him,  he  said  to  the  laird  of  Braid,  '•  Every 
one  bids  me  good  night,  but  when  will  you  do  it?  I 
have  been  greatly  indebted  unto  you,  for  which  I 
shall  never  be  able  to  recompence  you  :  but  I  com- 
mit you  to  one  that  is  able  to  do  it,  to  the  eternal 
God." 

Upon  Friday  the  21st,  he  desired  Richard  Banna- 
tyne  to  order  his  coSin  to  be  made.  During  that 
day  he  was  much  engaged  in  meditation  and  prayer. 
These  words  were  often  in  his  mouth  ;  "•  Come, 
Lord  Jesus.  Sweet  Jesus,  into  thy  hands  I  com- 
mend my  spirit.  Be  merciful.  Lord,  to  thy  church 
which  thou  hast  redeemed.  Give  peace  to  this  af- 
flicted commonwealth.  Raise  up  faithful  pastors 
who  will  take  tlie  charge  of  thy  church.  Grant  us, 
Lord,  the  perfect  hatred  of  sin,  both  by  the  evidences 
of  thy  wrath  and  mercy.'*  In  tlie  midst  of  his  mcdi- 
tatious,  he  would  often  address  those  who  stood  by, 
in  such  sentences  as  these  :  ''O  serve  the  Lord  in 
fear,  and  death  shall  not  be  terrible  to  you.  Xay, 
blessed  shall  death  be  to  tliosc  who  have  felt  the 
povv'er  of  the  death  of  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God." 

On  Sabbath  S3d  (which  was  the  flrst  day  of  the 
national    fast.)    during    the    afternoon-sermon,     he. 


368  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KXOX. 

jiftev  lying  a  considerable  time  quiet,  suddenly  ex- 
claimed, ''  If  any  be  present,  let  them  come  and 
see  the  work  of  God.'^  Richard  Baunatyne  think- 
ing that  his  death  was  at  hand,  sent  to  the  church 
for  Johnston  of  Elphingston.  When  they  came  to 
his  bed-side,  he  burst  out  in  these  rapturous  ex- 
pressions :  "  I  have  been  these  two  last  nights  in 
meditation  on  the  troubled  state  of  the  church  of 
God,  the  spouse  of  Jesus  Christ,  despised  of  the 
"vvorld,  but  precious  in  the  sight  of  God.  I  have 
called  to  God  for  her,  and  have  committed  her  to 
her  hea,d,  Jesus  Christ.  I  have  fought  against  spirit- 
ual wickedness  in  heavenly  things,  and  have  pre- 
vailed. I  have  been  in  heaven,  and  have  posses- 
sion. I  have  tasted  of  the  heavenly  joys,  where  pre- 
sently I  am.*'  He  then  repeated  the  Lord's  prayer 
and  creed,  interjecting  some  devout  aspiration  at  the 
end  of  every  petition,  and  article. 

After  sermon  many  came  in  to  visit  him.  Per- 
ceiving that  he  breathed  with  great  diiRculty,  some 
of  them  asked,  if  he  felt  much  pain.  He  answered 
that  he  was  willing  to  lie  there  for  years,  if  God  so 
pleased,  and  if  he  continued  to  shine  upon  his  soul, 
through  Jesus  Christ.  When  they  thought  him 
asleep,  he  was  employed  in  meditation,  and  at  in- 
tervals exhorted  and  prajed.  "  Live  in  Christ. 
Live  in  Christ,  and  then  flesh  need  not  fear  death. 
Lord,  grant  true  pastors  to  thy  church,  that  puri- 
ty of  doctrine  may  be  retained.  Restore  peace 
again  to  this  commonwealth,  with  godly  rulers  and 
magistrates.  Once,  Lord,  make  an  end  of  my  trou- 
ble.*' Stretching  his  hands  toward  heaven,  he  said, 
*<  Lord,  I  commend  my  spirit,  soul,  and  body,  and 
all,  into  thy  hands.  Thou  knowest,  O  Lord,  my 
troubles:  I  do  not  murmur  against  thee."  His 
pious  ejaculations  were  so  numerous,  that  those  wlio 
waited  on  him  could  recollect  only  a  part  of  them  :  foi 


LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX.  369 

seldom  was  be  silent,  when  they  were  not  employed 
in  reading  or  in  prayer. — During  the  course  of  that 
night  his  trouble  greatly  increased. 

Monday,  the  24th  of  November,  was  the  last  day 
that  he  spent  on  earth.  That  morning  he  would 
not  be  persuaded  to  lie  in  bed,  but,  though  unable 
to  stand  alone,  rose  between  9  and  10  o'clock,  and 
put  on  bis  Stockings  and  doublet.  Being  conducted 
to  a  ciiair,  he  sat  about  half  an  hour,  and  then  went 
to  bed  again.  In  the  progress  of  the  day  it  appear- 
ed evident  that  his  end  drew  near.  Besides  his 
Wife  and  Richard  Bannatyne,  Campbell  of  Kinyean- 
cleugh,  Johnston  of  Elphiugston,  and  Dr.  Preston, 
three  of  his  most  intimate  acquaintances,  waited  by 
his  bed-side.  Mr.  Campbell  asked  him,  if  he  had  any 
pain  "  It  is  no  painful  pain,  but  such  a  pain  as 
shall  I  trust,  put  end  to  the  battle.  I  must  leave 
the  care  of  my  wife  and  children  to  you  (continued 
he,)  to  whom  you  must  be  a  husband  in  my  room.'' 
About  three  o'clock  iu  the  afternoon,  one  of  his  eyes 
failed,  and  his  speech  was  considerably  effected. 
He  desired  his  wife  to  read  the  i3i\\  chap,  of  1st 
Corinthians.  "  Is  not  that  a  comfortable  chapter  ?'* 
said  he,  when  it  was  finished.  "  O  what  sweet 
and  salutary  consolation  the  Lord  hath  afforded  me 
from  that  chapter  !*'  A  little  after,  he  said,  ^'  Now, 
for  the  last  time,  I  commend  my  soul,  spirit,  and 
body  (touching  three  of  his  fingers)  into  thy  hand, 
O  Lord.-'  About  5  o'clock  he  said  to  his  wife,  '*  Go, 
read  where  I  cast  my  first  anchor  ;''  upon  w  hich  she 
read  the  17th  chapter  of  John's  gospel,  and  after- 
wards a  part  of  Calvin's  sermons  on  the  Ephesians. 

After  this  he  appeared  to  fall  into  a  slumber, 
during  which  he  uttered  heavy  groans.  Tiie  at- 
tendants looked  every  moment  for  his  dissolution. 
At  length  he  awaked  as  if  from  sleep,  and  being 
asked    the   cause  of  his  sigbing  so  deeply,  replied. 


370  LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

'^  I  have  foijuerly,  during  my  frail  life,  sustained 
many  contests,  and  many  assaults  of  Satan  ;  but  at 
present  that  roaring  lion  hath  assailed  me  most  fu- 
riously, and  put  forth  all  his  strength  to  devour,  and 
make  an  end  of  me  at  once.  Often  before  has  he 
placed  my  sins  before  my  eyes,  often  tempted  me  to 
despair,  often  endeavoured  to  ensnare  me  by  the  al- 
lurements of  the  world;  but  with  these  weapons, 
broken  by  the  sword  of  the  Spirit,  the  word  of  God, 
he  could  not  prevail.  Now  he  has  attacked  me  in 
another  way ;  the  cunning  serpent  has  laboured  to 
persuade  me  that  I  have  merited  heaven  and  eter- 
nal blessedness,  bv  the  faithful  discharoje  of  my  min- 
istry.  But  blessed  be  God  who  has  enabled  me  to 
beat  down  aud  quench  this  fiery  dart,  by  suggesting 
to  me  such  passages  of  scripture  as  these,  What  hast 
thou  that  thou  hast  not  received  ?  By  the  grace  of  God 
I  am  what  I  am  :  JS^ot  I,  but  the  grace  of  God  in  me. 
Being  thus  vanquished,  he  left  me.  Wherefore  I 
give  thanks  to  my  God  through  Jesus  Christ,  who 
was  pleased  to  give  me  the  victory ;  and  I  am  per- 
suaded that  tlje  tempter  shall  not  again  attack  me, 
but,  within  a  short  time,  I  shall,  without  any  great 
bodily  pain,  or  anguish  of  mind,  excliange  this  mor- 
tal, and  miseral>ie  life  for  a  blessed  immortality  through 
Jesus  Christ." 

He  then  lay  quiet  for  some  hours,  except  that  now 
and  then  he  desired  them  to  v.  et  his  moutli  with  a 
little  weak  ale.  At  ten  o'clock,  they  read  the  even- 
ing-prayer, which  they  had  delayed  beyond  their 
usual  hour,  from  an  apprehension  that  he  was  asleep. 
After  they  concluded.  Dr.  Preston  asked  him,  if  he 
had  heard  the  prayers.  "  Would  to  God,"  said 
he,  "  that  you  and  all  men  had  heard  them  as  I 
have  heard  them  :  I  praise  God  for  that  heavenly 
sound."  Tiie  doctor  rose  up,  and  Mr.  Campbell  sat 
down    before  the  bed.       About    eleven  o'clock,  be 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  371 

gave  a  deep  sigh,  and  said,  JSToiv  it  is  come.  Ricli- 
ard  Bannatyue  immediately  drew  near,  and  desired 
him  to  think  upon  those  comfortable  promises  of 
our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  which  he  had  so  often  de- 
clared to  others ;  and,  perceiving  that  he  was 
speechless,  requested  him  to  give  them  a  sign  that 
he  heard  them,  and  died  in  peace.  Upon  this  he 
lifted  up  one  of  his  hands,*  and,  sighing  twice^  ex- 
pired without  a  struggle. 

He  died  in  the  sixty-seventh  year  of  his  age,  not 
so  much  oppressed  with  years,  as  worn  out  and  ex- 
hausted 1)}^  his  extraordinary  labours  of  body  and 
anxieties  of  mind.  Few  men  ever  were  exposed  to 
more  dangers,  or  underwent  such  hardships.  From 
the  time  that  he  embraced  the  reformed  religion, 
till  he  breathed  his  last,  seldom  did  he  enjoy  a  re- 
spite from  these,  and  he  emerged  from  one  scene 
of  difficulties,  only  to  be  involved  in  another,  and  a 
more  distressing  one.  Obliged  to  flee  from  St.  An- 
drews to  escape  the  fury  of  cardinal  Beatoun,  he 
found  a  retreat  in  East  Lothian,  from  which  he  was 
hunted  by  archbishop  Hamilton.  He  lived  for  seve- 
ral years  as  an  outlaw,  in  daily  apprehension  of  fall- 
ing a  prey  to  those  who  eagerly  sought  his  life.  The 
few  months  during  which  he  enjoyed  protection  in 
the  castle  of  St.  Andrews  were  succeeded  by  a  long 
and  rigorous  captivity.  After  enjoying  some  repose 
in  England,  he  was  again  driven  into  banishment, 
and  for  ilve  years  wandered  as  an  exile  on  the  conti- 
nent. When  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  it 
was   to   engage  in  a  struggle   of  the  most  perilous 

*  Biinnatyne  (p.  427)  says  ••  he  lifted  up  his  Acaf/j"  but  I  JiaAe 
followed  the  account:  ot'Smeton  (ri.  123,)  whicli  seems  more  nat- 
ural:  "Manum  itaque,  quasi  novas  vires  jainjam  moriturus  con- 
cipieu^,  celum  versus  oiij^ct,  duohusque  emlssis  suspiriis,  e  mor- 
talecorpore  migravit,  eitra  ullum  aut  pedum,  aut  aliaruni  part- 
iura  corporis  motiim- ut  potiu-^dormirc  quam  oceidissc  videretur." 

B  3 


37S  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

and  avtlaous  kind.  After  the  reformation  was  esta- 
blished, and  be  was  settled  in  the  capital,  he  was 
involved  in  a  continual  contest  with  the  court. 
When  he  had  retired  from  warfare,  and  thought  only 
of  ending  his  days  iu  peace,  he  was  again  called  into 
the  field ;  and,  although  scarcely  able  to  walk,  was 
obliged  to  remove  from  his  flock,  and  to  avoid  the 
hatred  of  his  enemies,  by  submitting  to  a  new  banish- 
ment. Often  had  his  life  been  threatened  ;  a  price 
was  publicly  set  upon  his  head ;  and  persons  were 
not  M'anting  who  were  disposed  to  attempt  his  de- 
struction. No  wonder  that  he  was  weary  of  the 
world,  and  anxious  to  depart.  With  great  proprie- 
ty might  it  be  said,  at  his  decease,  that  he  rested 
from  his  labours. 

On  Wednesday  the  6th  of  November,  he  was  in- 
terred in  the  church-yard  of  St.  Giles.*  His  funeral 
was  attended  by  the  newly  elected  regent,  Morton, 
the  nobility  who  were  in  the  city,  and  a  great  con- 
course of  people.  When  his  body  was  laid  in  the 
grave,  the  regent  pronounced  his  eulogium,  in  the 
well  known  words,  ^^  There  lies  He,  who  never  feared 
the  face  ofman.^^\ 

The  character  of  this  extraordinary  man  has  been 
drawn  with  very  opposite  colours,  by  different  writers, 

*  Cald.  IMS.  ad  Ann,  15/2.  BannatYne.4.29.  Spot(is\voo(l,26r. 
The  ar?a  of  the  parliament  square  was  lornierly  the  cliurch-yard 
of  St.  Giles.  Some  t!»ink  tliat  he  was  buried  in  one  of  the  aisles 
of  liis  own  cliiireh.  The  plaee  where  the  Reformer  preached  is 
that  whieh  is  now  called  The  Old  Church.  It  has,  however,  under- 
c^onea  sjreat  chano-e  sinee  liis  time.  Tlie  place  now  occupied  by 
the  ]»i:lpit,  and  the  a,roater  part  of  the  seats,  was  then  an  aisle  ;  and 
the  church  was  considerably  more  to  the  north  of  the  building;  than 
at  present.  The  small  church  fitted  up  for  him  a  few  Aveeks  before 
his  death  is  called,  by  Hannatyne,  the  Tolhonth.  Whether  it  was 
exactly  tiiat  piirt  of  the  building  now  called  the  Tolhooth  church, 
1  do  not  know. 

t  The  verses  written  to  the  Reformer's  memory  may  be  seen 
In  Note  CCC. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  3^3 

uiid  at  difl'ereut  times.  The  changes  which  have 
taken  place  in  the  public  opinion  about  him,  Avitli  the 
causes  which  have  produced  them,  form  a  subject  not 
oncurious,  nor  unworthy  of  attention. 

The  interest  excited  by  the  ecclesiastical  and  poli- 
tical revolutions  of  Scotland,  in  which  he  acted  so 
conspicuous  a  part,  caused  his  name  to  be  known 
throughout  Europe,  more  extensively  than  those  of 
most  of  the  reformers.  When  we  reflect  that  the 
Roman  Catholics  looked  upon  him  as  the  principal 
instrument  of  the  overthrow  of  their  religious  esta- 
blishment in  this  country,  we  are  prepared  to  ex- 
pect that  the  writers  of  that  persuasion  would  re- 
present his  character  in  an  unfavourable  light  ;  and 
that,  in  addition  to  the  common  charges  of  heresy 
and  apostacy,  they  would  describe  him  as  a  man  of  a 
restless,  turbulent  spirit,  and  of  rebellious  principles. 
We  will  not  even  be  greatly  surprized  though  we 
find  them  charging  him  with  Mhoredom,  because, 
being  a  priest  he  entered  into  wedlock,  once  and  a 
second  time  ;  or  imputing  his  change  of  religion 
to  a  desire  of  throwing  off  the  bonds  of  chastity 
by  which  the  popish  clergy  were  so  strictly  tied. 
But  all  this  is  nothing  to  the  portraits  which  they 
have  drawn  of  him,  in  which  he  is  uublushingly  re- 
presented, to  the  violation  of  all  credibility,  as  a 
man,  or  rather  a  monster,  of  the  most  profligate 
character,  who  gloried  in  depravity,  avowedly  in- 
dulged in  the  most  vicious  practices,  and,  to  crown 
the  description,  upon  whom  providence  fixed  an 
evident  mark  of  reprobation  at  his  death,  which  was 
accompanied  with  circumstances  which  excited  the 
utmost  horror  in  the  beholders.*  This  might 
astonish  us,  did  we  not  know,  from  undoubted  doc- 
uments,   that  there  were  a   number  of    writers,    at 

*  See  Note  DDD. 


3^  LIFE    OF  JOITN  KNOX. 

that  time,  who,  by  inventing  or  retailing  such  malig- 
nant calumnies,  attempted  to  blast  the  fairest  and 
most  unblemished  characters  among  those  who  ap- 
peared in  opposition  to  the  church  of  Rome,  and 
that,  ridiculous  and  outraged  as  the  accusations 
were,  they  were  greedily  swallowed  by  the  slaves  of 
prejudice  and  credulity.  The  memory  of  none  was 
loaded  with  a  greater  share  of  this  obloquy  than  our 
Reformer's.  But  these  accounts  have  long  ago  lost 
every  degree  of  credit ;  and  they  now  remain  only 
as  a  proof  of  the  spirit  of  lies,  or  of  strong  delusion, 
by  which  these  writers  were  actuated,  and  of  the  deep 
and  deadly  hatred  which  was  conceived  against  the 
accused,  on  account  of  his  strenuous  and  successful 
efforts  to  overthrow  the  fabric  of  papal  superstition 
and  despotism. 

Knox  was  known  and  esteemed  by  the  princi- 
pal persons  among  the  reformed  in  France,  Switzer- 
land, and  GerQiany.  We  have  had  occasion  repeat- 
edly to  mention  his  friendship  with  the  Reformer  of 
Geneva.  Beza,  the  successor  of  Calvin,  was  person- 
ally acquainted  with  him ;  in  the  correspondence 
which  was  kept  up  between  tijem  by  letters,  he  ex- 
pressed the  warmest  regard,  and  highest  esteem  for 
him ;  and  he  afterwards  raised  an  affectionate  tri- 
bute to  his  memory,  In  his  Images  of  Illustrious  Men. 
This  was  done,  at  a  subsequent  period,  by  the  Ger- 
man biographer,  Melehior  Adam,  the  Dutch  Ver- 
heiden,  and  the  French  La  Roque.  The  late  histo- 
rian of  the  literature  of  Geneva,*  (whose  religious 
sentiments  are  very  different  from  those  of  his  coun- 
trymen in  the  days  of  Calvin,)  although  he  is  dis- 
pleased with  the  philippics  wliich  Knox  sometimes 
pronounced  from  the  pulpit,  says,  that  he  *•  immortal- 
ized himself  by  his  courage  against  popery,  and  his 

*  Moijs.  Senebier,  Hist,  Lit.  de  Geneve,  i.  377. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN  KNOX.  375 

firmness  against  the  tyranny  of  Mary,"  and  that 
though  a  violent,  he  was  always  an  open  and  ho- 
nourable enemy  to  the  Catholics. 

The  affectionate  veneration  in  which  his  memory 
was  held  in  Scotland,  after  his  death,   evinces  that 
the  influence  which  he  possessed  among  his  country- 
men during  his  life  was  not  constrained,  but  found- 
ed on  the  opinion  which  they  entertained  of  his  vir- 
tues and  taleuts.     Bannatyne  has  drawn  his  character 
in  the  most  glowing  colours  ;   and,  although  allow- 
ances must  be  made  for  the  enthusiasm  with  which 
a  favourite  servant  wrote  of  a  beloved  and  revered 
master,   yet,  as  he  lived  long  in  his  family,  and  was 
himself  a  man  of  respectability  and  learning,  his  tes- 
timony is  by  no  means   to  be   disregarded.*     "In 
this  manner  (says  he)   departed  this  man   of  God  : 
the   light  of   Scotland,  the    comfort    of   tlie    church 
within   the  same,   the  mirror  of  godliness,  and  pat- 
tern and  example  to  all  true  ministers,  in  purity  of 
life,    soundness  in  doctrine,  and  boldness  in  reprov- 
ing of  wickedness ;  one  that  cared  not  the  favour  of 
men,  how  great  soever  they  were.     What  dexterity 
in   teaching,    boldness  in  reproving,   and   hatred   of 
wickedness  was  in  him,  my  ignorant  dulness  is  not 

*  In  a  speech  wLich  he  made  to  tlie  General  Assembly,  10th 
IMarch,  1571,  Bannatyne  says:  "It  lias  pleasit  God  to  mak  me  a 
servant  to  that  man  Johne  Knox,  Aviiom  I  serve,  as  God  beiris  nie 
witnes,  not  so  mekle  in  respect  of  my  M'orldlie  commoditie,  as  for 
that  integrity  and  vprytness  which  I  liave  ever  knowin.  and  pre- 
sentHe  vnderstandis  to  be  in  liim,  espeoiallie  in  the  faytiifiiil  ad- 
niinis{ra.<ione  of  his  ofliee,  in  teacliing  of  the  word  of  God  ;  and  gif 
I  vnderstude,  or  knew  tliat  he  ware  a  fals  teacher,  a  sedticer,  a  ra- 
sereof  schisme,  or  ane  thatmakis  divisione  in  the  kirk  of  God,  as 
he  is  reported  to  be  by  tlie  former  accusationes,  I  waid  not  serve 
him  for  all  the  substance  in  Edinburgh."'     Journal,  p.  lO*.  105. 

The  reader  will  observe,  that  the  word  servant,  or  servitor,  in 
thosedays  Mas  used  with  greater  latitude  than  in  our  time,  and  in 
old  writings  often  signifies  the  person  whom  we  call  by  tl:e  more 


376  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

able  to  declare,  wicli  if  I  should  pi'eis*  to  set  out, 
it  V,  ere  as  one  who  would  light  a  candle  to  let  men 
see  the  sun ;  seeing  all  his  virtues  are  better  known, 
and  notified!  to  the  world  a  thousand  fold  than  I 
am  able  to  express/'':}: 

Principal  Smeton's  character  of  him,  while  it  is 
less  liable  to  the  suspicion  of  partiality,  is  equally 
honourable  and  flattering.  "  I  know  not  (says  he) 
if  ever  so  much  piety  and  genius  were  lodged  in 
such  a  frail  and  weak  body.  Certain  I  am,  that  it 
will  be  difBciilt  to  find  one  in  whom  the  gifts  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  shone  so  bright,  to  the  comfort  of  the 
church  of  Scotland.  None  spared  himself  less  Ir 
enduring  fatigues  of  body  and  mind  :  none  was  more 
intent  on  discharging  the  duties  of  the  province  as- 
signed to  him."'  And  again,  addressing  Hamilton, 
he  says,  "  Tliis  illustrious,  I  say  illustrious,  servant 
of  God,  John  Knox,  I  will  clear  from  your  feigned 
accusations  and  slanders,  rather  by  the  testimony  of 
a  venerable  assembly  than  by  my  own  denial.  This 
pious  duty,  this  reward  of  a  well  spent  life,  all  of 
them  most  cheerfully  discharge  to  their  excellent  in- 
structor in  Christ  Jesus.  This  testimony  of  grati- 
tude they  all  owe  to  him,  who,  they  know,  ceased 
not  to  deserve  well  of  all,  till  he  ceased  to  breathe. 
Released  from  a  body  exhausted  in  Christian  war- 
fare, and  translated  to  a  blessed  rest,  where  he  has 
obtained    the   sweet  reward  of  his  labours,  he  now 

lionourable  names  of  clerk,  seeretary.  or  man  of  business.  As  the 
drawina;  of  the  principal  eeeiesiastieal  papers,  and  the  eompilins; 
of  the  liistory  of  public  proceedings  was  committed  to  our  Refor- 
mer, from  the  time  of  his  last  return  to  Scotland,  he  kept  a  person 
oftliis  description  in  lus  faiiiily.aiidBannatjne  held  the  situation. 

*  i.  e.  labour. 

t  In  the  printed  book  it  is  •'  not  hid."  suppose  it  should  be 
"  notified." 

t  Bannat jne,  437, 439. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  377 

triumphs  with  Christ.  But  beware,  sycophant,  of 
insulting  him  when  dead  ;  for  he  has  left  behind 
him  as  many  defenders  of  his  reputation  as  there  are 
persons  who  were  drawn,  by  his  faithful  preaching, 
from  the  gulph  of  ignorance  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
gospel."* 

The  divines  of  the  church  of  England  who  were 
contemporary  with  our  Reformer,  or  who  survived 
him,  entertained  a  great  respect  for  his  character. 
I  have  already  produced  the  mark  of  esteem  which 
bishop  Bale  conferred  on  hira.f  Aylmer,  in  a  work 
written  to  confute  one  of  his  opinions,  bears  a  vo- 
luntary testimony  to  his  learning  and  integrity.! 
Bishop  Ridley,  who  stickled  more  for  the  ceremo- 
nies of  the  church  than  any  of  his  brethren  at  that 
period,  and  was  displeased  with  the  opposition  which 
he  made  to  the  introduction  of  the  English  liturgy  at 
Frankfort,  expressed  his  high  opinion  of  him,  as  ^^  a 
man  of  wit,  much  good  learning,  and  earnest  zeal.''(^ 
Whatever  dissatisfaction  they  felt  at  his  pointed  re- 
prehensions of  several  parts  of  their  ecclesiastical  es- 
tablishment, the  English  dignitaries  rejoiced  at  the 
success  of  his  exertions,  and  without  scruple  express- 
ed their  approbation  of  many  of  his  measures  which 
were  afterwards  severely  censured  by  their  succes- 
sors. ||  I  need  scarcely  add,  that  his  memory  was  held 
in  veneration  by  the  English  Puritans.  Some  of  the 
chief  men  among  them  were  personally  acquainted 
with  him  during  his  residence  in  England,  and  on  the 
continent ;  others  corresponded  with  him  by  letters. 

*  Smetniii  Resp.  adHamiit.  Dial.  p.  95,  115. 
t  See  above,  p.  172,  iiote.f 

i  Harborowe  for  faithful  and  Trewe  Subjects,  B.  B  2.  C.  C  2, 
Life  of  Aylmer,  p.  238. 

§  Strype's  Life  of  Grintlal,  p.  19.  20. 

I  Burnet,  vol.  ii.  xippendix,  part  iii.  B.  vi.  p.  351,  352. 


o/»  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

They  greatly  esteemed  his  writings^  procured  his 
manuscripts  from  Scotland,  and  published  several  of 
them.* 

But  towards  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
there  arose  another  race  of  prelates,  of  very  differ- 
ent principles  from  the  English  reformers,  who  began 
to  maintain  the  divine  right  of  diocesan  episcopacy, 
with  the  intrinsic  excellency  of  a  ceremonious  wor- 
ship, and  to  adopt  a  new  language  respecting  other 
reformed  churches.  Dr.  Bancroft,  afterwards  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  was  the  first  writer  among 
them  who  spake  disrespectfully  of  Knox,t  after* 
whom  it  became  a  fashionable  practice  among  the 
hierarchical  party.  This  was  resented  by  the  minis- 
ters of  Scotland,  who  warmly  vindicated  the  cha- 
racter of  their  Reformer.  King  James,  who  began 
to  long  for  his  accession  to  the  throne  of  England, 

*  In  a  dedication  of  Knox's  Exposition  of  the  Temptation  of 
Claist,  .Tolui  Fiehl,  the  publisher,  says:  "If  ever  God  sliall 
vouchsafe  the  eliurch  so  great  a  beuetite  ;  when  his  infinite  letters. 
and  sundry  other  treatises  shall  be  gathered  together,  it  shall  ap- 
pear Mhat  an  excellent  man  he  was,  and  what  a  wonderful  losse 
that  ehurch  of  Scotland  susteined  when  that  worthie  man  was 
taken  from  tht'ni. — If.  by  yourselfe  or  others,  you  canproeure  any 
other  his  writings  or  letters  here  at  home,  or  abroad  in  Scotland, 
be  ameane  that  we  may  receive  them.  It  were  great  pittie  that 
any  the  least  of  his  Mritinges  should  be  lost;  for  he  evermore 
wrote  both  godly  and  diligently,  in  questions  of  divinitie  and  also 
of  church  pollicie;  and  his  letters  being  had  together,  would  to 
gether  set  outan  whole  histori?  of  the  churches  where  he  lived.* 

t  In  a  sermon  preached  by  him  at  Paul's  (,'ross,  before  the  Par- 
liament of  England,  Feb.  9,  158S,  on  i  John  iv.  1.  and  after- 
\\urds  published.  He  enlarged  on  the  subject  in  two  posterior 
treatises,  the  one  entitled,  '•  Dangerous  Positions;  or  Scottish 
(.eupvating.and  English  Scottizing;"  The  other,"  A  Survey  of 
the  Pretended  Holy  Discipline."  Mr.  John  Davidson  minister  first 
at  Libberton.  afterwards  at  Prcstonpaus.  answered  Bancroft  in  a 
book,  entituled,  "  Dr.  Bancroft's  Rashness  iu  Railing  against  the 
Kirk  of  Scotland.*' 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  379 

and  carried  on  a  private  correspondence  with  Ban- 
croft for  introducing  episcopacy  into  Scotland,  took 
great  offence  at  this,  and  said  that  Knox,  Buchanan, 
and  the  regent  Murray  "  could  not  be  defended,  but 
by  traitors  and  seditious  theologues."  Andrew  Mel- 
ville told  him  that  they  were  the  men  who  set  the 
crown  on  his  head,  and  deserved  better  than  to 
be  so  traduced.  James  complained  that  Knox 
had  spoken  disrespectfully  of  his  mother  ;  to  which 
Patrick  Galloway,  one  of  the  ministers  of  Edin- 
burgh, replied,  "  If  a  king  or  a  queen  be  a  murder, 
er,  why  should  they  not  be  called  so?"  Walter 
Balcanquhal,  another  minister  of  the  city,  having, 
in  a  sermon  preached  October  S9,  1590,  rebuked 
those  who  disparaged  the  Reformer,  the  king  sent 
for  him,  and  in  a  passion  protested,  that  ^^  either  he 
should  lose  his  crown,  or  Mr.  Walter  should  recant 
his  words.''  Balcanquhal  ^'  prayed  God  to  preserve 
his  crown,  but  said,  that  if  he  had  his  right  wits, 
the  king  should  have  his  bead,  before  he  recanted 
any  thing  he  spake."*  Long  after  the  government 
of  the  church  of  Scotland  was  conformed  to  the  Eng- 
lish model,  the  Scots  prelates  professed  to  look  back 
to  their  national  Reformer  with  gratitude  and  vene- 
ration ;  and  as  late  as  1639,  archbishop  Spottiswood 
described  him  as  "^  a  man  endued  with  rare  gifts, 
and  a  chief  instrument   that  God  used  for  th.e  work 

of  those  times. "t 

Our  Reformer  was  never  a  favourite  with  the 
friends  of  ahsolute  monarchy.  The  prejudices 
which  they  entertained  against  him  were  taken 
up  in  all  their  force,  subsequent  to  the  revolution^ 
ny  the  adherents  of  the    Stuart   family,  whose  reli^ 

*  Cald.  M3.  ad  ami.  1590,  qnarta  copy  in  Adv.    Lib.    vol, 
ii.  p.  260,261, 
t  Spattiswood,  2G1. 

c  3 


380  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

gious  notions  approximating  very  nearly  to  the  pop- 
is  h^  joined  with  their  slavish  principle  respecting 
non-resistance  of  kings,  led  them  to  disapprove  of 
almost  every  measure  adopted  at  the  time  of  the  re- 
formation, and  to  condemn  the  whole  as  a  series 
of  disorder,  sedition,  and  rebellion  against  lawful 
authority.  The  Spirit  by  which  the  Jacobitish  fac- 
J;ion  was  actuated,  did  aot  become  extinct  with  the 
family  which  was  so  long  the  object  of  their  devo- 
tion :  it  has  only  changed  its  object.  The  alarm  pro- 
duced by  that  revolution  which  of  late  has  shaken  the 
thrones  of  so  many  of  the  princes  of  Europe,  has 
greatly  increased  this  party ;  and  with  tlie  view  of 
preserving  the  present  constitution  of  Britain,  prin- 
ciples have  been  widely  disseminated,  which,  if  they 
had  been  generally  received  in  the  sixteenth  centu- 
ry, would  have  perpetuated  the  reign  of  popery  and 
arbitrary  power  in  Scotland.  From  persons  of  such 
principles,  nothing  favourable  to  our  Reformer  can 
be  expected.  But  the  greatest  torrent  of  abusCy 
poured  upon  his  character,  has  proceeded  from 
those  literary  champions  who  have  come  forward  to 
avenge  the  wrongs,  and  vindicate  the  innocence  of 
the  peerless,  and  immaculate  Mary,  queen  of  Scots. 
Having  conjured  up  in  their  imagination  the  image 
of  an  ixleal  goddess,  they  have  sacrificed,  to  the  ob- 
ject of  their  adoration,  all  the  characters  which,  in 
that  age,  were  most  estimable  for  learning,  patriot- 
ism, integrity,  and  religion.  As  if  the  quarrel 
which  tliey  had  espoused  exempted  them  from  the 
ordinary  laws  of  controversial  warfare,  and  confer- 
red on  them  the  absolute  and  undefeasible  privi- 
lege of  calumniating  and  defaming  at  pleasure,  they 
liave  pronounced  every  person  w  bo  spake,  wrote,  or 
acted  against  that  queen,  to  be  a  hypocrite  or  a  vil- 
lain. In  the  raving  style  of  these  writers,  Knox  was- 
•^  a  fanatical  incendiary,   a  holy  savage,  the  son  of 


LIFE   OF  JOHN    KNOX.  381 

violence  and  barbarism,  the  religious  Sachem  of  reli- 
gious Mohawks  "* 

The  increase  of  infidelity,  and  of  indifference  to  re- 
ligion in  modern  times,  especially  among  the  learn- 
ed, has   contributed,    in  no   small   degree,  to  swell 
the  tide  of  prejudice  against  our  Reformer.     What- 
ever satisfaction  such  persons  may  express,  or  feel, 
at  the  reformation   from  popery,    as   the  means  of 
emancipating  the  world  from  superstition  and  priest- 
craft, they  must  necessarily  despise,  or  dislike  men 
who   were  inspired  with  the  love  of  religion,  and 
who  sought  the  acquisition  of  civil  liberty,  and  the 
advancement  of  literature,   in  subordination  to  the 
propagation    of  the    doctrines    and    institutions     of 
Jesus  Christ.     Nor  can  it  escape  observation,  that 
even  among  the  friends  of  the  reformed  doctrine,  in 
the  present  day,  prejudices    against  the  characters 
9,nd  proceedings  of  our  reformers  are  far  more  gene- 
ral  than   they  were  formerly.     Impressed  with  the 
idea  of  the  high  illumination  of  the  present  age,  and 
having  formed  a  correspondingly  low  estimate  of  the 
attainments  of  those  which  preceded  it ;   imperfectly 
acquainted  with  the  enormity  and  extent  of  the  cor- 
rupt system  of  religion  which  existed  in  this  country 
at  the  sera  of  the    Reformation  ;    inattentive  to  the 
spirit  and  principles   of  the  adversaries  with  which 
our  reformers  were  obliged  to  contend,  and  to  the 
dangers  and  difficulties  with  which  they  struggled, — 
they  have  too  easily  received  the  calumnies  which 
have  been  circulated  to  their  prejudice,  and  hastily 
condemned    measures   which   may   be   found,   upon 

*  Whitaker's  vindication  of  queen  Msltj,  passim.  The  same 
writerdesigns Buchanan ''a  serpent, — daring- calumniator, — levi- 
athan of  slander, — the  second  of  all  human  formers,  and  the  first 
of  all  human  slanderers."  Dr.  Robertson  he  calls  "  a  disciple 
of  the  old  school  of  slander, — a  liar,— and  one  for  \vhom  hfdlani 
is  no  bedlam." 


38S  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX, 

examination,  to  have  been  necessary  to  secure,  and 
to  transmit,  the  invaluable  blessings  which  they  now 
enjoy. 

Having  given  this  account  of  the  opinions  enter- 
tained respecting  our  Reformer,  I  shall  endeavour 
to  sketch,  with  as  much  truth  as  I  can,  the  leading 
features  of  his  character. 

That  he  possessed  strong  natural  talents  is  un- 
questionable. Inquisitive,  ardent,  acute;  vigornus 
and  bold  in  his  conceptions  ;  he  entered  into  all  the 
subtleties  of  the  scholastic  science  then  in  vogue, 
yet,  disgusted  with  its  barren  results,  sought  out  a 
new  course  of  study,  which  gradually  led  to  a  com- 
plete revolution  in  his  sentiments.  In  his  early 
years  he  had  not  access  to  that  finished  education 
which  many  of  his  contemporaries  obtained  in  the 
foreign  universities,  and  he  was  afterwards  prevent, 
cd,  by  his  unsettled  and  active  mode  of  life,  from 
prosecuting  his  studies  with  leisure  ;  but  his  abili- 
ties and  application  enabled  him  in  a  great  measure 
to  surmount  these  disadvantages,  and  he  remained 
a  stranger  to  none  of  the  branches  of  learning  culti- 
vated in  that  age  by  persons  of  his  profession.  He 
united  the  love  of  study  with  a  disposition  to  active 
employment,  two  qualities  wiiich  are  seldom  found 
jn  the  same  person.  The  truths  which  he  discover- 
ed he  felt  an  irresistible  impulse  to  impart  unto 
others,  for  Avhich  he  was  qualified  by  a  bold  and  fer- 
vid eloquence,  singularly  adapted  to  arrest  the  at,^ 
tention,  and  govern  tbc  minds  of  a  fierce  and  unpo- 
lished people. 

From  the  time  that  he  embraced  the  reformed 
doctrines,  the  desire  of  propagating  them,  and  of 
delivering  his  countrymen  from  the  delusions  and 
corruptions  of  popery,  became  his  ruling  passion, 
to  which  he  was  always  ready  to  sacrifice  his  ease, 
his  iiitevest,  his  reputation,  and  his  life.     An  ardent 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  383 

attachment  to  civil  liberty  held  the  next  place  in  his 
breast,  to  love  of  the  reformed  religion.  That  the 
zeal  with  which  he  laboured  to  advance  these  was 
of  the  most  disinterested  kind,  no  candid  person 
who  has  paid  attention  to  his  life  can  doubt  for  a 
moment,  whatever  opinion  he  may  entertain  of  some 
of  the  means  which  he  employed  for  tliat  purpose. 
^^  In  fact,  he  thought  only  of  advancing  the  glory 
of  God,  and  promoting  the  welfare  of  his  country.''* 
Intrepidity,  a  mind  elevated  above  sordid  views, 
indefatigable  activity,  and  constancy  which  no  dis- 
appointments could  shake,  eminently  qualified  him 
for  the  hazardous  and  difficult  post  which  he  oc- 
cupied. His  integrity  was  above  the  suspicion  of 
corruption  ;  his  firmness  proof  equally  against  the 
solicitations  of  friends,  and  the  threats  of  enemies. 
Though  his  impetuosity  and  courage  led  him  fre- 
quently to  expose  himself  to  danger,  we  never  find  him 
neglecting  to  take  prudent  precautions  for  liis  safe- 
ty. Tlie  opinion  w  hich  his  countrymen  entertained  of 
his  sagacity,  as  well  as  honesty,  is  evident  from  the 
confidence  which  they  reposed  in  him.  The  measures 
taken  for  advancing  the  reformation  were  either  adopt- 
ed at  his  suggestion,  or  submitted  to  his  advice  ;  and 
W'C  must  pronounce  them  to  have  been  as  wisely  plan- 
ned, as  they  were  boldly  executed. 

His  ministerial  functions  were  discharged  with 
the  greatest  assiduity,  fidelity,  and  fervour.  No  avo- 
cation or  infirmity  prevented  him  from  appearing  in 
the  pulpit.  Preaching  was  an  employment  in  which 
he  deligbted,  and  for  whicli  lie  was  qualified,  by  an 
extensive  acquaintance  with  the  Scriptures,  and  the 
happy  art  of  applying  them,  in  the  most  striking 
manner,  to  the  existing  circumstances  of  the  church, 
.and  of  his  hearers.     His  powers  of  alarming  the  con 


384  LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

science,  and  arousing  the  passions,  have  been  fre 
queutly  mentioned  ;  but  he  excelled  also  in  opening 
up  the  consolations  of  the  gospel,  and  calming  the 
breasts  of  those  who  were  agitated  with  a  sense  of 
their  sins.  When  he  discoursed  of  the  griefs  and 
joys,  the  conflicts  and  triumphs  of  genuine  Chris- 
tians, he  declared  what  he  himself  had  known  and 
felt.  The  letters  which  he  wrote  to  his  familiar  ac- 
quaintances breathe  the  most  ardent  piety.  The 
religious  meditations  in  which  he  spent  his  last  sick- 
ness were  not  confined  to  that  period  of  his  life  ; 
they  had  been  his  habitual  employment  from  the  time 
that  he  was  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth,  and 
his  sollace  amidst  all  the  hardships  and  perils  through 
which  he  passed. 

With  his  brethren  in  the  ministry  he  lived  in  the 
utmost  cordiality.  We  never  read  of  the  slightest 
variance  between  him  and  any  of  his  colleagues. 
While  he  was  dreaded  and  hated  by  the  licentious 
and  profane,  whose  vices  he  never  spared,  the  reli- 
gious and  sober  part  of  his  congregation  and  coun- 
trymen felt  a  veneration  for  him,  which  was  found- 
ed on  his  unblemished  reputation,  as  well  as  his  po- 
pular talents  as  a  preacher.  In  private  life,  he  was 
both  beloved  and  revered  by  his  friends  and  domes- 
tics. He  was  subject  to  the  occasional  illapses  of 
melancholy,  and  depression  of  spirits,  arising  partly 
from  natural  constitution,  and  partly  from  the  mala- 
dies which  had  long  preyed  upon  his  health ;  which 
made  him  (to  use  his  own  expression)  churlish^  and 
less  capable  of  pleasing  and  gratifying  his  friends 
than  he  was  otherwise  disposed  to  be.  This  he  con- 
fessed, and  requested  them  to  excuse  ;*  but  his 
friendship   was    sincere,    afl'ectionate,    and    steady. 

*  See  Extracts  from  his  T.clkr  (o  '•  Mrs.  Locke,  6tli  April. 
1559  ;  and  to  "  A  Friend  in  Kn'^l:iTul,  19th  August,  1569  :*• 
in  the  Appendix. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX,  38S 

When  free  from  this  morose  affection,  he  relished 
the  pleasures  of  society,  and,  among  his  acquaint- 
ances, was  accustomed  to  unbend  his  mind  from  se- 
verer cares,  by  indulging  in  innocent  recreation, 
and  the  sallies  of  wit  and  humour,  to  which  he  had 
a  strong  propensity,  notwithstanding  the  grave  tone 
of  his  general  character. 

Most  of  his  faults    may  be  traced   to  his  natural 
temperament,    and    the    character    of  the    age   and 
country   in    which    he    lived.      His    passions    were 
strong  ;   he  felt  with  the  utmost  keenness  on  every 
subject  which  interested  him ;  and  as  he  felt  he  ex- 
pressed   himself,    without    disguise    or    affectation. 
The  warmth  of  his  zeal  was  apt  to  betray  him  into 
intemperate  language ;    his    inflexible    adherence   to 
his   opinions   inclined  to  obstinacy  ;    and   his  inde- 
pendence of  mind  occasionally   assumed  the  appear- 
ance   of   haughtiness    and    disdain.      A  stranger  t« 
complimentary  or  smooth  language,  little  concerned 
about  the  manner  in  which  his  reproofs  were  receiv- 
ed, provided  they  were  merited,  too  much  irapress-^ 
ed  with  the  evil  of  the  offence,  to  think  of  the  rank 
or  character  of  the  offender,  he  often  '^  uttered  his 
admonitions  with  an  acrimony  and  vehemence  moi"€ 
apt   to   irritate  than  to  reclaim."     But  he  protested, 
at  a  time  when  persons  are  least  in  danger  of  decep- 
tion,  and   in   a   manner  which  should  banish  suspi- 
cions of  the  purity  of  his  motives,  that,  in  his  sharp- 
est   rebukes,  he  was   influenced    by    hatred    of  the 
vices,  not  the  persons  of  the  vicious,  and  that  his  aim 
was  always  to  discharge  his  own  duty,  and,  if  possible, 
to  reclaim  the  guilty. 

Those  who  have  charged  him  with  insensibility 
and  inhumanity,  have  fallen  into  a  mistake  very  com- 
mon with  superficial  thinkers,  who,  in  judging  of 
the  characters  of  persons  who  lived  in  a  state  of  so- 
ciety very   different  from  their  own,  have  pronoun- 


386  LIKE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

ced  upon  their  moral  qualities  from  the  mere  aspect 
of  their  exterior  manners.  He  was  stern,  not  sa- 
vage ;  austere,  not  unfeeling ;  vehement,  not  vin- 
dictive. There  is  not  an  instance  of  his  employ- 
ing his  influence  to  revenge  any  personal  injury 
which  he  had  received.  Rigid  as  his  maxims  as  to 
the  execution  of  justice  were,  there  are  more  in- 
stances on  record  of  his  interceding  for  the  pardon 
of  criminals,  than  perhaps  of  any  man  of  his  time  ; 
and  unless  when  crimes  were  atrocious,  or  the 
safety  of  the  state  was  at  stake,  he  never  exhorted 
the  executive  authority  to  the  exercise  of  severity. 
The  boldness  and  ardour  of  his  mind,  called  forth 
by  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  time,  led  him 
to  push  his  sentiments  on  some  subjects  to  an  ex* 
treme,  and  no  consideration  could  induce  him  to 
retract  an  opinion  of  which  he  continued  to  be  per- 
suaded ;  but  his  behaviour  after  his  publication 
against  female  government,  proves  that  he  was  not 
disposed  to  improve  tliem  to  the  disturbance  of  the 
public  peace.  His  conduct  at  Frankfort  evinced  his 
moderation  in  religious  differences  among  brethren 
of  the  same  faith,  and  that  he  was  disposed  to  make  all 
reasonable  allowances  for  those  who  could  not  go  the 
same  length  with  him  in  reformation,  provided  they 
abstained  from  imposing  upon  the  consciences  of 
others.  The  liberties  which  he  took  in  censuring 
from  the  pulpit  the  actions  of  individuals,  of  the 
highest  rank  and  station,  appear  the  more  strange, 
and  intolerable  to  us,  when  contrasted  with  the  si- 
lence of  modern  times  ;  but  we  should  recollect  thai 
they  were  then  common,  and  that  they  were  not 
witliout  their  utility,  in  an  age  when  the  licentious- 
ness and  oppression  of  the  great  and  powerful  often 
set  at  defiance  the  ordinary  restrainir,  of  law. 

In  contemplating  such  a  character  as  that  of  Knox, 
it  is  not  the  man,  so  much  as  the  reformer,  that  ought 


LIFE   OF  JOHN    KNOX.  887 

to  engage  our  attention.  The  admirable  wisdom  of 
providence  in  raising  up  persons  endued  with  quali- 
ties  suited  to  the  work  allotted  thera  to  perform  for 
the  benefit  of  mankind,  demands  our  particular  con- 
sideration. The  austere  and  rough  reformer,  whose 
voice  once  "  cried  ia  the  wilderness''  of  Judea,  who 
was  "  clothed  with  camel's  hair,  a.nd  girt  about  the 
lonis  with  a  leathern  girdle,"  who  '*  came  neither 
eating  nor  drinking,"  who  ^^  laying  the  axe  to  the 
toot  of  every  tree,  warned  a  generation  of  vipers  to 
flee  from  the  wrath  to  come,"  saying  even  to  the  ty- 
rant upon  the  throne,  "  It  is  not  lawful  for  thee  ;"  he 
(I  say,)  was  fitted  for  "  serving  the  will  of  God  in  his 
generation  ;"  and  "  wisdom  was  justified"*  in  him, 
according  to  his  rank  and  place,  as  well  as  in  his 
Divine  Master,  whose  advent  he  announced,  who 
<*  did  not  strive,  nor  cry,  nor  cause  his  voice  to  be 
heard  in  the  streets ;  nor  break  the  bruised  reed, 
nor  quench  the  smoking  flax."  To  those  who  com- 
plain,  that  they  are  disappointed  at  not  finding,  in 
our  national  reformer,  a  mild  demeanour,  courteous 
manners,  and  a  winning  address,  we  may  say,  in  the 
language  of  our  Lord  to  the  Jews  concerning  the 
Baptist ;  "  What  went  ye  out  into  the  wilderness 
for  to  see?  A  reed  shaken  with  the  wind?  AYhat 
went  ye  out  for  to  see?  A  man  clothed  in  soft  rai- 
ment? Behold,  they  which  are  gorgeously  apparel- 
led, and  live  delicately,  are  in  king's  courts.  But 
what  went  ye  out  for  to  see?  A  prophet  ?  Yea,  I  say 
unto  you,  and  more  than  a  prophet."  Those  talents 
which  fit  a  person  for  acting  with  propriety  and  use- 
fulness in  one  age  and  situation,  would  altogether 
unfit  him  for  another.  Before  the  reformation,  su- 
perstition, shielded  by  ignorance,  and  armed  with 
power,     governed    with    gigantic    sway.       Men    of 

*  Luke  vii.  35. 

r»  r> 


388  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

mild  spirits;  and  gentle  manners,  would  have  been  as 
unfit  for  taking  the  field  against  this  enemy,  as  a 
dwarf  or  a  child  for  encountering  a  giant.  *•  What 
did  Erasmus  in  the  days  of  Luther  ?  What  would 
Lowth  have  done  in  the  days  of  Wicliffe,  or  Blair  in 
those  of  Knox?"  It  has  been  justly  observed  con- 
cerning our  Reformer,*  that  ^^  those  very  qualities 
which  now  render  his  character  less  amiable,  fitted 
him  to  be  the  instrument  of  providence  for  advanc- 
ing the  reformation  among  a  fierce  people,  and  ena- 
bled him  to  face  danger,  and  surmount  opposition, 
from  which  a  person  of  a  more  gentle  spirit  would 
have  been  apt  to  shrink  back."  Viewing  his  charac- 
ter in  this  light,  if  we  cannot  regard  him  as  an  amia- 
ble man,  Ave  may,  without  hesitation  pronounce  him 
a  Great  Reformer. 

There  are  perhaps  few  who  have  attended  to  the 
active  and  laborious  exertions  of  Knox,  who  have 
not  been  led  insensibly  to  form  the  opinion  that  he 
was  of  a  robust  constitution.  This  is  however  a  mis- 
take. He  was  of  small  stature,  and  of  a  weakly 
habit  of  body  ;t  a  circumstance  which  serves  to  give 
a  higher  idea  of  the  vigour  of  his  mind.  His  por- 
trait seems  to  have  been  taken  more  than  once  dur- 
ing  his  life,  and  has  been  frequently  engraved. J  It 
continues  still  to  frown  in  the  bed-chamber  of  queen 
Mary,  to  Avhom  he  was  often  an  ungracious  visi- 
tor. We  discern  in  it  the  traits  of  his  characteris- 
tic intrepidity,  austerity,  and  keen  penetration.  Nor 
can  we  overlook  his  heariJ,  which,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  times,  he  wore  long,  and  reaching  to 

*  By  Dr.  Robertson. 

t*'Hau(l  seioaii  iinqnam — magis  iug'enium  in  fragUiet  inibe- 
cillo  corpuscido  collocarit."  Smetoni  Respoiis.  ad  Dialog.  Hainilt. 
p.  115. 

I  A  print  of  him,  cut  in  wood,  was  inserted  by  Beza,  in  his 
Icones.  There  is  anotht-r  in,  Verheideni  Imagines.  See  also 
Cjrainger'$  Biogr.  History  of  England,  i.  164. 


LIFE    OF  JOHN  KNOX.  38'9 

his  middle ;  a  circumstance  which  I  mention  the 
rather,  because  some  writers  have  assured  us,  that  it 
was  the  chief  thing  which  procured  him  reverence 
among  his  countrymen.*  A  popish  author  has  in- 
formed us,  that  he  was  gratiiied  with  having  his  pic- 
ture drawn,  and  expresses  much  horror  at  this,  after 
he  had  caused  all  the  images  of  the  saints  to  be  bro- 
ken, f 

There  is  one  charge  against  him  which  I  have  not 
yet  noticed.  He  has  been  accused  of  setting  up  for 
a  prophet,  of  presuming  to  intrude  into  the  secret 
counsel  of  God,  and  of  enthusiastically  confounding 
the  suggestions  of  his  own  imagination,  and  the  ef- 
fusions of  his  own  spirit,  with  the  dictates  of  inspi- 
ration,  and  immediate  communications  from  hea- 
ven. Let  us  examine  the  grounds  of  this  accusa- 
tion a  little.  It  is  proper  to  hear  his  own  statement 
of  the  grounds  upon  which  he  proceeded  in  many 
of  those  warnings  which  have  been  denominated 
predictions.  Having,  in  one  of  his  treatises,  de- 
nounced the  judgments  to  which  the  inhabitants  of 
England  exposed  themselves,  by  renouncing  the 
gospel,  and  returning  to  idolatry,  he  gives  the  fol- 
lowing explication  of  the  warrant  which  he  had  for 

*  Henry  Fowlis.  apud  Mackenzie's  Lives  of  Scottish  Writers, 
jii.  132, 133.  The  learned  Fellow  of  Lincohi  College  had  perhaps 
discovered  that  the  magical  virtue,  ascribed  to  Knox  by  popish 
■\vritors,  resided  in  his  heard. 

t  "  Audivi  mente  captos  hereticos  Scotos  eo  etiam  insaniee  ali- 
qiiando  venise,  quod  sceleratissimi,  atque  omnium  literarnm  im- 
peritissiminebalonisKuox,  pesriimi  hferetici,  qui  omnes  imagines 
sanctorum  frangi  prscceperat,  imaginera  suani  non  tarn  fahricari 
passum  fuisse,  quam  jam  fabricatani  r.on  parum  probasse." 
Laijig?eiis  deVitge  et  Moribus  Heeretic.  p.  656.  The  same  wri- 
ter tells  us,  as  a  proof  of  Calvin's  vain-glory,  that  he  allowed  his 
picture  to  be  carried  about  on  the  necks  of  the  men  and  women, 
like  that  of  a  god:  and  that,  when  reminded  that  the  picture  of 
Ciirist  was  as  precious  as  his,  he  returned  a  profane  answer; 
'•  fertur  eum  hoc  tantum  respondisse.  Qui  hiiic  rei  invidet  crepet 
medius.'-  Ibid. 


3D0  LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

his  threatenings.  "  Ye  wald  knaw  the  groundis  of 
my  certitude.  God  grant  that,  hearing  thame,  ye 
may  understand,  and  stedfastlie  believe  the  same. 
My  assurances  ar  not  the  mervalles  of  Merlin,  nor 
yit  the  dark  sentences  of  prophane  prophesies ;  but 
the  plane  treuth  of  Godis  word,  the  invineibill  jus- 
tice of  the  everlasting  God,  and  the  ordinarie  cours 
of  his  punisnientis  and  plagis  from  tlie  beginning  ar 
my  assurance  and  groundis.  Godis  word  threateneth 
destructioun  to  all  inobedient ;  his  immutabill  justice 
man  requyre  the  same ;  the  ordinar  punishments  and 
plaguis  schawis  exempillis.  What  man  then  can  ceis 
to  prophesie?'*'*  We  find  him  expressing  himself  in  a 
similar  way  in  his  defences  of  the  threatenings  which 
he  uttered  against  those  who  had  been  guilty  of  the 
murder  of  king  Henry,  and  the  regent  Murray.  He 
refused  that  he  had  spoken  "  as  one  that  entered  into 
the  secret  counsel  of  God,"  and  insisted  that  he  had 
merely  declared  the  judgment  which  was  pronounc- 
ed  in  the  divine  law.f  In  so  far  then  his  threat- 
enings, or  predictions  (for  so  he  repeatedly  calls 
them)  do  not  stand  in  need  of  an  apology. 

There  are,  however,  several  of  his  sayings  which 
cannot  be  vindicated  upon  these  principles,  and 
which  he  himself  rested  upon  different  grounds.:!: 
Of  this  kind  were,  the  assurance  which  he  expressed, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Scottish  troubles,  that  the 
cause  of  the  Congregation  would  ultimately  prevail ; 
his  confident  hope  of  again  preaching  in  his  native 
country,  and  at  St.  Andrews,  avowed  by  him  during 
his  imprisonment  on  board  the  French  galleys,  and 
frequently  repeated  during  his  exile ;   with  the  inti- 

*  Letter  to  tlie  FaitliluII  In  Loudoun,  Newcasteil,  ami  Barwick. 
apud  MS.  Letters,  p.  113. 

t  Bannatyne,  111,  112,  420,  421. 

\  See  tlie  Epistle  to  the  Header,  prefixed  to  his  Sermon,  apud 
History,  p.  113.  Ediu.  164i,  4to. 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  301 

matioas  v/hieh  he  gave  respecting  tlie  death  of 
Thomas  Maitland,  and  Kircaldy  of  Grange.  It  can- 
not be  denied  that  his  contemporaries  considered  these 
as  proceeding  from  a  prophetic  spirit,  and  have  at- 
tested  that  they  received  an  exact  accomplishment. 
The  most  easy  way  of  getting  rid  of  this  delicate 
question  is,  by  dismissing  it  at  once,  and  summarily 
pronouncing  that  all  pretensions  to  extraordinary 
premonitions,  since  the  completing  of  the  canon  of 
inspiration,  are  unwarranted,  that  they  ought,  with- 
out examination,  to  be  discarded  and  treated  as 
fanciful  and  visionary.  Nor  would  this  fix  any  pe- 
culiar imputation  on  the  character  or  talents  of  our 
Reformer,  when  it  is  considered  tliat  the  most  learn- 
ed persons  of  that  age  were  under  the  influence  of  a 
still  greater  weakness,  and  strongly  addicted  to  the 
belief  of  judicial  astrology.  But  I  doubt  much  if 
this  method  of  determining  the  question  would  be 
consistent  with  doing  justice  to  the  subject.  I  can- 
not propose  to  enter  into  it  in  this  place,  and  must 
confine  myself  to  a  few  general  observations.  Est 
periculum,  aiit  naglectis  his,  impiafraude,  aut  siiscep- 
tis  anili  superstione,  ohligemurJ'=^  On  the  one  hand, 
the  disposition  which  mankind  discover  to  pry  into  the 
secrets  of  futurity,  has  been  always  accompanied 
with  much  credulity,  and  superstition;  and  it  cnn- 
Hot  be  denied,  that,  the  age  in  which  our  Re- 
former lived  was  prone  to  credit  the  marvel- 
lous, especially  as  to  the  infliction  of  divine  judg- 
ments upon  individuals.  Ou  the  other  hand,  there 
is  great  danger  of  running  into  scepticism,  and 
of  laying  down  general  principles  wliich  may  lead 
us  obstinately  to  contest  the  truth  of  the  best 
authenticated  facts,  and  even  to  limit  the  Spirit  of 
Grod,    and   the   operation   of  providence.      This    is 

*  Cioorode  DJv.  lib.  i. 


31)3  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KXOX. 

an  extreme  to  which  the  present  age  inclines.  That 
there  have  been  instances  of  persons  having  presen- 
timents and  premonitions  as  to  events  that  happen- 
ed to  themselves  and  others,  there  is,  I  think,  the 
best  reason  to  believe.  The  esprits  forts,  who  laugh 
at  vulgar  credulity,  and  exert  their  ingenuity  in 
accounting  for  such  phenomena  upon  ordinary  prin- 
ciples, have  been  exceedingly  puzzled  with  these,  a 
great  deal  more  puzzled  than  they  have  confessed  ; 
and  the  solutions  which  they  have  given  are,  in  some 
instances,  as  mysterious  as  any  thing  included  in  the 
intervention  of  superior  spirits,  or  divine  intima- 
tions. *^  The  canon  of  our  faith  is  contained  in  the 
scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament;  we  must 
not  look  to  impressions  or  new  revelations  as  the  rule 
of  our  duty;  but  that  God  may,  on  particular 
occasions,  forewarn  persons  of  some  thiugs  which 
shall  happen,  to  testify  his  approbation  of  them,  to 
encourage  them  to  confide  in  him  in  peculiar  circum- 
stances, or  for  other  useful  purposes,  is  not,  I  think, 
inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  either  natural  or 
revealed  religion.  If  this  is  enthusiasm,  it  is  an 
enthusiasm  into  which  some  of  the  most  enlightened 
and  sober  men,  in  modern  as  well  as  ancient  times, 
have  fallen.  J     Some  of  the  reformers  were  men  of 

*  This  is  acknowledged  by  one  who  laboured  more  iu  this  em- 
ployment than  any  of  them,  and  with  more  acuteness.  "  De  tels 
faits,  dont  I'univers  est  tout  plein.  embarassent  plus  les  esprits 
forts  qu'ilsneletemoignent."  Bayle,  Dietionnaire,  Art.  Maldo- 
nat.  Note  G.  He  elsewhere  says,  1  hat  dreams  '•  contain  infinitely 
less  mystery  than  the  multitude  believe,  and  a  little  more  than 
sceptics  believe;"  and  that  those  who  reject  them  wholly,  j^ive 
reason  cither  to  suspect  their  sincerity,  or  to  charg-e  them  with 
prejudice,  and  incapuoity  to  discern  the  force  of  evidence.  Ibid. 
Art.  Majus.  Note.  D. 

t  •'  Settina;  aside  these  sorts  of  divination  as  extremely  suspicious. 
(says  a  modern  author,  who  was  not  addicted  to  enthusiastic  no- 
tions) there  remain  predictions  by  dreams,  and  by  sudden  impulses. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  3i).3 

singular  piety  ;  they  '^  walked  with  God ;"  they  were 
*^  instant  in  prayer ;"  they  were  exposed  to  uncommon 
opposition,  and  had  uncommon  services  to  perform  ; 
they  were  endued  with  extraordinary  gifts,  and,  I  am 
inclined  to  heiieve,  were  occasionally  favoured  with 
extraordinary  premonitions,  with  respect  to  certain 
events  which  concerned  themselves,  other  individuals, 
or  the  church  iu  general.  But  whatever  iutimations  of 
this  kind  they  enjoyed,  they  did  not  rest  the  authority 
of  their  mission  upon  them,  nor  appeal  to  them  as  con- 
stituting any  part  of  the  evidence  of  those  doctrines 
which  they  preaclied  to  the  world. 

Our  Reformer  left  behind  him  a  widow,  and  five 
children.  His  two  sons,  Nathanael  and  Eleazar, 
were  born  to  him  by  his  first  wife,  Mrs.  Marjory 
Bowes.  We  have  already  seen  that,  about  the  year 
1566,  they  went  to  England,  where  their  mother's  re- 
lations resided.  They  received  their  education  at  St. 
John's  College,  in  the  university  of  Cambridge,  and 
after  finishing  it,  died  in  the  prime  of  life.^  It  ap- 
pears that  they  died  without  issue,  and  the  family  of 
the  Reformer  became  extinct  in  the  male  line.  His 
other  three  children  were  daughters  by  his  second 
"wife.f     Dame  Margaret  Stewart,  his  widow,  after- 

upon  persons  who  were  not  of  the  fraternity  of  impostors  ;  these 
were  allowed  to  be  sometimes  preternatural,  by  many  of  the  learn- 
ed pagans,  and  cannot,  I  think,  be  disproved,  and  should  not  be 
totally  rejected."  Dr.  Jortin's  Remarks  on  Ecclesiastical  His- 
tory, vol.  i.  p.  93.  See  also  p.  45,  77.  Lond.  1803.  The  learned 
reader  may  also  consult  the  epicrisis  ofWitsins  upon  this  ques- 
tion :  the  whole  dissertation,  in  which  he  exposes  the  opposite 
extreme,  is  well  entitled  to  a  perusal.  Miscellanea  Sacra,  torn, 
i.  p.  391. 

*  See  Note  EEE. 

tin  the  records  of  the  General  Assembly,  March  i573,  is  the 
following  act.  "  The  Assemblie,  cousiderini^  that  the  tra\  ells  of 
umqll  Johne  Knox  merits  I'avourablie  to  be  rememl>rit  iu  hispos- 
teritie,  gives  to  Margaret  Stewart,  his  relict,  and  hir  thrie  daugh- 


39-fc  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

wards  married  Sir  Andrew  Ker  of  Fadouside,  a  stren- 
uous supporter  of  the  reformation.*  One  of  his 
daughters  was  married  to  Mr.  Robert  Pont,  minister 
of  St.  Cuthberts  ;f  another  of  them  to  Mr.  James  Flem- 
ing, also  a  minister  of  the  church  of  Scotland  ;:|: 
Elizabeth,  the  third  daughter,  was  married  to  Mr. 
John  Welch,  minister  of  Ayr,§ 

Mrs.  Welch  seems  to  have  inherited  a  considerable 
portion  of  her  father's  spirit,  and  she  had  her  share 
of  hardships  similar  to  his.  Her  husband  was  one 
of  those  who  resisted  the  arbitrary  measures  pursued 
by  James  VI.  for  overturning  the  government  and 
liberties  of  the  presbyterian  church  of  Scotland. 
For  attending  a  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly 
at  Aberdeen,  in  July  1605,  when  the  king  had  sent 
directions  for  adjourning  it,  sine  die,  (in  pursuance 
of  a  scheme  laid  for  abolishing  that  court,)  he 
was  imprisoned ;  and  for  afterwards  declining  the 
privy  council,  as  not  the  proper  judges  of  that 
cause,  he,  along  with  other  five  ministers,  was  ar- 
raigned, and,  by  a  packed  and  corrupted  jury, 
found  guilty,  and  condemned  to  the  death  of  trait- 

ters,  of  the  said  iimsiH  Johiie,  the  pensioiie  qlk  he  hiinselfe  had, 
in  his  tyme,  of  the  kirk,  and  that  for  tlie  year  next  approachand, 
and  foHowing  his  deceis,  of  the  year  of  God,  1573.  to  their  edu- 
cation and  support,  extending  to  five  liundreth  merks  money,  tvva 
ch.  quhait,  sax  eh.  beir,  four  ch.  aittes."  Buik  of  the  Universall 
Kirk,  p.  56. 

*  Douglas's  Peerage  of  Scotland,  p.  523. 

t  See  Note  FFF. 

I  He  was  the  grandfather  of  Mr.  Hubert  Fleming,  minister  in 
London,  and  author  of  the  >vell  known  hook,  The  Fulfilling  of  the 
Scriptures.  Bui  Mr.  Hol)ert*s  father  was  of  a  diflerent  marriage. 
Fleming's  Practical  Discourse  on  the  Death  of  King  William, 
preface,  p.  14.  Lond.  170  i. 

'  §  Life  of  Mr.  John  Welch,  it,  prefixed  to  his  sermons,  Glas. 
1771.  He  V  as  the  father  of  Mr.  Josias  Welch,  minister  of  Tem- 
plepatrick  in  Ireland,  and  grandfather  of  Mr.  ,Tohn  Welch  min- 
ister of  Irongray,  in  Gallo\va\,  v\  ho  lived  during  the  Scots  epis- 
copal persecution. 


LIFE    GF    JOHN    KNOX.  395 

ors.*  Leaving  her  cliildren  at  Ayr,  Mrs.  Welch 
attended  her  hushand  in  prison,  and  was  present  at 
Linlrthgow,  with  the  wives  of  the  other  pannels,  en 
the  day  of  trial.  When  informed  of  the  sentence, 
these  heroines,  instead  of  lamenting  their  fate,  prais- 
ed God  who  had  given  tlieir  husbands  courage  to 
stand  to  the  cause  of  their  Master,  adding  that,  like 
Him,  they  had  been  judged  and  condemned  under 
the  covert  of  night. f 

The  sentence  having  been  commuted  into  banish- 
ment, she  accompanied  her  husband  to  France, 
■where  they  remained  for  sixteen  years.  Mr.  Welch 
having  lost  his  heallh,  and  the  physicians  informing 
him  that  the  only  prospect  whicli  he  had  of  recover- 
ing it  was  by  returning  to  his  native  country,  ven- 
tured, about  the  year  1023,  to  come  to  London. 
His  wife,  by  means  of  some  of  her  mother's  rela- 
tions at  court,  obtained  access  to  the  king,  to  peti- 
tion for  liberty  to  him  to  go  to  Scotland  for  the  sake 
of  his  health.     The  following  conversation  is  said  to 

*  The  most  of  the  jury  were  not  present  daring  the  reasoning 
on  the  libel.  When  the  jury  were  inclosed,  the  Justice-Clerk 
went  in  and  sat  among  them.  The  greater  part  demurring  to  find 
the  pannels  guiUy,  the  Chancellor  went  out  and  consulted  w  ith 
the  other  lords,  who  dealt  with  the  reluctant  jurymen  to  condemn 
the  pannels,  in  order  to  please  his  majesty,  promising  that  no  pun- 
ishment should  be  inflicted.  By  such  disgraceful  and  illegal 
means  they  at  last  obtained  a  majority  of  three.  "  The  reforma- 
tion of  Religion  in  Scotland,  written  by  Mr  John  Forbes."  MS. 
p.  131 — 151.  The  copy  of  this  history,  which  is  now  before  me, 
Avas  transcribed  "  ex  Authoris  authographo  "  in  the  year  1726- 
The  author  was  one  of  the  condemned  ministers.  The  History 
begins  at  the  year  1580  ;  hut  is  chiefly  occupied  in  detailing  the 
transactions  which  preceded  and  followed  the  Assembly  at  Aber- 
deen. It  contains  a  number  of  particulars  respecting  these  not 
to  be  found  in  other  histories,  and  an  account  of  a  plot  formed  for 
displacing  the  Lord  Chancellor  and  President. 

t  Row's  MS.  Historie.p.  Ill,  123. 

^•7  8 


$96  LIFE    OP  JOHN   KNOX, 

Lave  taken  place  on  that  occasion.  His  majesty 
asked  her,  who  was  her  father  She  replied,  Mr. 
Knox.  ^' Knox  and  Welch!"  exclaimed  he,  "the 
Devil  never  made  such  a  match  as  that." — "  Its  right 
like,  Sir,"  said  she,  "  for  we  never  speired*  his  ad- 
vice." He  asked  her,  how  many  children  her  father 
had  left,  and  if  they  were  lads  or  lasses.  She  said, 
three,  and  they  were  all  lasses.  "  God  be  thanked  !" 
cried  the  king,  lifting  up  both  his  hands  ;  "  for  an 
they  had  been  three  lads,  1  had  never  bruiked-j-  my 
three  kingdoms  in  peace."  She  urged  her  request, 
that  he  would  give  her  husband  his  native  air. 
^^Give  h'ln  the  devil!"  a  morsel  which  James  had 
often  in  his  mouth.  "Give  that  to  your  hungry 
courtiers,"  said  she,  offended  at  his  profnnity.  He 
told  her  at  last  that,  if  she  would  persuade  I'.er  hus- 
band to  submit  to  the  bishops,  he  would  allow  him 
to  return  to  Scotland.  Mrs.  Welch,  lifting  up  her 
apron,  and  holding  it  towards  the  king,  replied,  in 
the  true  spirit  of  her  father,  "  Please  your  Majesty, 
I'd  rather  kepj  his  head  there. "§ 

The  account  of  our  Reformer's  publications  has 
been  partly  anticipated  iu  the  course  of  the  preced- 
ing narrative.     Thougli  his  writings  were  of  great 

*  i.  c.  askf'd.  f  i.  e.  enjoyed.  |  i.  e.  receive. 

§  I  met  with  Ihe  account  of  this  conversation  in  a  MS.  written 
ijy  Mr  Robert  Traill,  minister  of  London,  entitled^  '  An  Accompt 
of  i^everal  passages  in  the  lives  of  some  eminent  Men  in  tlie  Na- 
tion, not  recorded  in  any  history."  It  is  inserted  in  the  heart  of 
a  common-place  book,  containing  notes  of  sermons,  &c.  written 
by  him  when  a  student  of  divinity  at  St.  Andrews,  between  1659 
and  1663.  He  received  tlie  account  from  aged  persons,  and.  says 
the  conference  between  king  James  and  Mrs.  Welch,  is  "current 
to  this  day  in  the  mouths  of  many."  I  have  since  seen  the  same 
story  in  Wodrow's  MSS.  Collections  vol.  i.  Life  of  Welch  p.  27. 
r»ibl.  Coll.  Glas.  James  stood  much  in  awe  of  Mr  Welch,  who 
oi'icn  reproved  him  for  his  habit  of  profane  swearing.  It  is  said, 
that  if  he  had,  at  any  time,  been  swearing  in  a  pnl)lic  nlace,  he 
^vonld  tnrn  round,  nm{  askj  if  Welch  wa«  near.     Trnili'B  MS* 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX.  397 

Utility,  it  was  not  by  them,  but  by  his  personal  exer- 
tions, that  he  chiefly  advanced  the  Reformation,  and 
transmitted  his  name  to  posterity.     He  did  not  view 
this  as   the   field  in   which  he  was  called  to  labour, 
"That  I  did  not  in  writing   communicate  my  judg- 
ment upon   the    scriptures   (says  he.)    I    have  ever 
thought  myself  to  have  most  just  reaf^on.     For,  con- 
sidering myself  rather  called  of  my  God  to  instruct 
the   ignorant,    comfort   the    sorrowful,    confirm    the 
weak,  and  rebuke  the  proud,  by  tongue,  and  lively 
voice,  in  these  most  corrupt  days,  than  to  compose 
books  for  the  age  to  come,  (seeing  that  so  much  is 
written,  and  by  men  of  most  singular  erudition,  and 
yet  so  little  well  observed;)    I  decreed   to  contain 
myself  within  the  bounds  of  that  vocation,  whereunto 
I  found  myself  especially  called."*    This  resolution 
was  most  judiciously  formed.  His  situation  was  very 
different  from  that  of  the  early  protestant  reformers. 
They  found    the    whole  world    in  ignorance  of  the 
doctrines  of   Christianity.      Men  were  either  desti- 
tute of  books,   or   such  as  they  possessed  were  cal- 
culated only  to  mislead.     The  oral  instructions  of  a 
few  individuals  could  extend   but  a  small  way ;    it 
was   principally  by  means   of  their   writings,  which 
circulated  with  amazing  rapidity,  that  they  benefited 
mankind,  and   became  not  merely  the  instructors  of 
the  particular  cities  and  countries  where  they  resided 
and  preached,  but  the  Reformers  of  Europe.      By 
the  time  that  Knox  appeared  on  the  field,  their  ju- 
dicious   commentaries   upon   the    different  books   of 
Scripture,  and   their  able  defences  of  its  doctrines, 
were  laid  open  to  the  English  reader.f     What  was 

*  Preface  to  his  Sermon,  apud  History,  p.  113.  Etliii.  1644. 

t  Those  who  have  uot  directed  their  attention  to  this  pointy 
cannot  easily  conceive  to  what  extent  tiie  translation  of  foreign 
theological  books  into  onr  language  was  carried  at  that  time 


398  LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 

more  immediately  required  of  him  was  to  use  the 
peculiar  talent  in  which  he  excelled,  and,  ^^by 
tongue  and  lively  voice,"  to  imprint  the  doctrines 
of  the  Bible  upon  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 
When  he  wns  deprived  of  an  opportunity  of  doing 
this,  during  his  exile,  there  could  not  be  a  more 
proper  substitute  tban  that  which  he  adopted,  by 
publishing  familiar  epistles,  exhortations,  and  ad- 
monitions, in  which  he  brietly  recalled  to  their 
minds  the  truths  which  they  had  received,  and  ex- 
cited them  to  adhere  unto  them.  Tliese  were  cir- 
culated and  read  with  far  more  ease,  and  to  a  far 
greater  extent,  than  large  treatises  could  have  been. 
Of  the  many  sermons  preached  by  him  during  his 
ministry,  he  never  publislied  but  one,  which  was 
extorted  from  him  by  peculiar  circumstances ;  and 
that  one  affords  a  very  favourable  specimen  of  his 
talents.  If  he  had  applied  himself  to  writing,  he 
was  qualified  for  excelling  in  that  department.  He 
had  a  ready  command  of  language,  expressed  him- 
self with  perspicuity,  and  with  great  animation  and 
force.  Though  he  despised  the  tinsel  of  rhetoric, 
he  was  acquainted  with  the  principles  of  that  art, 
and  when  he  had  leisure  and  inclination  to  polish 
his  style,  wrote  both  with  propriety  and  eloquence. 
Those  who  read  his  letter  to  the  queen  regent,  his 
answer  to  Tyrie,  his  papers  in  the  account  of  the 
dispute  with  Kennedy,  or  even  his  sermon,  will  be 
satisfied  of  this.  During  his  residence  in  England, 
he  acquired  the  habit  of  writing  the  language  ac- 
cording to  the  manner  of  that  country  ;  and  in  all  his 
publications  which  appeared  during  his  life-time,  the 

There  was  scarcely  a  book  of  any  celebrity  published  in  Latin 
by  the  continental  relorniers,  that  did  not  appear  in  an  English 
version.  Bibliographers,  and  the  annalists  of  printing,  are  very 
defective  in  the  informatiou  u  liich  they  commuuicate  on  this 
l>raneh. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX.  899 

JEnglish  and  not  the  Scottish  ortliograpliy,  and  mode 
of  expression,  are  used.*  In  this  respect,  there  is 
a  verj  evident  difference  between  them  and  the 
vernacular  writings  of  Buchanan. 

The  freedoms  which  have  heen  used  with  his 
writings,  in  the  editions  commonly  read,  have  great- 
ly injured  them.  They  were  translated  into  the  lan- 
guage which  was  used  in  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  by  which  they  were  deprived  of  the 
antique  costume  which  they  formerly  wore,  and 
contracted  an  air  of  vulgarity  which  did  not  origi- 
nally belong  to  them.  Besides  this,  they  have 
been  reprinted  with  innumerable  omissions,  interpo- 
lations, and  alterations,  which  frequently  affect  the 
sense,  and  always  enfeeble  the  language.  Another 
circumstance  which  has  impaired  his  literary  repu- 
tation is,  that  the  two  works  which  have  been  most 
read,  are  the  least  accurate  and  polished,  as  to  style, 
of  all  his  writings.  His  tract  against  female  go- 
vernment was  hastily  published  by  him,  under  great 
irritation  of  mind  at  the  increasing  cruelty  of  queen 
Mary  of  England.  His  History  of  the  Reformation  was 
undertaken  during  the  confusions  of  the  civil  war, 
and  was  afterwards  continued,  at  intervals  snatched 
from  numerous  avocations.  The  collection  of  his- 
torical materials  is  a  work  of  labour  and  time;  but 
the  digesting  and  arranging  of  them  into  a  regular 
narrative  require  much  leisure,  and  undivided  atten- 
tion. The  want  of  these  sufficiently  accounts  for  the 
confusion  that  is  often  observable  in  that  work.  But 
notwithstanding  of  this,  and  of  particular  mistakes, 

*  It  is  to  tliis  tliat  Ninian  AYinget  refers,  in  one  of  liis  letters 
addressed  to  Knox.  "  Gif  ye,  tlirow  curiositie  of  iiovationis,  lies 
forzet  our  auld  plane  Scottis,  quhilk  zour  mother  lerit  zovv,  iu 
tynies  cuming  I  sail  wrytt  to  zow  my  mynd  in  Latin,  for  I  am 
?!oclit  acquyutit  with  zoiir  Soiitheroun.     Keith,  App.  251. 


400  LIFE  OP   JOHN    KNOX. 

it  still  continues  to  be  the  principal  source  of  infor- 
mation as  to  ecclesiastical  proceedings  in  that  period, 
and,  in  all  the  leading  facts,  has  been  confirmed  by 
the  examination  of  other  documents,  although  great 
keenness  has  been  discovered  in  attacking  its  genu- 
ineness and  accuracy. 

His  defence  of  Predestination,  the  only  theologi- 
cal treatise  of  any  size  which  was  published  by  him, 
is  rare,  and  has  been  seen  by  few.  It  is  written 
with  perspicuity,  and  discovers  his  controversial 
acuteness,  with  becoming  caution,  in  handling  that 
delicat^e  question.  A  catalogue  of  his  publications, 
as  complete  as  I  have  been  able  to  draw  up,  shall 
be  inserted  iu  the  notes.* 

I  have  thus  attempted  to  give  an  account  of  our 
national  Reformer,  of  the  principal  events  of  hig 
life,  of  his  sentiments,  his  writings,  and  his  exertions 
iu  the  cause  of  religion  and  liberty.  If  what  I 
have  done  suall  coutribute  to  set  liis  character  in  a 
more  just,  or  mil  light,  than  that  in  which  it  has 
been  generally  represented;  if  it  shall  be  subservi- 
ent to  the  illustration  of  the  ecclesiastical  history  of 
that  period,  or  excite  others  to  pay  more  attention 
to  the  su.ject;  above  all,  if  it  shall  be  the  means  of 
suggesting,  or  confirming  proofs  of  the  superintend- 
ence of  a  wise  and  merciful  providence,  in  the 
accomplishment  of  a  revolution  of  all  others  the 
most  interesting  and  beneficial  to  this  country,  I 
shall  not  think  any  labour  \\  hich  I  have  bestowed  on 
the  subject  to  have  been  thrown  away,  or  unre- 
warded, 

*  So.-  Note.  FFF. 

EXn    OF   THE    LIFE. 


/   ' 


NOTE  S. 


Note  A.  p.  6. 

iN  this  note  I  shall  throw  together  such  facts  as  I  have  met 
uith  relating  to  the  introduction  of  the  Greek  languas^e  into  Scot- 
land, and  the  progress  which  it  made  during  the  sixteenth  cen- 
iury,  referring  what  relates  to  the  Hebrew  to  note  DD.  They 
are  bare  gleanings  ;  but  such  as  they  are  I  trust  they  will  not  be 
altogether  unacceptable  to  those  who  take  an  interest  in  the  sub- 
ject. Let  not  any  who  are  proud  of  the  present  state  of  Scot- 
tish literature  disdain  the  poor  appearance  which  it  made  at  its 
coramencement.  The  corn  which  covers  the  fields  of  an  exten- 
sive country,  and  supplies  luilllons  with  food,  might  be  traced 
back  to  a  single  grain  thrown  into  the  earth. 

In  the  year  1523  Boece  mentions  George  Dundas  as  a  good 
Greek  scliolar.  He  was  afterwards  master  of  the  Knights  of  SL 
John  in  Scotland,  and  had,  most  probably<  acquired  (he  know- 
ledge of  the  language  in  France.  "  Georgius  Dundas  grecas 
atq.  latinas  literas  apprime  doctns,  equitum  Hierosolymitanorum. 
intra  Scotorum  reguum  magistratum  multo  sudore  (superatis 
emulis)  postea  adeptus."  Boetii  Vitae  Episcop.  Murth.  et  Aber- 
don.  fol.  xxvii.  b.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  other  individ- 
uals in  the  nation  might  acquire  it  in  the  same  way  ;  but  Boece 
makes  no  mention  of  Greek  among  the  branches  taught  at  the  uni- 
versities in  his  time,  although  he  is  minute  on  this  head.  Nor  do 
I  find  any  other  reference  to  the  subject  previous  to  the  year 
1534,  when  Erskine  of  Dun  brought  a  learned  man  from  France, 
and  employed  him  to  teach  Greek  in  Montrose,  as  mentioned 
above  in  that  part  of  the  Life,  to  which  this  note  refers.  At  his 
school,  George  Wishart,  the  martyr,  must  have  obtained  the 
knowledge  of  the  language,  and  he  seems  to  have  been  successor 
to  his  master.  But  the  bishop  of  Brechin  (William  Chisholm,>. 
hearing  that  Wishart  taught  the  Greek  A'^eiv  Testament,  sum- 
moned him  to  appear  before  him  on  a  charire  of  heresy,  upon, 
which  he  fled  the  kingdom.  This  was  in  15G8.  Petrie,  part  ii. 
p.  182.  It  is  likely  that  Knox  first  derived  his  knowledge  of 
Greek  from  George  Wishart  after  his  return  from  England. 
Buchanan  seems  to  have  acquired  it  during  his  residenpe  on  lh« 
continent.     Buch.  Ep.p.  25. 


40S  NOTES. 

Lesly  says  that  when  James  V.  in  his  progress  through  the 
kingdom  anno  1540,  came  to  Aberdeen,  among  other  entertain- 
ments which  were  given  to  him,  the  students  of  the  university 
"  recited  orations  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  tongue  composed  with 
the  greatest  skill."  "  Orationes  in  Graeca  Latinaque  lingua, 
summo  artificio  instructse."  Leslaeus  de  rebus  gestis  Scotorum, 
lib.  ix.  p.  430.  anno,  1675.  When  we  consider  the  state  of  learn- 
ing at  that  period  in  Scotland,  there  is  strong  reason  to  suspect 
that  the  bishop's  description  is  highly  coloured,  yet  as  he  enter- 
ed that  university  a  few  years  after,  we  may  conclude  from  it  that 
some  attention  had  been  paid  to  the  Greek  language  at  tliat  time 
in' Aberdeen.  It  had  most  probably  been  introduced  by  means  of 
Heetor  Boeee,  the  learned  principal  of  that  university.  If  the 
king  was  entertained  with  the  great  learning  of  the  students  of 
Aberdeen,  the  English  ambassador  was  no  less  diverted,  on  the 
very  same  year,  with  the  ignorance  which  our  bishops  discover- 
ed of  the  Greek  tongue.  The  ambassador,  who  was  a  scholar 
as  well  as  a  statesman,  had  caused  his  men  to  wear  on  their 
sleeves  the  following  Greek  motto,  MONO.  ANAKTI  AOTAETti.  I 
serve  the  kins;  only.  This  the  Scottish  bishops  (whose  knowledge 
did  not  extend  beyond  Latin,)  read  Moxabhulus,  a  little  monk; 
and  thereupon  circulated  the  report  that  the  ambassadors  ser- 
vants were  monks,  who  had  been  taken  out  of  the  monasteries 
lately  suppressed  in  England.  To  counteract  this  report,  Sadler 
was  obliged  to  furnish  a  translation  of  the  inscription.  "  Itap- 
peareth,  (says  he)  they  are  no  good  Grecians.  And  now  the  ef- 
fect of  my  words  is  known,  and  they  be  well  laughed  at  for  their 
learned  interpretation."  Sadler's  Letters,  i.  48,  49.  Edinburgh 
1809.  Grcpcum  est,  non  legitur,  continued  to  be  an  adage  in  Scot- 
land, to  a  much  later  period,  even  among  men  who  had  received 
an  university-education.  Row's  MS.  History  of  the  Kirk,  p.  96. 
copy  iu  Divinity,  Libr.  Edin. 

To  return  to  the  school  at  Montrose  :  it  was  kept  up,  by  the 
public  spirit  of  its  patron,  until  the  establislmient  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. Some  years  before  that  event,  the  celebrated  scholar  An- 
drew Melville  received  his  education  at  it,  under  Pierre  deJIar- 
siliers.  a  Frenchman.  He  had  made  such  proficiency  in  Greek, 
when  he  entered  the  university  of  St.  Andrews,  about  the  year 
4539.  that  he  was  able  to  read  Aristotle  in  the  original  language, 
•'  which  even  his  masters  themselves  understood  not."  Life  of 
Andrew  Melville,  p.  2.  apud  Wodrow's  MSS.  Collections,  vol.  i. 
Mr.  James  Melville's  Diary,  p.  32.  For  although  the  logicks, 
ethicks,  iScc.  of  Aristotle  were  then  read  in  the  colleges,  it  was  in 
a  L^tin  translation.     The  regent  of  St.  Leonard's  (says  James 


NOTES.  40B 

Melville)  "  taiild  me  of  my  uncle  Mr.  Audro  Melville  whom  lie 
knew,  in  the  (yme  of  his  cours  in  the  new  collag,  to  use  the  Greik 
logicks  of  Aristotle,  quhilk  was  a  wounder  to  them,  he 'was  so 
fyne  a  scholar,  and  of  sic  expectation."    MS.  Diary,  p.  25. 

By  the  first  book  of  Discipline,  it  was  provided,  that  there 
should  "  be  a  reader  of  Greek"  in  one  of  the  colleges  of  each  uni- 
versity, who  "  shall  complete  the  grammar  thereof  in  three 
months,"  and  "  shall  interpret  some  book  of  Plato,  together  with 
some  places  of  the  New  Testament,  and  shall  complete  his  course 
the  same  year."  Duulop's  Confessions,  ii.  553.  The  small  num- 
ber of  learned  men,  deficiency  of  funds,  and  the  confusions  iu 
which  the  country  was  afterwards  involved,  prevented  in  a  great 
degree,  the  execution  of  thiswise  measure.  Owing  to  the  last  of 
these  circumstances,  some  learned  Scotsmen  devoted  their  talents 
to  the  service  of  foreign  seminaries,  instead  of  returning  to  their 
native  country.  Buchananl  Epist.  p.  7.  9,  10,  33.*  On  accouni 
of  the  scarcity  of  preachers  it  was  also  found  necessary  to  settle 
several  of  the  learned  men  in  towns  which  were  not  tlie  seat  of  a 
university.  But  some  of  them  undertook  the  instruction  of  youth, 
along  with  the  pastoral  inspection  of  their  parishes.  John  Row 
taught  the  Greek  tongue  in  Perth.  See  Note  DD.  It  does  not 
appear  that  the  venerable  teacher,  Andrew  Simson  (See  p.  5.) 
was  capable  of  this  task;  but  he  was  careful  that  his  son  Patrick 
should  not  labour  under  the  same  defect.  He  was  sent  to  the  uni- 
versity of  Cambridge,  in  which  he  made  great  proficiency,  and  af- 
ter his  return  to  Scotland,  taught  Greek  at  Spot,  a  viiitige  in  East 
Lotliian,  where  he  was  minister.  Row's  MS.  p.  9G.  of  Copy  in 
the  Divinity,  Lib.  Edia.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  that  this 
branch  of  study  would  not  be  neglected  at  St.  Andrew's  during 
the  time  that  Buchanan  was  Principal  of  St.  Leonard's  College^ 
from  1563  to  1570.  Patrick  Adamson,  to  whom  he  demiited  his 
office,  and  whom  he  recommenced  for  his  ''  literature  and  suffi- 
eiency,"  (Buch.  Op.  i.  10.)  was  not  then  in  the  kingdom;  and  the 
state  of  education  iangiushed  for  some  tiaie  in  that  University. 
James  Melville,  who  entered  it  in  1570,  gives  the  following  ac- 
count. "  Our  regent  begoud,  and  teached  us  the  a,  b,  c,  of  the 
Greik,  and  the  simple  decliuationis,  but  went  no  farder."  MS. 
Diary,  p.  26. 

The  return  of  Andrew  Melville  in  1573  gave  a  new  impulse  to 
literature  in  Scotland.  That  celebrated  scholar  had  perfected 
himself  in  the  knowledge  of  the  languages  during  the  nine  years 

"  One  of  these  ^vas  Henry  Scrimg-er,  a  g'ood  Grecian.  Some  particulars 
respecting  him,  not  so  commonly  known,  may  be  seen  in  Senebier  Hist,  lit- 
ter, de  Geneve,  tom.  i.  art,  Scrimger.  See  also  Teissier,  Eloges.  torn.  U)-. 
.383—385.  LeideirX5. 

F3 


404 


NOTES. 


whif^li  lie  spent  on  the  continent,  and  had  astonished  the  learned 
at  Geneva  by  the  fiuency  with  which  he  read  and  spoke  Greek. 
Ut  supra,  p.  33.  He  was  first  placed  as  principal  of  the  univer- 
sity of  Glasgow,  and  afterwards  removed  to  the  same  situation  iu 
St.  Andrews.  Such  was  his  celebrity,  that  he  attracted  students 
from  England  aiid  foreign  countries,  whereas  formerly  it  had  been 
the  custom  for  the  Scottish  youth  to  go  abroad  for  their  education, 
^pottiswood,  with  Avhom  he  was  no  favourite,  aiid  Calderwood, 
eqna'ly  bear  testimony  to  his  profound  know  ledge  of  this  language, 
See  Note  DD.  Soon  after  Melville's  arrival,  Thomas  Smeton 
another  good  Greek  scholar,  came,  and  was  made  principal  oi* 
the  university  of  Glasgow.  I  may  mention,  although  it  belongs  to 
the  suljject  of  typography,  that  there  appear  to  have  been  neither 
Greek  nor  Hebrew  types  in  this  country  in  1579,  when  Smeton's 
Answer  to  Archibald  Hamilton  was  printed;  for  blanks  are  left 
for  all  the  phrases  and  quotations  in  these  languages,  which  the 
author  intended  to  introduce.  In  my  Copy  of  the  book,  a  number 
of  these  have  been  filled  up  with  a  pen. 

Note  B.  p.  S. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  passages  from  which  the  account 
of  Major's  political  sentiments,  given  in  the  text,  has  been  drawn. 
Similar  sentiments  occur  in  his  History  of  Scotland;  but  as  it  has 
been  insinuated  that  he,  in  that  work,  merely  copied  Boece,  and  as 
his  other  w  ritings  are  more  rarely  consulted,  I  shall  quote  from 
them. 

"  Ad  policiam  regaiem  non  requiritur  quod  rex  sit  supra  omnes 
sni  regni  tarn  regulariter  quam  easualiter — sed  sat  est  quod  rex 
sit  supra  unumquamlibet,  et  supra  totum  regnum  regulariter,  et 
regnum  sit  supra  cum  easualiter  et  in  aliquo  eventu."  Again, 
"Similiter  in  regno:  et  in  totopopulo  libero  est  suprema  fontaiis 
potestas  inabrogabiljs:  in  rege  vero  potestas  mysterialis  {jninisteri- 
alls  .9]  honesto  ministerio.  Et  sic  aliquo  modo  sunt  duo  potestates  ; 
sed  quia  una  crdinetur  propter  aliam,  potest  voeari  una  efFectual- 
iter,  et  casu  quo  regnum  rex  in  tyrannidc  m  convertat  et  etiam  in- 
eorrigibilis,  potest  a  populo  dcponi,  tauquam  a  superiore  potes- 
tate."  Expos.  Matth.  fol.  71.  a,  e.  To  the  objection  urged  against 
this  principle  from  the  metaphorical  designation  of  Head  given 
to  a  king,  he  answers  :  "  Non  est  omnino  simile  inter  caput  verum 
et  corpus  verum,  et  inter  caput  mysticum  et  corpus  mysticum. 
Caput  verum  t^st  supra  rcliquam  partem  sui  corpoiis,  el  tunien  ne- 
go  regem  esse  majoris  potestatis  quam  reliqnam  partem  sui  reg- 
ni," &,c.  Jbid.  iol.  62.  b.  *'  Rex  utilitatem  republicx  dissipans 
et  evertens  inc(»rrigibi!is,  est  deponendus  a  communitale  cui  prK- 
est. — Hex  non  habet  rebur  ct  auctoritatem  nisi  a  regne  cui  liber^ 


NOTES.  405 

praeest."  Ibid.  fol.  69.  c.  Speaking  of  Ihe  excision  of  a  cornmt 
member  from  the  human  botly  in  illustration  of  the  treuiaient  of  a 
tyrant  he  says  :  "  Cum  licentia  totius  corporis  veri  toUilur  hoe 
niembrum ;  etiam  facultate  totius  corporis  niystici,  tu,  tainqae 
minister  comitatis,  potes  luinc  tyrannura  oceidere,  dum  est  iicite 
condempuatus.''     Tert.  Sentent,  fol.  139.  c,  d. 

Note  C.  p.  ir. 

We  have  no  good  <}Iona^ticon  of  Scotland  :  and  it  is  now  impos- 
sible to  ascertain  the  exact  number  of  regular  clergy,  or  even  re- 
ligious houses  that  uere  in  this  country.  The  best  and  most  par- 
ticular account  of  the  introduction  of  the  different  monastic  or- 
ders from  England  and  the  continent,  is  contained  in  the  first  vol- 
ume of  Mr.  Chalmers's  Caledonia.  Dr.  Jamieson,  in  his  history 
of  the  ancient  Culdees,  lat?ly  published,  has  traced,  with  much 
attention,  the  measures  pursueil  for  suppressing  the  ancient  monks, 
to  make  way  for  the  new  orders  which  were  immediately  depen- 
dent upon  Rome.  In  Spottiswood's  Account,  pu'-lished  at  the 
end  of  Keith's  Catalogue  of  Bishops,  170  religious  houses  are 
enumerated  ;  but  his  account  is  defective.  ]Mr.  Dalyel!,  upon  llic 
authority  of  a  MS.  has  stated  the  number  of  the  monks  and  nuiis 
in  this  country  as  amounting  only  to  1114,  about  the  period  of  the 
Reformation.  Cursory  remarks  prefixed  to  Scottish  poems  of  the 
i6th  century,  vol.  i.  p.  38.  39.  Edin.  iSOl.  Taking  the  number  of 
monasteries,  according  to  Spottiswcod's  account,  this  would  a!- 
loAv  only  seven  persons  to  each  house  on  an  average,  a  number 
incredibly  small.  It  will  be  stiH  smaller  if  v.e  suppose  that  there 
were  260  religious  houses,  as  stated  by  ihe  same  author  in  anotJier 
publication.  Dalyell's  Fragments  of  Scottish  History,  p.  11,  2S. 
In  the  year  1542,  there  were  200  monks  in  Melrose  alone.  Ibid. 
The  number  in  Dunfermline  seems  to  have  varied  from  30  to  50. 
Dalyell's  Tract  on  Monastic  Antiquities,  p.  13.  Paisley,  Elgin, 
and  Arbroath,  were  not  inferior  to  it  in  their  endowments. 

In  general  it  may  be  observed,  that  the  passion  for  the  m:>nastie 
life  appears  not  to  have  been  on  the  increase  even  in  the  early- 
part  of  the  16th  century.  But  if  we  would  form  an  estimate  of  t-ie 
number  of  the  monks,  we  must  allow  for  a  great  diminution  of 
them  from  1j3S  to  1558.  During  that  period  many  of  tJiem, 
espeeia'ly  the  younger  ones,  embraced  the  reformed  opinions, 
and  deserted  the  convents.  Cald  MS.  i.  97.  100,  131.  Vv  lien 
the  monastery  of  the  Greyfriars  at  Perth  was  destroyed  in  1559, 
only  eight  monks  belonged  to  it.     KuoX.  Historic,  p.  12S. 


406  NOTES. 


Note  D.  p.  21. 

The  corps-present  was  a  forced  benevolence,  not  due  by  any  law, 
or  canon  of  the  church,  at  least  in  Scotland.  It  vv  as  demanded  by 
the  vicar,  and  seems  to  have  been  distinct  from  the  ordinary  dues 
exacted  for  the  interment  of  the  body,  and  deliverance  of  the  soul 
from  purgatory.  The  perquisite  consisted  of  the  best  cow  which 
belonged  to  the  deceased,  and  the  uppermost  cloth,  or  coverint;  of 
his  bed,  or  the  uppermost  of  his  body-clothes.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  it  was  exacted  on  pretext  of  dues  which  the  person 
might  have  failed  to  pay  during  his  life-time.  Whatever  might 
afterwards  be  made  the  pretext,  I  think  it  most  probable  that  the 
clergy  borrowed  the  hint  from  the  perquisites  common  in  feudal 
times.  The  "  eors-preseut  kow"  answers  to  the  "  hereyeild  horse/^ 
which  was  paid  to  a  landlord  on  the  death  of  a  tenant.  The  up- 
permost cloth  seems  to  have  been  a  perquisite  belonging  to  per- 
sons occupying  certain  offices.  When  bishop  Lesley  was  relieved 
from  the  Tower  of  London,  a  demand  of  this  kind  was  made  upon 
him  :  "  The  gentleman-porter  of  the  Tower  (says  he)  retained  my 
satin  gown  as  due  to  him,  because  it  was  my  uppermost-cloth^ 
when  I  entered  in  the  Tower."  Negociations,  apud  Anderson's 
Collections,  iii.  247. 

The  corps-present  was  not  confined  to  Scotland.  W^e  find  the 
English  House  of  Commons  complaining  of  it,  Anno  1530,  (Fox 
907.)  It  was  exacted  with  great  rigour  in  Scotland  ;  and  if  any 
vicar,  more  humane  than  the  rest,  passed  from  the  demand,  he 
gave  an  unpardonable  oiFence  to  his  brethren,  (Lindsay  of  Pits- 
Gottie's  Hist.  p.  151.  Edin.  1728,  fol.  Fox,  1153.)  It  was  felt  as 
a  very  galling  oppression,  and  is  often  mentioned  with  indigna- 
tion in  the  writings  of  Sir  David  Lindsay. 

Schir,be  quhat  law,  tell  me,  quharefor,  or  why  ? 
That  ane  vickar  suld  tak  fra  me  thre  ky. 
Ane  for  my  father,  and  for  my  wyfe  ane  uther, 
And  the  third  cow  he  tuke  for  Maid  my  mother. 
Thay  haif  nalaw,  exceptand  consuetude, 
Quhilk  law,  to  thame,  is  sutficient  and  gude. 

And  als  tlie  vicar,  as  I  trow, 

lie  will  nocht  faiil  to  tak  ane  kow 

And  upmaist  claith  thocht  liabis  thame  ban 

From  ane  purieseive  husbandman,; 

Qubeii  that  he  hs  for  til  de 

Having  small  bairnis  twa  or  thre^ 


NOTES.  407 

And  hes  thre  ky  withoutin  mo, 

The  vicar  must  have  aue  of  tho, 

With  the  ^ray  cloke  that  happis  the  bed 

Howbeit  that  he  be  purelye  cled ; 

And  gif  the  wyfe  de  on  the  morne, 

Thocht  all  the  babis  suld  be  forlone, 

The  uther  kow  he  cleikis  away, 

With  hir  pure  cote  of  roplock  gray  ; 

And  gif,  within  twa  days  or  thre, 

The  eldest  chyld  hapnis  to  de, 

Of  the  thrid  kow  he  will  be  sure. 

Quhcn  he  his  all  then  under  his  cure, 

And  father  and  mother  baith  ar  deid 

Beg  mon  the  babis,  w  ithout  remeid. 

Chalmers's  Lindsay,  ii.  T,  S.  iii.  105. 
When  the  alarming  progress  of  the  new  opinions  threatened  the 
overthrow  of  the  whole  establishment,  the  clergy  professed  them- 
selves willing  to  remit,  or  at  least  moderate,  this  shameful  trib- 
nte.  I  need  scarcely  add,  that  it  was  abolished,  along  with  Sim- 
ilar grievances,  at  the  establishment  of  the  Reformation.  •'  The 
uppermost claith,  corps-present,  clcrk-maile,  the  pasche-offering, 
teind-aile,  and  all  handlings  upaland,  can  neither  be  required  nor 
received  of  good  conscience.""  First  Bo;.k  of  Dicipline,  p.  4^ 
Printed  Anno  16i21.     Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  563. 

Note  E.  p.  27, 

We  are  indebted  to  the  industrious  English  martyrologist  for 
the  greater  part  of  the  facts  respecting  our  countrymen  who  suf- 
fered for  the  reformed  doctrines.  John  Davidson,  miniiiter  of 
Prcstonpans,  composed,  in  Latin,  an  account  of  the  Scottish  mar- 
tyrs, which,  if  it  had  been  preserved,  w^ould  have  furnished  us 
w  jth  more  full  information  respecting  them.  Calderwood,  howe- 
ver, had  the  use  of  it  when  he  compiled  his  history.  A  late  au- 
thor has  said,  that  "  most  of  those  martyred  seem  to  have  been 
weak  illiterate  men  ;  nay  they  appear  even  to  have  been  deficient 
in  intellect."  Cursory  Remaiks,  prefixed  to  Scottish  Poems  of 
16lh  century,  i.  24.  I  must  take  itjfor  granted,  that  this  author  had 
not  in  his  eye  Patrick  Hamilton,  whose  vigorous  understanding 
discovered  truti.  in  the  midst  of  darkness  worse  than  Cimmerian, 
who  obtained  the  praises  of  Lutlicr,  Melancthon,  and  Lambert  of 
Avignon,  and  of  whom  Pinkertou  has  said  that  he  received"  the 
eternal  fame  of  being  the  proto-.nartyr  of  the  ireedoin  of  the  hu- 
man mind."  Nor  George  Wishart,  whosc  learning,  fortitude.^ 
and  mild  beaevoieaee,  have  beea  eelebrated  by  writers  ef  every 


408  NOTES. 

description.  But  even  as  to  those  who  suftered  from  Hamilton 
to  Wishart,  I  think  there  is  scarcely  one  who  was  not  above  the 
ordinary  class,  as  to  rank  and  talents. 

Henry  Forrest,  who  suffered  at  St.  Andrews  in  1530,  for  posses- 
sing a  copy  of  the  New  Testament,  and  affirming  that  Patrick 
Hamilton  was  a  true  martyr,  had  been,  though  a  young  man.  iji- 
vested  with  the  orders  of  Bennet  and  Colet.  Fox,  893.  Knox, 
19.  Spottis.  65.  David  Straiton  was  a  gentleman,  being  bro- 
ther to  the  laird  of  Lauriston.  He  was  instructed  in  the  protestant 
principles  by  John  Erskine  of  Dun,  who  had  newly  arrived  from 
his  travels.  Iji  1534  he  was  committed  to  the  iianies  atGreenside, 
in  the  neighbourliood  of  Edinburgh.  His  fellow-sufferer,  Nor- 
man Gouriey,  was  in  secular  orders,  and  •'  a  man  of  reasonabell 
eruditioun."  He  had  been  abroad,  and  had  married  upon  his  re- 
larn,  which  was  the  chief  offence  for  which  he  suffered.  '-  For 
(says  Pitseottie)  they  would  thole  no  preist  to  marry,  but  they 
w  uuld  punish,  and  burn  him  to  the  dead  ;  but  if  he  had  used  then 
ten  thousand  whores,  he  had  not  been  burnt."  History,  p.  150, 
153.  Fox,  896.  Knox,  21,  22.  Spottiswood,  66.  In  1538,  t'.vo 
young  men  of  the  most  interesting  characters  suffered,  with  the 
greatest  heroism,  at  Glasgow.  The  one  was  Jerom  Russel  a  cor- 
delier friar,  •'  a  young  man  of  a  meek  natiire,  quick  spirit,  and 
of  good  letteris  ;"  the  other  was  a  young  gentleman  of  the  name 
of  Kennedy,  only  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  "  of  excellent  ingyne 
for  Scottische  poetry."  Knox,  22.  Spcttis.  67.  Keith,  9.  Du- 
ring the  same  year  live  persons  were  burned  on  the  castle-hill  of 
Edinburgh:  Robert  Forrester  was  a  gentleman;  Sir  Duncan 
Simpson*  was  a  secular  priest,  BeveridgeandKyllor  were  friars. 
The  last  of  these  had,  (according  to  the  custom  of  the  times)  com- 
posed a  tragedy  on  the  crucifixion  of  Christ,  in  which  he  paint- 
ed, in  a  very  lively  manner,  the  conduct  of  the  popish  clergy, 
under  that  of  the  Jewish  priests.     Ut  supra. 

The  other  person  who  suffered  at  the  same  time  was  Thomas 
Forrest,  commonly  called  the  Vicar  of  Dollar.  I  shall  add  some 
particulars  respecting  this  excellent  man,  m  hich  are  not  to  be 
found  in  the  common  histories.  He  was  of  the  house  of  Forrel, 
or  Forrest,  in  Fife,  and  his  father  had  been  master-stabler  to 
James  IV.  After  acquiring  the  rudiments  of  grammar  in  Scot- 
land he  was  sent  abroad  by  the  kindness  of  a  rich  lady,  and  pros- 
ecuted his  education  at  Cologne.  Returning  to  his  native  coun- 
try, he  was  admitted  a  canon  regular  in  the  monastery  of  St. 
Colm's  Inch.  It  happened  that  a  dispute  arose  between  the  ab- 
bot and  the  canons,  respecting  the  allowance  due  to  them,  ancf 

*  Sir  M'iisa  title  g: veil  to  priests.     SpoUis.  95. 


NOTES.  409 

the  latter  get  the  book  of  foundation  to  examine  intr)  their  rights. 
The  abbot,  with  the  view  of  indiieiug  theni  to  part  with  tliis, 
gave  them  a  volume  of  Aii;;ustine's  v.orks,  which  was  in  tlie  mon- 
astery. "  O  happy  an:l  blessed  was  that  book  to  me  (did  For- 
rest often  say  afterwards)  by  which  I  came  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  truth  !"  He  then  applied  himself  to  the  readins;  of  tlic  Scrip- 
tures. The  epistle  to  the  Romans  attracted  his  particular  atten- 
tion. He  convened  a  number  of  the  young  canons :  ••  but  the  old 
bottles  (he  used  to  say,)  would  not  receive  the  new  wine."  T!ie 
abbot  frequently  advised  him  to  keep  his  mind  to  himself,  else  he 
would  incur  punishment.  "I  thank  you,  my  lord,  (was  his  an- 
swer,) ye  are  a  friend  to  my  body.  b;it  not  to  Jiiy  soul."  Ke  Vt'as 
afterwards  admitted  to  tl.e  vicarage  of  Dollar,  in  which  situa- 
tion he  rendered  himself  obnoxioiis  to  his  brethren,  by  his  diligence 
in  instructing  his  parish,  and  his  benevolence  in  freeing  them 
from  oppressive  exactions.  When  the  agL'uts  of  tlie  pope  came 
into  his  bounds  to  sell  indulgences,  he  said,  "  Parishioners,  I  am 
hound  to  speak  the  truth  lo  you.  This  is  but  to  deceive  you. 
There  is  no  pardon  for  our  sins  ihat  can  come  to  us,  either  from 
pope  or  any  other,  !>ut  only  by  the  blood  of  Christ."  He  compos- 
ed a  short  catechiin.  It  was  his  custom  to  rise  at  0  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  and  sti'dy  till  mid-day.  He  committed  three  chap- 
ters of  the  Bible  to  memory  every  day,  and  made  his  servant  hear 
him  repeat  them  at  night.  He  was  often  summoned  before  the 
bishops  of  Dunkeld  and  St.  Andrews.  These  facts  were  commu- 
nicated by  bis  servant,  Andrew  Kiriiie  in  a  letter  to  .Toim  D;ivid- 
son,  who  inserted  them  in  hi-,  account  oi'Scottish  martyrs.  Caid. 
MS.  i.  99.  100, 13t. 

An  amusing  account  of  his  examination  before  the  bishop  of 
Dunkeld  may  be  >'ieeu  in  Fox^  1153;  aud  an  interesting  account 
of  his  trial,  in  Pitscottie,  150 — 152.  But  both  these  authors  are 
wrong  as  to  the  time  of  his  martyrdom,  the  latter  placing  it  in 
1530,  and  the  former  in  1540,  instead  of  153S.  Fox  says,  that 
three  or  four  men  of  Stirling  suffered  death  at  (lie  same  time,  be- 
cause they  were  present  at  the  marriage  of  "the  vicar  of  Tv.y- 
boi'yc,  (Tullybody)  near  Stirling,  and  did  eat  Hesli  in  iont,  at  the 
^aid  bridall,"  p.  1154<. 

Note  F.  p.  27 

I  shall,  in  this  note,  mention  a  few  facts  respecting  those  eminent 
men  who  were  obliged  to  forsake  their  native  country,  at  this  pe- 
riod, in  consequence  of  having  expressed  their  friendship  to  thft 
Reformatioj). 


410  irOTES. 

Gawin  Logie,  who,  in  his  important  station  of  rector  of  St  hcut 
nard's  College,  was  so  useful  in  spreading  the  reformed  doctrine, 
drew  upon  himself  the  jealousy  of  the  clergy.  More  decided  in 
his  sentiments,  and  more  avowed  in  his  censure  of  the  prevailing 
abuses,  than  the  sub-prior  of  the  abbey,  (who  seems  to  have  main- 
tained his  situation  until  the  establishment  of  the  reformation,) 
Logie  found  it  necessary  to  consult  his  safety  by  leaving  the  coun- 
try in  1533,  Cald.  MS.  i.  82.  I  have  not  seen  any  notice  taken  of 
him  after  this,  Robert  Logie,  a  kinsman  of  his,  was  a  canon  regular 
of  Cambuskenneth,  and  employed  in  instructing  the  noviciates. 
Having  embraced  tlie  reformed  sentiments,  he,  in  1538,  fled  into 
England,  and  became  a  preacher  there.  Thomas  Cocklaw,  parish 
priest  of  Tullybody,  seems  to  have  accompanied  him,  and  was 
employed  in  the  same  manner.     Ibid.  p.  97. 

Mexandcr  Seatoiia  was  confessor  to  James  V.  The  cause  of  his 
flight  from  Scotland,  his  letter  to  the  king,  and  his  retiring  to 
Engiaml,  are  recorded  in  our  common  histories.  Fox,  (p.  loo) 
informs  us  that  he  was  accused  of  heresy  before  Gardiner,  bishop 
of  Winchester,  in  154-1,  and  induced  to  recant  certain  articles 
%vhich  he  had  preached.  Spottiswood  (p.  65.)  speaks  of  "  the 
treatises  he  left  behind  him,"  and  among  others  "  his  examina- 
tion by  Gardiner  and  Bonner,"  from  wliich  it  appears  that  "  he 
never  denied  any  point  which  formerly  he  taught."  Fox  had  not 
seen  this.  We  learn  from  another  quarter  that  after  his  trial,  he 
continued  to  preach  the  truths  of  which  he  had  been  accused. 
Bale  mentions  "Processum  suae  examinationis;"  among  his  works, 
and  says,  that  he  died  in  the  family  of  Charles  Brandon,  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  who  retained  him  as  his  chaplain.  He  places  his  death, 
in  1542.     Balei  Script.  Brytan.  post,  pars,  p.  SZi-. 

Alexander  Mess  was  a  canon  of  the  metropolitan  church  of  St. 
Andrews.  His  conversion  to  the  protestaut  faith  was  very  singu- 
lar. Being  a  young  man  of  quick  parts  well  acquainted  with 
scholastic  theology,  and  having  studied  theLutheran  controversy  ^ 
he  undertook  to  reclaim  Patrick  Hamilton  from  heresy,  and  held 
several  conferences  with  him  for  this  purpose.  But  instead  of  this 
he  was  himself  staggered  by  the  reasoning  of  that  gentleman.  His 
doubts  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  constancy  with  which  he 
saw  Hamilton  adhere  to  his  sentiments  to  the  last,  amidst  the  scorn, 
rage,  and  cruelty  of  his  enemies.  Alesii  Pr.tfat.  Comment  iu 
Joannem.  Jacobi  Thomasii  Oratiodc  Alex.  Alesio.  Lipsiae,  1683, 
apud  Bayle,  Dictionnaire  Art.  Ales.  A  short  time  after,  he  de- 
livered a  Latin  oration  before  an  ecclesiastical  synod,  iu  which  he 
censured  tlje  vices  of  the  clergy,  and  exhorted  them  to  diligence 
and  a  godly  life.  This  bringing  him  under  suspicion,  he  was 
thrown  into  prison,  from  which,  aftw  remaining  a  year,  he  made 


NOTES.  ^11. 

his  escape,  and  getting  into  a  vessel  whicli  lay  on  the  coast,  eluded 
his  persecutors.  This  was  in  15a2.  Cald.  MS.  i,  76.  He  went 
to  Germany;  and  in  1535  came  over  to  England,  recommended  by 
Melanchton  to  archbishop  Cranmer.  Being  present  in  the  En- 
glish convocation,  he,  at  the  desire  of  lord  Cromwell,  engaged, 
without  preparation,  in  a  dispute  with  the  popish  bishops  on  the 
sacraments.  Henry  VIII.  used  to  call  him  his  Scholar.  Arch- 
bishop Parker  calls  him,  viriun  in  theologia  perdiictum.  In  1540 
he  returned  to  Germany,  and  was  made  professor  of  Divinity  at 
Leipsic.  He  assisted  at  a  public  conference  between  the  Roman 
Catholics  and  Protestants  ;  Avrote  many  books  which  were  much 
esteemed ;  and  was  alive  in  1557.  Strype's  Cranmer,  p.  402, 403. 
Bayle,  Diet,  ut  supra.  Bishop  Bale  was  personally  acquainted 
with  him,  and  has  enumerated  his  works,  p.  176, 

John  Fife  also  fled  from  St.  Andrews;  accompanied  Aless  to 
Germany,  and  shared  in  his  honours  at  Leipsic.  He  returned  to 
Scotland,  acted  as  a  minister,  and  died  at  St.  Leonards,  soon  af- 
ter the  Reformation.  Cald.  MS.  i.  78.  Knox,  20.  Strype's  Cran- 
mer, 403. 

John  JPBee,  known  on  the  continent  by  the  name  of  Lr.  Mnc- 
cahams,  fled  to  England,  where  he  was  entertained  by  Bishop 
Shaxton.  He  afterwards  retired  to  Denmark,  and  was  of  great 
use  to  Christian  III.  in  the  settlement  cf  the  reformed  religion  iu 
his  dominions.  He  was  made  a  professor  in  the  university  of  Co- 
penhagen. Gerdesii  Historia  Evang.  Renovat.  iii.  417 — 425. 
The  Danish  monarch  held  him  in  great  esteem,  and,  at  his  re- 
quest, wrote  to  queen  Mary  of  England,  in  behalf  of  his  brother- 
in-law  Miles  Coverdale,  bishop  of  Exeter,  the  venerable  transla- 
tor of  the  Bible,  who  was  released  from  prison  through  his  impor- 
tunity. Bale,  ut  supra,  p.  226.  Fox,  1390.  Maccab<5eus  was  one 
of  the  translators  of  the  Danish  Bible,  first  printed  at  Copenhagen 
in  1550.  Mattaire,  apud  Chalmers's  Lindsay,  i.  82.  An  edition 
of  Lindsay's ''Monarchie"  bears  on  the  title-page  that  it  wais 
*'  imprihtit  at  the  command  and  expensis  off  Dr.  Machabaens,  iu 
Capmanhouin."  But  the  editor  of  Lyndsay  insists  that  this  is 
"  a  deceptions  title-page."  Ibid.  80,  81.  3Iaccabaeus  was  alivC; 
and  in  the  university  of  Copenhagen,  anno  1557.  Albert  Thura;, 
Histor.  Literar.  Danoruni,  p.  333.  This  writer  (p.  274.)  men- 
tions "  Annot.  iu  Matthaeum"  as  written  by  him,  but  does  not  say 
whether  it  was  a  MS.  or  printed  book.  Bale  mentions  another 
work  of  his,  p.  226. 

Macdowal  repaired  to  Holland,  and  was  so  esteemed  that  he 
was  raised,  though  a  stranger,  to  the  chief  magistracy  in  one  of 
its  boroughs.     Knox,  20. 

John  Macbraij.  or  Macbrair,  a  gentleman  of  Gallowav,  fled  to 
0  3 


412  NOTES. 

England  about  1538,  and  at  the  death  of  Edward  VI.  retired  tQ 
Frankfort,  v/here  he  preached  to  the  English  congregation.  Trou- 
hles  of  Fi  auckford,  p.  13,20,  25.  Spottiswood,  97.  He  returned, 
to  England  upon  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  and  became  a  preach- 
er in  that  country.  He  is  called  "  an  eminent  exile."  Wtrype's 
Annals,  i.  130.  Griiidal.  p.  20.  On  the  13th  November  1568,  he 
v/as  inducted  to  the  vicarage  of  St.  Nicholas,  in  Newcastle,  and 
was  buried  there  in  November  1584.  Dr.  Jackson  complains  that 
"  Maskbray,  Ivuos,  and  Udale  had  sown  their  tares  in  New- 
castle." Heylin  speaks  in  the  same  strain.  Brand's  Hist,  of 
Newcastle,  p.  303.  Bale,  (p.  339.)  says  that  Mackhray  "  wrote 
elegantly  in  Latin."  Spottisw  ood  mentions  some  of  his  works. 
Ut  supra. 

Of  the  celebrated  Buchanan  I  shall  say  nothing  here.  His 
memoirs  have  been  lately  written  by  Dr.  Irving.  James  Harrison 
was  a  native  of  the  south  of  Scotland,  and  liberally  educated, 
says  Bale.  He  seems  to  have  gone  to  England  at  a  period  some- 
what later  than  the  others  mentioned  in  t!us  note.  He  wrote  a 
treatise  Deregnornmu7iio}ie,  in  which  hs  warmly  recommended  to 
his  countrymen  the  advantages  of  an  union  with  England.  It  was 
dedicated  to  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  in  1547.  Bale  (p.  225.)  gives 
the  first  words  of  it,  and  calls  it  "  elegans  ac  mellitum  opus." 
Robert  Richardson  was  a  canon  of  the  monastery  of  Cambusk- 
enneth,  and  fled  to  England  in  1538.  Cald.  MS.  i.  97.  I  sup- 
pose this  to  be  the  same  person  who  is  called  "  Sir  Robert  Rich- 
ardson, priest,"  in  Siidler's  Letters.  He  was  sent  into  Scotland, 
in  1543,  by  Henry  VIII.  with  a  recommendation  to  the  regent  Ar- 
ran.  Avho  employed  him  in  prctvcliing  through  the  kingdom,  along 
with  Guillaume  and  Rough.  When  the  regent  apostatized  from 
the  reformed  cause,  he  withdrev»lus  protection  from  Richardsen, 
who  was  obliged  to  flee  a  second  time  into  England,  to  escape  the 
cardinal's  persecution.     Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  310, 317, 344. 

Note  G.  p.  38. 

Poetry  has  charms  for  persons  of  Jill  descriptions  ;  and  in  re- 
turn  for  the  pleasure  afforded  them,  mankind  have  in  all  ages 
been  disponed  to  allow  to  poets  a  greater  liberty  than  to  other  wri- 
ters. But  it  must  he  confessed,  that  there  is  something  very  sin- 
gular and  unaccountable  in  the  liberties  which  they  were  permit- 
ted to  take,  during  the  reign  of  popery,  in  exposing  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  <jhurch.  The  same  persons,  who,  at  the  call  of  the 
pope  and  clergy,  were  prepared  to  undertake  crusades  for  the  ex- 
tirpation of  heresy,  entertained  and  listened  to  poets  who  inveigh- 
ed against  the  abuses  of  the  court  of  Itome,.  and  lampooned  tU^ 


iJ^OTES.  41 S 

kligious  orders.  One  (lay  they  assisted  at  an  auto  tlaj'e,  in  wiiicii 
heretics  were  burned  in  houaiir  of  the  Catholic  church  x  next  day 
they  M  ere  present  at  the  acting  of  a  play,  in  which  the  ministers 
of  that  church  were  held  up  to  ridicule.  lu  the  height  of  power, 
and  security  of  indolence,  the  clergy  had  despised  and  overlook- 
ed these  attacks  ;  it  was  only  from  experience  that  they  learned 
their  hurtful  effects ;  and  before  they  made  the  discovery,  the 
practice  had  become  so  common  that  it  could  no  longer  be  re- 
strained. 

Those  who  have  investigated  the  causes  of  the  Reformatioii 
from  popery,  have  ascribed  no  small  share  of  influence  to  the  wri- 
tings of  poets.  Boccaelo,  and  other  poets  and  satirists  of  Italy, 
by  descanting  upon  the  ambition,  luxury,  and  scandalous  man- 
ners of  the  clergy,  contributed  greatly  to  lessen  the  veneration  in 
which  they  had  been  long  held,  and  to  produce  iu  the  minds  oF 
men  a  conviction  of  the  necessity  of  a  reformation.  The  writings 
of  Cbaiieer,  but  especially  of  Langland,  had  the  same  eii'ect  iu 
Eijgland.  When  the  reiigioas  straggle  had  actually  commenced 
and  became  hot,  a  diversion,  by  uo  means  inconsiderable,  was 
made  in  favour  of  the  reformers  by  tlie  satirists  and  poets  of  the 
age.  A  pantomime,  intended  to  degrade  the  court  of  Rome  and 
the  clergy,  was  acted  before  Charles  V.  at  the  Augustan  assembly. 
Lud.  Fabricius  de  ludis  scenicis,  p.  23i.  Gerdesii  Historia  Evan- 
gel. Rendvat.  torn.  ii.  Docum.  No.  7.  p.  48.  in  ±32i,  a  tnigedy 
was  acted  at  Paris  in  the  presence  of  Francis  1.  in  which  the 
pope  and  cardinals  were  ridiculed,  and  the  success  of  Luther  rep- 
resented, by  kindling  a  fire  which  all  their  efforts  could  not  ex- 
tinguish. Jacob.  Biirchard.  de  YitaUlriei  Hutteni.  Pars  ii.  293» 
pars  iii.jp.  29(K  apud  Gerdes.  ut  supra.  As  late  as  1561,  the  pope's 
ambassador  complained  to  the  queen  mother  of  France,  that  the 
young  king,  Charles  IX.  had  assist:  d  at  a  shew,  in  which  he  had 
counterfeited  a  friar.  Letters  of  the  Cardinal  de  St.  Croix,  pre- 
fixed to  Aynions,  Synodes  Nationaux  de  France,  torn.  i.  p.  7—11. 
Similar  exhibitions  took  place  in  Holland.  Brand's  Hi.?t.  of  the 
Reformation,  i.  127,  lis.  Lond.  1720.  And  in  England.  Bur- 
net's Hist,  of  the  Reform,  i.  318. 

In  Scotland,  the  same  weapons  were  employed  in  attacking  the 
church.  The  first  protestaut  books  circulated  in  Scotland  came 
chiefly  from  England.  Mr.  Chalmers  has  mentioned  "  the  very- 
first  reforming  treatise  which  was,  probably,  written  in  Scotland," 
compiled  by  "  Johne  Gau,"  and  printed  at  Malmoe  in  Sweden, 
anno  1533.  We  would  have  been  still  more  obliged  to  the  learn- 
ed author,  if  he  had  given  us  some  idea  of  its  contents,  instead  of 
dismissing  it  with  tlie  flourish.  "  Had  all  been  like  this  !"  which, 
whether  he  meant  to  apply  to  the  elegance  of  the  priuliug,  or  the 


orthodoxy  of  the  sentiments,  it  is  difficult  to  say.  Caledonia,  iC 
61&.  Cahlerwood  seems  to  say  that  books  against  popery  began  to 
be  printed  in  this  country  in  1548.  MS.  ad  h.  ann.  But  previous 
to  that  period  the  reformed  sentiments  were  diffused  by  metrical 
and  dramatic  writings.  The  satire  of  Buchanan  against  the 
FraiTciscan  friars  w  as  elegant  and  pungent,  but.  being  written  iu 
Latin,  it  could  be  felt  only  by  the  learned.  The  same  may  be 
said  as  to  his  Baptistes.  Kennedy  and  Kyllor,  both  martyrs,  had 
a  rich  vein  for  Scottish  poetry.  Kyllor's  scripture-drama  (see  p. 
40S)  was  exhibited  before  James  V.  at  Stirling,  abont  the  year 
153 J;  and  the  most  simple  perceived  the  resemblance  between  the 
Jewish  priests  and  the  Scottish  clergy,  iu  opposing  the  truth,  and 
perseculing  its  friends.  Knox,  32.  Soon  after,  Alexander,  Lord 
Kilmaurs  wrote  his  Epistle  from  the  hermit  of  Lareitto  the  grey- 
friars.  Ibid.  24,  25.  James  Stew  art,  son  of  lord  Methven,  com- 
posed poems  and  ballads  in  a  similar  strain,  after  the  death  of  the 
vicar  of  Dollar  ;  and  Mr.  Robert  Alexander,  advocate,  published 
the  earl  of  KrroTf  s  Testament,  in  Scots  metre,  which  was  printed 
at  Edinburgh.  Cald.  MS.  i.  10.3.  But  the  poet  who  had  the 
greatest  influence  in  promoting  the  reformation  was  Sir  David 
Lindsay.  His  "  Satyre  on  the  three  Estates"  and  his  "  ^to- 
narchie"  h;id  this  for  their  principal  object.  The  former  was 
acted  at  Cupar  in  Fife,  in  ihe  year  1535  ;  at  Linlithgow,  before 
the  king  and  queen,  the  court,  and  country,  in  1540  ;  and  at  Edin- 
burgh, before  tlie  queen  regent,  a  great  part  of  the  nobility,  and  an 
exceeding  great  number  of  people,  in  1554.  Chalmers's  Lindsay, 
j.  00,  01.  Row  says,  that  it  was  also  acted  "  in  the  amphitheatre 
of  St.  Joiinstoun."  MS.  p.  3.  It  exposed  the  avarice,  luxury,  and 
profligacy  of  the  religious  orders;  the  temporal  poMer  and  opu- 
lence of  the  bishops,  with  tlieir  total  neglect  of  preaching;  the 
prohibition  of  the  reading  of  the  scriptures  in  the  vulgar  tongue,- 
the  extolling  of  pardons,  relics,  &c.  In  his  "  Monarchies,"  com- 
posed by  him  at  a  subsequent  period,  he  traced  the  rise  and  pro- 
gress of  the  papacy,  and  has  discovered  a  knowledge  of  history,  and 
of  the  causes  that  produced  the  corruption  of  Christianity,  which 
ivould  not  disgrace  any  modern  author.  The  poems  of  Lind- 
say, were  read  by  "  every  man,  woman,  and  child."  Roav,  in 
his  Historic  of  the  Kirk,  has  preserved  a  striking  instance  of  their 
influence,  in  alienating  the  scholars  of  Andrew  Simson  at  Perth 
ft'om  the^established  religion,  which  led  to  the  conversion  of  the 
master  to  the  reformed  faith.  I  shall  not  insert  it  here,  as  it  has. 
been  lately  published  in  tlie  Edin.  Christian  Instructor,  vol.  i.  p. 
2S9.  James  Wcdderburu,  son  of  a  merchant  in  Dundee,  converted 
thr  history  of  the  beheading  of  .Tohn  the  Baptist  into  a  dramatic 


NOTES.  413 

form;  and  also  the  history  of  tyrant  Dionysius,  >vhii'h  were  actc4 
at  Dundee.  In  both  the  popish  religion  was  attacked.  C'ald.  M^, 
ad  ann.  1540.  Dalyell's  Cursory  Remarks,  p.  31. 

In  every  protestaut  country,  a  metrical  version  of  the  psalms, 
ia  the  varnaeular  language,  appeared  at  a  very  early  period.  The 
French  version  begun  by  Clement  Marot-,  and  completed  by  Beza, 
contributed  much  to  the  spread  of  the  Reformation  in  France. 
The  Psalms  were  sung  by  Francis  I.  and  Henry  II.  and  by  their 
courtiers  :  even  Catholics  flocked  for  a  time  to  the  assemblies  of 
the  Protestants  to  listen  to  their  psalmody.  Bayle.  Dietioiinaire, 
art.  Marot,  Notes  N,  O,  P.  At  a  later  period.  Cardinal  Cbas- 
tillon  proposed  to  the  papal  ambassador,  as  the  best  method  for 
checking  the  progress  of  heresy,  that  his  holiness  should  author- 
ize some  good  and  godly  songs  to  be  sung  by  the  French,  '•  cantar 
alcune  cose  in  lingua  Francese,  le  quail  pero  fossero  parole  buono 
et  sante,  et  prima  approvat  de  sua  Beatitudine."  Lettres  de  St. 
Croix,  chez  Aymons,  ut  supra,  tom.  i.  7,  9,  11.  It  has  been  said, 
that  there  was  a  Scots  version  of  the  Psalms  at  a  very  early  period. 
Dalyell's  Cursory  Remarks,  p.  35.  It  is  more  certain,  that  before 
the  year  1516,  a  number  of  the  Psalms  were  translated  in  metre  ; 
for  George  Wishart  sung  one  of  them  (the  51st)  in  the  house  of 
Ormiston,  on  the  night  in  which  he  was  apprehended.  Knox,  His- 
toric, p.  49.  The  two  lines  quoted  by  Knox  answer  to  the  begin- 
ning of  the  second  stanza  of  the  51st  Psalm,  inserted  in  Scottish 
poems  of  the  16th  century,  p.  111.  They  were  commonly  sung  in 
the  assemblies  of  the  protestauts,  anno.  1556.  Knox,  96.  John 
and  Robert  Wedderburn,  brothers  to  the  poet  mentioned  above,  ap- 
pear to  have  been  the  principal  translators  of  them.  Cald.  MS. 
i.  lOS,  109.  The  version  was  not  completed  ;  and  at  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Reformation,  it  was  supplanted  in  the  churches, 
by  the  more  exact  and  improved  version  which  was  published  at 
Cxeneva  in  1559. 

But  the  most  singular  measure  adopted  for  circulating  the  re- 
formed opinions  in  Scotland  was  the  compositioa  of  "  Gude  and 
godly  bal'ates,  changed  out  of  prophaine  sanges,  for  avoyding  of 
sinne  and  harlotrie."  The  two  persons  last  named  seem  also  to 
have  been  the  chief  authors  of  this  composition.  Caid.  ut  supra. 
Row's  Hist,  of  the  Kirk,  p.  4.  The  title  sufficiently  indicates  their 
nature  and  design.  The  air,  the  measure,  the  initial  line,  or  the 
{'horns  of  the  ballads  most  commonly  sung  bv  the  people  at  that 
time,  were  transferred  to  hymns  of  devotion.  Unnatural,  indelicate, 
and  gross  as  this  association  must  appear  to  ns,  these  spiritual 
songs  edified  multitudes  at  that  time.  We  must  not  think  that 
ibis  originated  in  any  pecnliar  ilepraration  of  taste  in  onr  reformi- 


416  NdTES. 

ing  countrymew.  Spiritual  songs  constructed  upon  the  same  prin- 
ciple obtained  in  Italy.  Roscoe's  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  i.  309. 4to. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation  in  Holland  tlie  very  same 
practice  was  adopted  as  in  Scotland.  •'  The  protestants  first  sung 
in  their  families,  and  private  assemblies,  the  psalms  of  the  noble 
lord  of  Nievelte,  which  he  published  in  1540.  ut  homines  ab 
amatoriis,  hand  rare  obscoenis,  aliisque  vanis  eantieis,  quibus 
omnia  in  urbibus  et  vicis  personabant  avocaret.  Sed  quia  modula- 
tiones  vanarum  cantionum  (alias  enim  homines  non  tenebant)  ad- 
hibue  rat,  &c."  Gisberti  Voetii  Politica  Ecclesiastica,  torn,  i,  p. 
.934,  Amstcslod.  1663.  4to.  Florimond  de  Remond  objected  to  the 
psalms  of  Marot,  that  the  airs  of  some  of  them  were  borrowed 
from  vulgar  ballads.  A  Roman  Catholic  version  of  the  Psalms 
in  Flemish  verse,  printed  at  Anvers,  by  Simon  Cock,  an.  1540^ 
has  the  first  line  of  a  ballad  printed  at  the  head  of  every  psalra. 
Bayle  Diet.  art.  Marot.  Note  N.  The  spiritual  songs  of  Colle- 
tet  which  were  printed  at  Paris,  with  the  royal  licence,  were  form- 
ed upon  the  model  of  such  ballads  as  this,  Ilfaut  chanter  une  his- 
toire  de  lafemme  dPun  nianant^  &c.  Jurieu,  Apologie  pour  les  Re- 
forniateurs,  &c.  torn.  i.  129.  4to. 

Note  H.  p.  38. 

Mr.  Hume  has,  not  very  philosophically,  inferred  the  savage-^ 
ness  of  Knox's  temper  from  the  evident  satisfaction  with  which  he 
wrote  of  Cardinal  Beatoun's  assassination;  and  in  this  judgment 
he  has  been  followed  by  many.  If  to  express  satisfaction  at  th«i 
cutting  oft' of  one  who  was  regarded  as  a  public  enemy  be  viewed 
as  an  infallible  mark  of  cruelty,  we  must  pronounce  the  verdict 
upon  many  who  were  never  before  suspected  of  such  a  disposition. 
The  manner  in  which  the  Christian  fathers  expressed  themselves 
respecting  the  death  of  the  persecutors  of  the  church,  is  not  un- 
known. See  Julian  the  apostate,  chap,  vii,  viii.  apud  Works  of 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Johnson,  p.  22—24.  Bayle,  Critique  Generale 
de  I'histoire  du  Calviuisme  p.  295.  Even  the  mild  and  philoso- 
phical  Erasmus  could  not  refrain  from  declaring  his  joy  at  the 
violent  death  of  two  of  the  most  learned  and  eminent  reformers. 
"  Bene  habet  (says  he)  quod  duo  Coripha^i  perierunt,  Zuinglias  in 
acie,  Oecolampadius  paulo  post  febri  et  apostemate.  Quod  si  illis 
favissit  Evua^iof ,  actum  est  de  nobis."  Epist.  1205,  apud  Jortin's 
Life  of  Erasmus,  ii.  28.  Mr.  Walter  Scot  in  his  Cadijoiv  Castls 
(See  Lyric  Pieces)  has  lately  employed  all  his  poetic  powers  to 
invest  Hamilton  of  Bothwellhaugh  with  the  character  of  a  hero, 
in  j^ssn^ainatinjr  1'?p  redout  •\lnrrny-  n  person  who  is  no  more  to  be 


I 


NOTES.  417 

fcompared  to  cardinal  Beatoim  than  "  Hyperion  to  a  Satyr."  I 
know  the  apology  that  will  be  made  for  the  poet  (although  I 
think  he  might  have  found,  in  this,  and  in  many  other  instances,  a 
subject  infinitely  more  worthy  of  his  muse ;)  but  what  shall  we 
say  of  the  historian,  who  narrates  the  action  of  Bothwellhaugh 
approvingly^  celebrates  the  '■  happy  pencil"  of  the  poet  in  describ- 
ing it,  and  insults  over  the  fall  of  Murray,  by  quoting  a  sarcastic 
line  from  the  poem,  in  the  very  act  of  relating  his  death !  Chal- 
mers's Caledonia,  ii.  571.  Yet  this  same  writer  is  highly  displeas- 
ed that  Sir  David  Lindsay,  in  his  Tragedy  of  Beaton,  has  "  no 
burst  of  indignation"  at  the  cardinal's  murder  ;  and  tivice  over  iu 
the  same  work  has  related,  with  indignation,  that  on  the  margin 
of  one  edition  of  Knox's  history,  the  part  which  James  Melvin 
acted  in  that  scene  is  called  a  "  godly  fact."  Chalmers's  Works 
of  Lyndsay,  vol.  i.  S*.  33.  ii.  2.3  i.  I  mention  these  things  to 
shew  the  need  which  certain  writers  have  to  look  at  home,  and  to 
judge  of  characters  and  actions  with  a  little  more  impartiality,  or 
at  least  consistency. 

"  It  is  very  horrid  (says  Mr  Hume),  but  at  the  same  time  some 
what  amusing  to  consider  the  joy,  alacrity,  and  pleasure  which  that 
historian  [Knox]  discovers  in  his  narrative  of  this  assassination." 
History  of  England,  vol.  vi.  chap.  iv.  The  historian  makes  a 
partial  apology  for  Knox  by  the  description  which  hegives  of  liis 
own  feelings  ;  while  he  ailoMS  that  what,  in  the  main, excites  hor- 
ror, may  produce  some  amusement.  It  is  well  known  that  there 
are  writers  who  can  treat  the  most  sacred  subjects  with  a  levity 
bordering  upon  profanity.  Must  we  at  once  pronounce  them  pro-- 
fane  ?  and  is  nothing  to  be  set  down  to  the  score  of  natural  tem- 
per inclining  them  to  wit  and  humour  .^  The  reformer  rojoipcd  a) 
the  death  of  Beatoun.  And  even  those  who  could  not  approve  of 
the  act  of  the  conspirators,  were  happy  that  he  was  taken  away. 
"  As  for  the  Cardinal  we  grant. 

He  was  a  man  we  weell  might  want, 
And  we'll  forget  him  sone  : 

And  yet  I  think  the  sooth  to  say, 

Altheugh  thelown  was  M-eell  away, 
The  deed  was  foully  done." 
The  pleasantry  which  Knox  has  niir.gied  with  his  narrative  of  his 
death  and  burial  is  unseasonable,  and  unbecoming.  But  it  is  to  be 
imputed  not,  to  any  pleasure  which  he  took  in  describing  a 
bloody  scene,  but  to  the  strong  propensity  which  he  had  to  indulge 
kis  vein  of  humour.  Those  who  have  read  his  history  with  atten- 
tion must  have  perceived  that  he  is  not  able  to  check  this,  even 
on  very  serious  occasions.  I  shall  at  present  refer  to  one  instance 
only.     None  will  doubt  that  his  mind  Ma"*  deeply  affected  in  rer 


4tS  IfOTES. 

latuig  the  trial  and  execution  of  his  much  esteemed  friend  and  iu- 
struttor,  George  Wishart.  Yet  even  in  the  midst  of  his  narrative 
of  this,  he  could  not  abstain  from  inserting  the  truly  ludicrous  de- 
scription of  a  quarrel  which  arose  on  the  occasion  between  the 
archbishops  of  St.  Andrews  and  Glasgow;  for  which  he  apolo^ 
gizesthus  :  "  Gif  we  interlace  merrines  with  ernest  matters,  par- 
done  us,  gude  reidare ;  for  the  fact  is  sa  notable,  that  it  deservifs 
iang  memorie."     See  Historic,  p.  51. 

Note  I.  p.  54. 

I  shall  transcribe  his  account  of  the  exercise  of  his  mind,  du- 
ring his  confiuement  in  the  galleys,  from  the  MS.  copy  of  the 
Treatise  on  Praijer  in  my  possession,  preserving  the  original  or- 
thography, which  is  altered  in  the  printed  edition.  Those  who 
have  access  to  the  latter  can  compare  the  two  together. 

"  I  meue  not  (says  he)  that  any  man,  in  extreamitie  of  trubill, 
can  be  witliout  a  present  dolour,  and  without  a  greater  feir  of 
trubill  to  follow.  Trubill  and  feir  are  the  verie  spurris  to  prayer. 
For  when  man,  <'ompassit  about  with  vehement  calamiteis,  and 
vexit  with  continewall  solicitude,  having  by  help  of  man  no  hope 
of  deliverance,  with  soir  oppressit  and  punissit  hart,  feiring  alse 
greater  punisment  to  follow,  from  thedeip  pit  of  tribulation,  doith 
call  to  God  for  comfort  and  support,  such  prayer  aseendeth  into 
Godis  presence,  ami  returncth  not  in  vane."  Having  illustrated 
this  from  the  exercise  of  David,  as  described  in  the  7th  psalm, 
he  proceeds.  "  This  is  not  written  for  David  onlie,  but  for  all 
suche  as  sail  suffer  tribulalioun  to  the  end  of  the  world.  For,  I, 
the  wryter  hereof,  (lat  this  he  said  to  the  laude  and  prais  of  God 
allonc)  in  angusche  of  niynd,  and  vehement  tribulalioun  and  af- 
ilietioun,  called  to  the  Lord,  when  not  onlie  the  uugodlie,  but  evin 
my  faithful!  breiher,  ye  and  my  awn  self  (that  is,  all  natural  un- 
derstanding) jiidgeitmy  cause  to  be  irremeadable  ;  and  yit  in  my 
greatest  calamitie,  and  when  my  panis  wer  most  cruell,  wold  his 
eternall  wisdome  that  my  suld  wryt  far  contrarie  to  the  judge- 
ment of  carnall  reasoce,  whilk  his  mereie  hath  pruved  trew. 
Blessit  be  hishalie  iiciinr.''  And  therefore  dar  I  be  bold,  in  the 
vcritic  of  Godis  word,  (o  prouiei-s  that  notwithstanding  the  vehc- 
meneie  of  trubill,  the  long  contincwanee  thairof,  the  desperatioun 
of  all  men,  the  feirfulnes,  danger  and  angusche  of  oure  awn  har- 
tis,  yit,  yf  we  call  coiistantlie  to  God,  that,  beyound  expectatiouu 
of  all  men,  he  sail  deliver,  p.  D  J — 54.  After  shewing  that  pray- 
ors  for  temporal  deliverance  ought  always  to  be  offered  up  with 

*  Tltf^  word'!  in  Ilnlirs  arc  not  in  the  printed  copies. 


NOTES.  419 

submission  to  the  divine  will,  that  God  often  delays  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  body  wliile  he  mitigates  the  distress  of  the  spirit,  and 
sometimes  permitteth  his  saints  '•  to  drink,  before  the  matiirity  of 
age,  the  bitter  cupe  of  corporall  death,  that  thairby  thay  may  re- 
ceave  medicene,  and  cure  from  all  infirmitie,"  he  adds  :  "  Albeit 
^ve  sie  thairfoir  no  appeirand  help  to  ourselves,  nor  yit  to  otheris 
afflictit,  lat  ws  not  ceis  to  call  (thinking  eur  prayeris  to  be  vane,) 
for  whatsoever  cum  of  our  bodies,  God  sail  gif  unspeikabill  com- 
fort to  the  spreit,  and  sail  turne  all  to  our  comodeties  beyound 
our  awn  expectation.  The  caus  that  I  am  so  lang  and  tedious  in 
this  matter  is,  that  I  knaw  how  hard  the  battell  is  between  the 
spreit  and  the  flesh,  under  the  heavie  cros  of  alflictioun,  whair  no 
warldlie  defence,  but  present  death  dois  appeir.  I  knaw  the  grudge- 
ing  and  murmuring  complaints  of  the  flesche  ;  I  knaw  the  anger, 
wrath,  and  indignatioun,  whilk  it.consaveth  aganis  God,  calling 
all  his  promissis  in  dout,  and  being  readie  everie  hour  utterlie  to 
fall  from  God  :  aganis  whilk  restis  onlie  faith  provoking  us  to  call 
erneistlie,  and  pray  for  assistance  of  Godis  spreit,  whairin  if  we 
continew,  our  maist  desperat  calamiteis  sail  hie  turne  to  gladues, 
and  to  a  prosperous  end.*  To  thee,  O  Lord,  alone  be  prais  ;  for 
with  experience  I  wryt  this,  and  speak.-'  MS.  Letters,  p.  52— 
64.  65,  66. 

The  edition  was  printed  most  probably  in  England  [Rome  is  in 
the  title-page)  during  the  persecution,  from  a  MS.  sent  by  Knox 
fi<om  Dieppe,  and  is  so  incorrect  that  it  is  often  impossible  to  make 
sense  of  it.  The  following  are  specimens.  "  Diftysed,"  fol.  2. 
''  diffieil,"  MS.  "  A  pure  word  of  God,"  fol.  2.  "  a  puritie  al- 
lowit  of  God,"  MS.  «  Consent,"  fol.  3.  '•  conceat,"  MS.  «  May 
any  other  Jesus  Christ,  except  I,  in  these  wordes  make  intercession 
for  sinners  ?"  fol.  11.  "  May  any  other  (Jesus  Christ  except)  in 
these  wordis  mak  intercession  for  sinneris  ?"  MS.  the  transcriber 
having  mistaken  the  concluding  mark  of  parenthesis  for  the  pro- 
noun/. "Carkese  slepe,"  foi.  16.  "  careleslie  slepeth,"  MS.  In 
quoting  Isa.  Ixiv.  5.  the  printed  edition  has  employed  a  word 
which  I  have  not  seen  in  any  old  version  of  the  Bible.  "  Thou 
art  crabbid,  O  Lord,  because  we  have  sinned,"  fol.  4.  and  again 
iu  verse  9.  "  Be  not  crabbid,  O  Lord,  remember  not  our  iniqui- 
ties forever."  In  the  MS.  it  is  angrie,  in  both  instances.  In  fol. 
xvi.  is  a  greater  variation.  "  For  with  such  as  do  aleage  that 
God  may  not  chaunge  his  sentence,  and  our  prayers  therefore  to  be 
vayne,  can  I  no  wyse  agree.  Instead  of  this  the  MS.  has,  "  whilk 

*  The  P.  C.  instead  of  "  emi"  'uave  "  fvuc,"  a  wonl  soraelimes  used  in  the 
:VIS.  Letters. 

II  3 


420  NOT£S. 

thing  if  wo  do  unfeanedlLe,  he  will  revoke  his  wrath,  and  in  the 
middis  of  his  furie  think  upon  mercie." — There  are  similar  va- 
riations between  the  MS.  and  the  printed  copies  of  most  of  his 
other  tracts.  They  shew  that  the  MS.  which  I  possess  has  noi^ 
been  transcribed  from  these  copies,  according  to  a  custom  pretty 
eoninion  in  that  age. 

Note  K.  p.  ST. 

In  reading  tlie  writings  of  the  first  reformers,  there  are  two 
tilings  which  must  strike  our  minds.  The  first  is  the  exact  eow- 
formity  between  the  doctrine  maintained  by  them  respecting  the 
juiitification  of  sinners,  and  that  of  the  apostles.  The  second  is  the 
surprising  harmony  wliieh  subsisted  among  the  reformers  as  to 
this  doctrine.  On  some  questions  respecting  the  sacraments,  and 
the  external  govcniment  and  worship  of  the  church, they  differed; 
but  upon  the  arficle  of  free  justification,  Luther  and  Zuinglius, 
Melancthon  and  Calvin,  Cranmcr  and  Knox,  spoke  the  very  same 
language.  This  was  not  owing  to  their  having  read  each  others 
writings,  but  because  tliey  copied  from  the  same  divine  original. 
The  clearness  with  which  they  understood  and  explained  this 
great  truth  is  also  very  observable.  More  learned  and  able  de- 
fences of  it  have  since  appeared  ;  but  I  question  if  ever  it  has  been 
stated  in  more  scriptural,  unequivocal,  decided  language,  than  it 
w  as  in  the  writijigs  of  the  early  reformers.  Some  of  their  succes- 
sors, by  giving  way  to  speculations,  gradually  lost  sight  of  this 
distinguishiiig  badge  of  the  reformation,  and  landed  at  last  in  Ar- 
miuianisin,  which  is  nothing  else  but  the  popish  doctrine  in  a  pro- 
festant  dress.  Knox  has  informed  us,  that  his  design  in  prepar- 
ing for  the  press  the  Treatise  written  by  Sir  Henry  Balnaves  was, 
to  give,  along  with  tlie  author,  his  ''confession  of  the  article  of 
justification  therein  contained.''  1  cannot,  therefore,  lay  before 
the  reader  a  more  correct  view  of  his  sentiments  upon  this  funda- 
itiental  article  of  faitli,  than  by  quoting  from  a  book  which  was  re- 
vised and  approved  by  him. 

Having  given  the  philosophical  definition  of  justice  or  right- 
causiK'ss,  and  explained  what  is  meant  by  civil  and  ceremonial  jus- 
tice, the  autlior  proceeds  as  follows.  '•  The  justice  of  the  law 
morallor  Moses's  law,  which  is  the  law  of  God,  exeeedcth  and  is 
far  above  the  other  two  justices.  It  is  the  perfite  obedience  re- 
quired of  man,  according  to  ail  the  works  and  deeds  of  the  same. 
Not  only  in  cxtuniall  aiid  outward  deed,  bat  also  witii  the  inward 
affections  and  motions  of  tlie  hart,  coriforme  to  the  commande- 
meiit  of  the  same  (saying.)  T'lou  shall  love  thy  Lard  God  with  all 
thy  hart,  with  a!i  thy  mind,  with  al!  thy  power,  and  strength,  and 


NOTES.  '^2i 

thy  neighbour  as  thy  selfe.  This  is  no  other  thing  bnt  (lie  la\v  of 
nature,  preuted  in  the  hart  of  man,  in  the  beginning:  nowe  made 
patent  by  the  moutli  of  God  to  man,  to  utter  his  sin,  and  make  his 
corrupted  nature  more  patent  to  himselfe.  And  so  is  the  lawe  of 
nature  and  the  law  of  Moyses  joyned  together  in  a  knot;  which 
is  a  doctrine,  teaching  all  men  a  perlite  rule,  to  know  what  he 
should  do,  and  what  he  should  leave  undone,  both  to  God  and 
his  neighbour.  The  justice  of  the  lawe,  is  to  fulfill  the  law;  that 
is,  to  doo  the  perfite  workes  of  the  law  as  they  are  required, 
from  the  bottome  of  the  hart,  and  as  they  are  declared  and 
expounded  by  Christ;  and  whosoever  transgresseth  the  same, 
shall  never  be  pronounced  just  of  the  law.  But  there  was  never 
man  that  fulfilled  this  lawe  to  the  uttermost  perfection  thereof 
(except  onely  Jesus  Christ.)  Therefore,  in  the  lawe  can  we  not 
find  our  justice,  because  of  the  deedes  of  the  lawe  no  flesh  shall 
be  made  just  before  God."  p.  57,  jS. 

'•  For  transgression  of  the  commandment  of  God,  our  forefather 
Adam  was  exiled  and  banished  forth  of  paradise,  and  spoiled  of 
the  integrity,  perfection,  and  all  the  excellent  qualities,  dignities, 
and  godlie  vertucs,  Avith  which  he  was  indued  by  his  creation, 
made  rebell,  and  disobedient  to  God  in  his  owne  default.  And 
therefore  he  might  not  fulfill  the  law  to  the  perfection  as  tJie  same 
required.  For  the  lawe  remaining  in  the  owne  perfection,  just, 
holye,  and  good,  requireth  and  asketli  the  same  of  man,  to  be  in 
deed  fulfilled.  But  all  men  proceeding  from  Adam,  by  naturall 
propagation,  have  the  same  imperfection  that  lice  had;  the 
which  corruption  of  nature  resisteth  the  Mill  and  goodnes  of  the 
law,  which  is  the  cause  that  wee  fulfill  not  the  same,  nor  may 
not  of  our  power  and  strength,  through  the  infirmitie  and  ^veaknes 
of  our  flesh,  whicli  is  euemie  to  the  spirit,  as  tlie  apostle  saith.'' 
p.  79,80. 

'•  Notwithstanding,  after  the  fall  of  man.  remained  with  our 
first  parents  some  rest,  and  footsteppes  of  this  lawe,  kuiiwledge, 
and  vertues,  in  the  which  he  was  created,  and  of  hini  descended 
in  us  ;  by  the  which,  of  our  free  will  and  power,  we  may  do  the 
outward  deeds  of  the  law,  as  is  before  written.  This  knowledge 
deceaved  and  beguiled  tbe  philosopliers;  for  they  looke  but  to  tlie 
reason  and  judgement  of  man,  and  could  not  perceave  the  inward 
corruption  of  nature,  but  ever  supponed  man  to  bee  clean  and 
pure  of  nature,  and  might,  of  his  own  free  wil  and  naturall  rea- 
son, fulfill  all  perfection.  And  when  they  perceaved  the  wick 
ednesofman  from  his  birth,  thay  judged  that  to  be  by  reason 
of  the  planete  under  whome  he  was  borne,  or  tiirough  evill  nou- 
rishing, upbringing,  or  other  accidents,  and  couid  nevci-  eon-iidcr 


4S3  NOTES, 

the  corrupted  nature  of  man,  which  is  the  cause  of  all  our  wick- 
ednes;  and  tlierefore  they  erred,  and  were  deeeaved  in  their 
opinions  and  judegments :  but  the  perfite  Christian  man  should 
looke  first  in  his  corruption  of  nature,  and  consider  what  the  law 
requireth  of  him,  in  the  which  he  finding  his  imperfection  and 
sinues  accused,  (for  that  is  the  office  of  the  law,  to  utter  sinne  to 
man,  and  giveth  him  no  remedy,)  then  of  necessitie  is  he  compel- 
led either  to  despaire,  or  seek  Christ,  by  whom  lie  shall  get  the 
justice  that  is  of  value  before  God,  which  can  not  be  gotten  by  any 
law  or  works,  because  by  the  deedes  of  the  law  no  fleshe  shall  be 
justified  before  God,"  p.  81—83. 

"  This  proposition  of  the  holy  spirite  is  so  perfite,  that  it  ex- 
eludeth  (if  ye  will  understande  the  same  right)  all  the  vaine  fool- 
ish arguments  of  sophistrie  made  by  the  justifiers  of  them  selfes, 
which  perverte  the  words  of  S.  Paule  (as  they  doothe  other  scrip- 
tures of  God)  to  their  perversed  sence  and  mind;  (saying,)  that 
the  apostle  excludeth  by  these  wordes  the  workes  of  the  law  cere- 
monial, and  not  the  deeds  of  the  law  of  nature,  and  morall  law 
of  Moyses.  The  which  shameless  sayings  are  expressly  avacuat 
by  the  wordes  of  tlie  apostle,  insomuch  that  no  man  of  righteous 
judgement  can  deny,  but  shall  feel  the  same  as  it  were  in  their 
hands,  by  this  probation.  The  law  speakcth  to  all,  that  is,  ac- 
euseth  all  men  that  are  under  the  law.  All  men  are  under  the 
law  of  nature,  or  the  law  of  Moyses,  therefore  the  apostle  speak- 
eth  of  the  law  of  nature  and  Moyses,  and  of  all  men  which  he 
comprehendcth  under  Jewe  and  Gentill,  as  he  proveth  by  his 
argumentes  in  the  first  and  second  chap,  to  the  Romans,  and  con- 
cludeth  in  tlie  third  chap,  all  men  are  sinners.  If  all  men  bee 
sinners,  none  is  just;  if  none  bee  just,  none  fulfill  thelawe;  if 
none  fulfill  the  lawe,  the  lawe  can  pronounce  none  just ;  therefore 
concludeth  he,  that  of  the  deedes  of  the  lawe  no  fleshe  shall  be 
fonde  just  before  God.  The  same  is  proved  by  David  in  the  13. 
Psalnie.  Here  ye  see  by  the  words  of  the  apostle,  he  intends  to 
prove  and  declare  all  men  sinners;  tliJit  is,  to  stoppe  all  men's 
mouths,  and  to  dry  ve  them  to  Christ  by  the  accusation  of  the  law. 
No  law  may  make  or  declare  all  men  sinners,  and  subdue  the 
whole  world  to  God,  but  tlie  law  of  nature  and  Moyses ;  tlierefore, 
under  that  \Mud  (law)  the  apostle  conipreheiuled  the  law  morall, 
and  not  the  law  ceremonial  ouly,'-  p.  8-t,  83. 

'•  But  think  not  that  T  intende  through  these  assertions  to  ex- 
elude  good  works  ;  no,  God  forbid,  for  good  workes  are  the  gift  of 
God,  and  his  good  creatures,  and  ought  and  should  be  done  of  a 
Christian,  as  slialbe  showeii  hereafter  at  length  in  their  place; 
but  in  this  article  of  justitication,  yee  must  either  exclude  all 
workes.  or  els  exclude  Chri>U  from  you,  and  make  your  selfes  just. 


NOTES.  ^2S 

the  which  is  impossible  to  do.  Christ  is  the  end  or  the  law  (unto 
righteousnes)  to  all  thatbeleeve,  that  is,  Christ  is  the  consumma- 
tion and  fulfilling  of  the  lawe,  and  that  justice  whiche  the  lawe 
requireth;  and  all  they  which  beleeve  in  him,  are  just  by  impu- 
tation through  faith,  and  for  his  sake  are  repute  and  accepted  as 
just.  This  is  the  justice  of  faith  of  the  which  the  apostle  spcak- 
eth,  Rom.  the  10.  chapter:  therefore,  if  yee  willbe  just,  seeke 
Christ,  and  not  the  law,  nor  your  invented  workes^  which  are  lesse 
then  the  law.  Christ  will  have  no  mixtion  with  the  law,  nor 
works  thereof,  in  this  article  of  justification ;  because  the  law  is 
as  eontrarie  to  the  office  of  Christ,  as  darknes  to  light,  and  is 
as  farre  different  as  heaven  and  earth ;  for  the  office  of  the  law  is 
to  accuse  the  wicked,  feare  them,  and  condemne  them,  as  trans- 
gressours  of  the  same ;  the  office  of  Christ  is  to  preache  mercy, 
remission  of  sinnes,  freely  in  his  blonde,  through  faith,  give  con- 
solation, and  to  save  sinners ;  for  hee  came  not  into  this  world  to 
call  them  which  ar  just,  or  think  themselves  just,  but  to  call  sin- 
ners to  repentance,"  p.  100, 126, 127,  12S. 

"  This  faith  which  only  justifieth  and  giveth  life,  is  not  idle, 
nor  remaineth  alone ;  nevertheless,  it  alone  justifieth,  and  (hen  it 
workesby  charitie ;  for  uufained  faith  may  no  more  abvde  idle 
from  working  in  love,  than  the  good  tree  may  from  briugiu"- 
foorth  her  fruit  in  due  time  :  and  yet  the  fruite  is  not  the  cause 
of  the  tree,  nor  maketh  the  tree  good,  but  the  tree  is  the  cause  of 
the  fruit :  and  the  good  tree  bringetli  forth  good  fruite,  by  the 
which  it  is  knowen  goode  ;  even  so  it  is  of  the  ftiitJifull  man,  the 
workes  make  him  not  faithfuU  nor  just,  nor  yet  are  the  cause 
thereof;  but  the  faithful  and  just  man  bringeth  forth  and  maketh 
good  works,  to  the  honor  and  glorie  of  God,  and  profit  of  his 
neighbour,  which  beare  witnesse  of  his  inward  faith,  and  testify 
him  to  be  just  before  man,*'  p.  131,  132.  In  tlie  following  part  of 
the  Treatise,  the  author  shews  at  large,  that  the  doctrine  of  gra- 
tuitous justification  does  not  release  Christians  from  obiigatiou 
to  perform  good  works,  and  inculcates  the  duties  incumbent  nj)on 
them  in  the  different  spheres  of  life  in  which  they  may  be  placed. 
Confession  of  Faith;  conteinin^'  how  the  troubled  v.uin  should 
seeke  refuge  at  his  God  ;  compiled  hij  M.  Henry  Balnaves  of  Hal- 
hill^  and  one  of  the  Lords  of  Session  of  Scotland,  being  a  jirisoner 
within  the  old  paUaice  of  Roune,  in  the  year  1518.  T.  Vautrol- 
lier,  Edin.  1518. 

Notes  L.  p.  67. 

I  never  saw  any  printed  copy  of  Knox's  Defence  ocfore  Ton- 
tall,  bishop  of  Durham;  and  the  knowledge  whicii  I  liave  of  its 
having  been  published  is  derived  entirely  from  the  Ilarleian  Mis- 


4S4  NOTES. 

cellany,  inhere  tlie  title  page  is  given.  The  following  quotations 
are  given  from  the  MS.  in  my  possession.*  "  The  fourt  of  Aprvle 
in  the  yeir  1550,  was  appoyntit  to  Johne  Knox,  preacher  of  the 
halie  evangell  of  Jesus  Chryst,  to  gif  his  confessioim  why  hie  af- 
firmed the  mas  idolatrie ;  whilk  day,  in  presence  of  the  consale 
and  congregation,  amangis  whome  was  also  present  the  bischope 
of  Diirain  and  his  doctors,  on  this  manner  hie  beginneth." 

"  Tliis  day  I  do  appeir  in  your  presence,  honourabill  audience, 
to  gif  a  reasone  wliy  so  constantlie  I  do  affirm  the  mes  to  be,  and 
at  ail  tymes  to  half  bene,  idolatrie  and  abominatioun  before  God  ; 
and  becaiis  men  of  great  eruditioiin,  in  your  audience,  affirmed  the 
contrarie,  most  giadlie  Avoid  1  that  heir  thay  Mer  present,  either 
in  proper  persone,  or  els  by  tliair  learnrt  men,  to  ponder  and  wey 
the  causis  moveing  me  thairto  :  for  unles  I  evidently  prufe  myue 
intent  be  Goddis  halie  scriptures,  I  will  recant  it  as  wickit  doc- 
trine, and  confes  my  self  maist  worthie  of  grevous  punisment. 
How  difficii  it  is  to  pull  furtb  of  the  hartis  of  the  pepill  the 
thing  whairin  opiiiioiiu  of  holines  standeth.  declareth  the  great 
tumult  and  uprore  moveit  aganis  Paule  by  Demetrius  and  his 
fellowis,  who  by  idolatrie  gat  great  vantage,  as  oure  priestis  have 
done  be  the  mase  iu  tymes  past.  The  pepill,  I  say,  heering  that 
the  honor  of  thair  great  goddess  Diana  stood  in  jeopardie,  with 
furious  voces  cryit,  great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephesians ; — and  heir- 
iinto  wcr  thay  moveit  be  lang  custome  and  fals  opinioun.  I  knaw, 
that  in  lite  mass  hath  not  onlie  bene  estemit  great  holines  and 
honoiiag  of  God,  but  also  the  ground  and  foundation  of  oure  re- 
ligioun,  so  that  in  the  opinioun  of  many,  the  mas  taken  away, 
thair  restelh  no  trew  wirschipping  nor  honoring  of  God  iu  the 
erth.  T!ic  deiper  hath  it  persit  tlic  hartis  of  men  yat  it  occupy- 
ith  the  plaeo  of  the  last  and  mistical  supper  of  our  Lord  Jesus. 
But  if  1  sal  be  plane  and  evident  scriptures  prove  the  mass,  in  hir 
maist,  honest  garment,  to  haif  bene  idolatrie  befoir  God,  and  blas- 
phemous to  tlie  death  and  passioun  of  Chryst,  and  contrarie  to 
the  supper  of  Jesus  Chryst,  than  gude  hope  have  I,  honorable  au- 
dience, and  bclovit  brethrene,  that  tlie  feir,  love,  and  obedience 
of  God,  who  in  his  scriptures  hath  spoken  in  all  veritie  necessarie 
for  oure  salvatioun,  sail  move  you  to  gif  place  to  the  same.  O 
Lord  eternal !  move  and  governe  my  toung  to  speak  the  veritie, 
and  t!ie  hartis  of  thir  pepill  to  understand  and  obey  the  same." 
p.  1,  2. 

In  proof  of  his  assertion,  he  advanced  and  defended  two  syllo- 
gisms.    The  first  is  thus  stated:    "All  wirschipping,  honoring, 

*  The  ovtiiog-rapliy  of  the  IMS.  is  retained  :  only  the  contracted  syllables 
are  extended. 


NOTES.  4^|i 

at  service  inventit  by  the  hrane  of  man,  in  tlie  religioiin  of  Grod, 
without  his  expres  eoraniandement,  isi  dolatrie.  The  mase  is  in- 
ventit by  the  hrane  of  man  without  any  commandenient  of  God. 
Thairfoir  it  is  idolatrie."'  The  seeond  syllogism  is  thus  framed  :■ 
'•  All  honoring  or  service  of  God  whairunto  is  added  a  wickit  opi- 
ttioun,  is  abominatioun.  Unto  the  mes  is  addit  a  wickit  opinJo;in. 
Thairfoir  it  is  abominatioun."  p.  3,  21.  The  manner  in  which 
our  Reformer  proceeded  in  this  controversy,  by  resting  his  de- 
fence upon  these  propositions,  especially  tlie  first,  corresponds 
with  the  boldness  which  characterised  all  his  proceedings.  A 
more  cautions  and  timid  disputant  would  have  satisfied  himself 
with  attacking  the  more  gross  notions  entertained  by  the  papists 
on  this  subject,  and  the  glaring  abuses  practised  in  the  celebration 
and  selling  of  masses.  He  aimed  his  blow  directly  at  the  root 
of  all  these  evils,  by  advancing  a  principle,  which,  provided  it 
was  established,  overthrew  the  whole  system  of  superstition  and 
will-worship.  In  support  of  the  major  proposition  of  his  first 
syllogism,  he  argues  from  1  Sam.  xiii.  11 — 14.  xv.  22,  23.  Deut. 
iv.  2.  xii.  8,  .32.  1  Cor.  xi.  2.3.  Take  the  following  as  a  speci- 
men. "We  may  not  think  us  so  frie  nor  wyse  that  we  may  do 
unto  God,  and  unto  his  honour,  what  we  think  expedient.  No: 
the  contrarie  is  commaudit  of  God,  saying.  Unto  my  word  sail  ye 
ad  nothing,  nothing  sail  ye  diminische  tha'irfrome,  that  ye  might 
observe  the  precepts  of  your  Lord  God.  AVliilk  m  ordis  ar  not  to 
be  understand  of  the  decalogue  and  law  moral  onlie,  but  of  statu- 
tis,  rytes,  and  ceremonies:  for  equalLobcdience  of  all  his  lawis 
requyreth  God.  And  in  witnes  thairof,  Xadib  and  Abihu  offer- 
ing strange  fire,  whairof  God  had  gevin  unto  thame  na  charge, 
wer  instantlie.  as  thay  offerit,  puuissit  to  death  by  fire. — In  the 
punismcnt  of  llicis  two  afoirsaid  is  to  be  observit,  that  Xadabatid 
Abihu  wer  the  principal  preists  nix(  to  Arou  their  father,  and 
that  (hay  wer  comprehendit  neither  in  adulteric,  covetusnes,  nor 
desyre  of  warldlic  honor,  but  of  a  gud  zeali  and  simpill  intent  Mer 
making  sacrifice,  desyring  no  profit  of  the  pepill  thairby,  but  to 
honor  (iod,  and  to  nietigate  his  v»raitli.  And  yet  in  tlie  doing  of 
this  self  same  act  and  sacrafice  wer  thay  consumit  away  with 
fyre  ;  whairof  it  is  plane,  that  nether  the  pre-eminence  of  the 
persone,  or  man  that  maketh  or  setteth  up  an  religion  without  tlie 
express  coinmandement  of  God,  nor  yet  the  inteiit  whairof  he 
dolth  (he  same,  is  acceptit  befoir  God:  for  nothing  i;i  his  rcli- 
giouti  V.  ill  he  admit  without  his  awu  word,  but  ail  that  is  addi; 
ihuirU)  doith  he  abhor."  p.  6,  7. 

The  following  extracts  will  exempllfv  tlie  irony  with  wiiith 
ije  treated  the  popish  tenets.  "Jesus  Chryst  sayeth,  I  will  la-j 
upo}}  ynii  none  other  hirrdew  tlniv  I baif  aJveid'' :  and,  that  K-hUL- 


426  NOTES. 

ye  haif  observe  dUigentUe.  O  God  eternal !  hast  tliow  laid  none 
biinlene  upon  our  baekis  than  Jesus  Christ  laid  be  his  word  ?  Then 
who  hath  burdened  ws  with  all  theis  ceremoneis  ?  prescrybid 
fasting,  compellit  chastitie,  unlawful  vowis,  invocatioun  of  Sanc- 
tis, and  witii  the  idolatrie  of  the  mesc  ?  The  divill,  the  divill» 
brcthrene,  inventit  all  theis  burdenis  to  depres  imprudent  men 
to  perditioiin,"  p.  10.  Speaking  of  the  canon  of  the  mass,  he 
saith,  "  I  will  preve,  that  thairin  is  indigest,  barbarous,  folische 
congestion  of  wordis,  imperfection  of  sentences,  ungodlie  invoca- 
tiones,  and  diabolicall  conjiirationes.  And  this  is  that  holie  ca- 
non whois  autoritie  precelleth  all  scriptures,  and  was  so  holie  as 
might  not  be  spoken  planelie  as  the  rest,  but  secreitlie  it  behoved 
to  be  whisperit !  That  was  not  evil  devysit ;  for  yf  all  men  had 
hard  it,  sum  would  have  espyit  the  vanitie  thairof. — Thay  say, 
hoc  est  enim  corpus  meum.  I  pray  thame  schew  whair  fund  thay 
enhn?  O !  heir  niak  thay  a  great  matter;  and  heir  lyeth  a  secreit 
misterie,  and  hid  operatioun !  For  in  fyve  wordis  conceaved  the 
virgin  Marie,  say  thay,  when  scho  conceavit  the  Sone  of  God. 
What  yf  sche  had  spoken  sevin,  ten,  or  twentie  wordis  ?  or  what 
yf  sche  had  spokin  thrie  ^  Suld  thairby  the  determinat  consalle 
bene  inipedit .'  O  papists  !  is  God  a  jiiglar  .^  Useth  hie  certain^ 
noiimer  of  wordis  in  performing  his  intent  ?"  p.  18,  19. 

Note  M.  p.  69. 

In  the  Communion  book,  as  set  forth  anno  1548,  the  words 
pronounced  by  the  minister  at  delivering  the  bread  were,  "  Tlie 
body  of  our  Lord  Jesns  Christ  which  was  given  for  thee,  preserve 
thy  body  and  soul  into  everlasting  life."  And  at  the  delivery  of 
the  cup,  "The  blood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  wliich  was  shed 
for  thee,  preserve,"  &c.  As  altered  in  the  reviewed  Prayer- 
]>ook,  the  words  pronounced  weiT,  "  Take  and  eat  this  in  remcm- 
branes  that  Ciirist  died  for  thee,  and  feed  on  him  in  thy  heart 
by  faith.  Brink  this  in  remembrance  Christ's  blood  was  shed 
for  thee,  and  be  thankful."  A  rubric  was  also  added,  to  be  read 
at  tlie  celebration  of  the  communion,  declaring,  that  although  the 
posture  of  kneeling  was  retained  to  signify  our  humble  and  grate- 
fi'.i  aeknowled!i;!nont  of  the  benefits  of  Christ,  and  to  prevent  pro- 
fanation and  disorder;  yet  "no  adoration  is  intended  or  ought  to 
be  done,  eitlicr  to  tlie  sacramental  bread  and  wine  there  bodily 
re('ei%('d,  oi'  tnito  any  eortioral  presence  of  Christ's  natural  Hesh 
and  blood  ;  for  ihc  bread  aisd  Mine  retained  their  natural  sub- 
stances, and  (.'hrist's  natural  body  was  in  heaven,  and  could  not 
bis  ill  more  piaefs  than  one  at  the  same  time."  Collier,  ii.  310. 
l-J'M'ords,  No.  70. 

In  the  sciticMicnl  of  rcli-jrioii.  at  the  commencement  of  Eliza- 


NOTBS.  437 

beth's  reign,  the  old  form  of  words  at  delivering  the  elements, 
was  superinduced  upon  the  new,  which,  like  the  patching  of  old 
and  new  cloth  upon  a  garment,  marred  the  whole,  and  pleased 
neither  protestants  nor  papists.  The  rubric,  explanatory  of  kneel- 
ing, was  thrown  out.  At  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  "  the 
church  thought  fit  (says  Collier)  to  condescend  so  far  as  to  restore 
the  rubric  of  king  Edward's  reign,"  to  please  "  some  people  either 
of  weak  judgments  or  contentious  humours."  A  piece  of  conde- 
scension with  which  the  historian  pretty  plainly  intimates  Lis-dis- 
satisfaction. — In  the  liturgy  which  was  attempted  to  be  imposed 
npon  the  Scottish  church,  anno  1637,  all  the  qualifications  and 
explications  in  the  last  prayer-book  of  Edward  VI.  were  com- 
pletely excluded,  and  various  expressions,  postures,  and  gestures 
favourable  to  the  popish  notions  and  superstition,  were  unblush- 
iugly  borrowed  from  the  mass-book.  But  the  rulers  of  the  church 
in  the  tJiree  kingdoms  were  then  posting  fast  to  Rome,  when  they 
were  overturned  in  their  mad  career. 

Note  X.  p.  85. 

I  shall  endeavour  to  compress  the  body  of  evidence  which  can 
be  produced  for  the  conformity  between  the  private  sentiments  of 
the  English  reformers  respecting  worship  and  church-govern- 
ment, and  those  of  Knox  along  with  the  refermers  of  Switzerland 
and  Geneva.  Hooper,  in  a  letter  dated  Feb.  S,  1550,  informs 
Bullinger  that  "  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  bishops  of  Ito- 
chester,  Ely,  St.  David's,  Lincoln,  and  Bath,  were  sincerely  bent 
en  advancing  the  purity  of  doctrine,  agreeing  in  all  things  with 
the  Helvetic  churches."  Burnet,  iii.  201.  Parkhurst,  bisbop  of 
Norwich,  in  a  letter  to  Gualter,  Feb.  4,  1573,  fervently  exf-^:*  ais, 
«  O !  would  to  God,  would  to  God,  once  at  last^  all  the  Eu.f^Iish 
people  would  in  good  earnest  propound  to  themselves  to  follow 
the  church  of  Zurich  as  the  most  absolute  pattern."  Strype's  An- 
nals, ii.  286,  312. 

Cranmer  expressed  his  opinion  formally  in  writing,  that  '■  th« 
bishops  and  priests  were  at  one  time,  and  were  no  two  things,  but 
both  ONE  OFFICE  in  the  beginning  of  Christ's  religion." — ••  The 
bishop  of  St.  David's,  my  lord  elect  of  Westminster,  Dr.  Cox, 
Dr.  Redman,  say  that  at  the  beginning  they  trere  all  one."  Col- 
lier, ii.  Records,  No.  49.  Burnet,  i.  Append,  f.223 — 225.  TJiir- 
teen  bishops,  with  a  great  number  of  jther  ecclesiastics,  sub- 
scribed this  proposition,  "  that  in  the  New  Testament  there  is  no 
mention  made  of  any  degrees  or  distinctions  in  orders,  but  only  of 
dearf>ns  or  minister.*,  and  of  priests  or  bishops."  Buroet,  ut  supra, 

J  3 


428  NOTES. 

p.  334.  Cratimer  says  «  In  the  New  Testament  he  that  is  ap- 
pointed a  bishop  or  a  priest,  needeth  not  consecration  by  the  scrip- 
ture, for  election,  or  appointment  thereto  is  sufficient."  Of  the 
same  judgment  was  the  bishop  of  !^t.  David's,  ibid.  228,  230. 
Latimer  and  Hooper  maintained  the  identity  of  bishops  and  pres- 
byters, by  divine  institution.  Voetii  Polit.  Eecles.  torn.  ii.  p.  837. 
This  was  also  the  opinion  of  Pilkington,  bishop  of  Durham. 
Treatise  on  the  burning  of  St.  Paul's,  apud.Cald.  AltareDaraas. 
p.  204.  Bishop  Jewel  assents  to  it  in  his  apology  against  Harding, 
p.  121.  Upon  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  he  ex[»ressed  his  hope 
that  "  the  bishops  would  become  pastors,  labourers,  and  watch- 
men, and  that  the  great  riches  of  bishoprics  would  be  diminished 
and  reduced  to  mediocrity,  that  being  delivered  from  regal  and 
courtly  pomp,  they  might  take  care  of  the  flock  of  Christ."  Bur- 
net, iii.  288.  In  the  same  year,  Dr.  Aylraer  addressed  the  right 
reverend  bench  in  these  terms  :  "  Come  of^  you  bishops,  away 
with  your  superfluities,  yield  tip  your  thousands,  be  content  with 
hundreds,  as  they  be  in  other  reformed  churches,  where  there  be 
as  great  learned  men  as  you  are.  Let  your  portion  be  priestlike, 
and  not  princelike.  Let  the  Queen  have  the  rest  of  your  tempo- 
ralities and  other  lands  to  maintain  these  Marres  which  you  pro- 
cured, and  your  mistresse  left  her  ;  and  with  the  reste  builde  and 
found  scholes  thorow  outte  the  realme  :  that  every  parische 
church  may  have  his  preacher,  every  city  his  superintendent,  to 
live  honestly  and  not  pompously  ;  which  will  never  be  onles  youf 
landes  be  dispersed  and  bestowed  upon  many  which  now  feedeth 
and  fatteth  but  one. — I  would  our  countryman  Wicliefe's  boke 
which  he  wrote,  De  Ecchsia,  were  in  print,  and  there  should  you 
see  that  your  wrinches  and  cavillations  be  nothing  worthe.  It 
was  my  chaunce  to  happen  of  it  in  ones  hand  that  brought  it  out  of 
Bohemia."  An  Harborowe  for  faithful  and  trewe  subjects.  O. 
4.  Cranmer  expressed  himself  in  a  similar  strain  respecting  the 
vain  glorious  styles  and  pomp  which  were  come  into  the  church 
through  the  working  of  the  spirit  of  Diotrephcs,  and  professed  his 
readiness  to  lay  them  aside.  Strype's  Cranmer,  Append,  p.  20. 
Burnet,  iii.  105.  Append,  p.  88.  In  fact,  the  title  oi'bisliop  was 
very  gpnerally  disused  in  common  speech,  during  the  reign  of  Ed- 
ward VI.  and  that  of  superintendent  siihsiiiiiiei]  in  its  place.  Pb- 
net,  bishop  of  Wiiichester,  vindicated  this  practice,  in  an  answer 
which  he  published  to  a  popish  writer.  Strype's  Memorials  of 
the  Ucformation,  ii.  411,  41.5. 

It  was  proposed  by  Cranmer  to  erect  courts  similar  to  the  kirk 
sessions  and  provincial  synods  afterwards  introduced  into  the  Scot- 
Tish  cluircli.    Riirnet,  iii.  2M.  Ilcformatio  Leg.  Eecles.  cap.  8,  10. 


NOTES.  429 

He  ardently  wished  the  suppression  of  prebendaries,  ^  an  estate 
which  St.  Paule,  reckoning  up  the  degrees  and  estates  allowed  in 
his  time,  could  not  find  in  the  Church  of  Christ."  Burnet,  iii.  Ap- 
pend, p.  157,  158.  All  the  protestant  bishops  and  divines,  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  VI.  were  anxious  for  the  introduction  of  ecclesi- 
astical discipline.  Dr.  Cox  (Oct.  5, 1652,)  complains  bitterly  of 
the  opposition  of  the  courtiers  to  this  measure,  and  says,  that  if  it 
should  not  be  adopted, « the  kingdom  of  God  would  be  taken  away 
from  them."  Latimer's  Sermons,  fol.  eix.  b.  Lond.  1570.  Strype's 
Memor.  of  the  Reform,  ii.  366.     Repository  of  Orig.  p.  150. 

Cranmer,  with  his  colleagues,  were  far  from  being  satisfied 
with  the   purity  of  the   last  common-prayer  book   of  Edward, 
and  he  had  drawn  up  one  which  is  said  to  have  been  "  an  hundred 
times  more  perfect."  Troubles  atFranckfort,p.  50.  He  and  Rid- 
ley intended  to  procure  an  act  for  abolishing  the  sacerdotal  ha- 
bits ;  "  for  they  only  defended  their  lawfulness,  but  not  their  fit- 
ness."  Burnet's  Letters  respecting  Switzerland,  &c.  p.  52.    Rot- 
terdam, 1686.     When  Grindal  was  appointed  to  the  bishopric  of 
London,  he  "  remained  under  some  scruples  of  conscience  about 
some  things,  especially  tlie  habits  and  certain  ceremonies  requir- 
ed to  bf.  used  of  such  as  were  bishops.    For  the  reformed  in  these 
times  (says  Strype)  generally  went  upon  the  ground,  that,  in  or- 
der to  the  complete  freeing  of  the  church  of  Christ  from  the  er- 
rors and  corruptions  of  Rome,  every  usage  and  custom  practised 
by  that  apostate  and  idolatrous  church  should  be  abolished,-— ind 
that  the  service  of  God  should  be  most  simple,  stript  of  all  that 
shew,  pomp,  and  appearance  that  had  been  customarily  used  be- 
fore, esteeming  all  that  to  be  no  better  than  superstitious  andan- 
tichristian."      Life  of  Grindal,  p.  28.     Horn  and  others  had  the 
same  views  and  scruples.     "  By  the  letters  (says  Bishop  Burnet) 
of  which  I  read  the  originals  [in  the  archives  of  Zurich]  it  ap- 
pears that  the  bishops  preserved  the  habits  rather  in  compliance 
with  the  queen's  inclinations  than  out  of  any  liking  they  had  to 
them  ;  so  far  were  they  from  liking,  that  they  plainly  expressed 
their  dislike  of  them."    Burnet's  Letters,  ut  supra,  p.  51.     Be- 
fore they  accepted  the  office  they  endeavoured  to  obtain  the  abro- 
gation of  the  ceremonies;  and  when  the  act  enjoining  them  pass- 
ed, they  were  induced  to  comply  chiefly  by  their  fears  that  Pa- 
pists or  Lutherans  would  occupy  their  places.    Strype's  Annals, 
i.  175.  Burnet,  ii.  376.  Sermon  on  Psal.  cxliv.  15,  preached  before 
the  House  of  Commons,  Jan.  16S8.     Cox  writes  to  Bullinger 
5  May,  1551.    "  I  think  all  things  in  the  chiircli  ought  to  be  pure 
and  simple,  removed  at  the  greatest  distance  from  the  pomps  and 


430  NOTES. 

elements  of  the  world.  But  in  this  our  church  what  can  I  do  in 
so  low  a  station."  Strype's  Memor.  of  the  Reform,  ii.  303.  Bur- 
net, iii.  202,  Jewel,  in  a  letter  to  Martyr,  Nov.  5, 1559,  calls  the 
clerical  habits  "  a  stage-dress"  {vestis  scenica,)  to  which  those 
alone  were  attached  who  "  had  nothing  else  to  recommend  them 
to  the  people,  but  a  comical  dress,  stipites  sine  ingenio,  sine  doc- 
trina,  sine  moribus,  vesle  saltern  comica  volebant  populo  commen- 
dari."  He  engages  that  no  exertions  of  his  should  be  Avanting  to 
hanish  utterly  these  ludicrous  fooleries,  "  ludicris  ineptiis,"  and 
relics  of  the  Amurites,  as  his  correspondent  (he  says)  had  well 
designed  them.  And  at  a  later  period,  (Feb.  8,  1566,)  he  wrote 
to  Bullinger  that  he  "  wished  that  the  very  slightest  footsteps  of 
popery  might  be  removed  out  of  the  church  and  minds  of  men  ;  but 
the  queen  would  at  that  time  sutler  no  change  in  religion."  Bur- 
net, iii.  Append,  p.  391.  ii.  x\ppend.  p.  351.  Strype's  Annalsj  i. 
IT*.  Grindal  and  Horn  wrote  to  Zurich  that  they  did  not  ap- 
prove of,  but  merely  suffered  kneeling  in  the  eueharist,  and  sign- 
ing with  the  cross  in  baptism,  with  other  ceremonies,  hoping  that 
they  Mould  speedily  obtain  their  abrogation.  Burnet,  ii.  310^ 
314<.  As  to  Parkhurst,  bishop  of  Norwich,  Pilkington  of  Dur- 
ham, and  Sands  of  Worcester,  the  non-conformists  bear  testimony 
that  they  discovered  the  greatest  zeal  in  endeavouring  to  procure 
their  abrogation.  Ibid.  iii.  316.  The  most  respectable  of  the 
clergy  in  the  lower  house  were  of  the  same  sentiments  m  ith  the 
bishops  on  this  subject.  In  the  year  1562,  the  abrogation  of  the 
most  oftensive  ceremonies  was,  after  long  reasoning,  put  to  the 
vote  in  the  convocation,  and  carried  by  a  majority  of  those  pre- 
sent, but,  when  the  proxies  were  included,  there  was  found  a  ma-i 
jority  of  oxe  for  retaining  them.  The  arguments  used  by  arch- 
bishop Parker's  chaplains,  to  prevail  upon  the  house  to  agree  to 
this,  derived  their  chief  force  from  their  being  understood  to  be 
the  senlimeuis  of  the  queen.  Burnet,  ii.  Append,  p.  319,  320. 
Strype's  Annals,  i.  298 — 300. 

From  these  facts,  (and  acolleeiion  much  more  ample  could  ea- 
sily be  made.)  (he  reader  will  sec  who  were  the  first  puritans, 
and  how  very  diflfiMent  the  sentiments  of  the  early  English  re- 
Tormers  were  from  those  of  their  successors.  Those  good  men 
nho  had  the  direction  of  ecelesiastiiL'al  affairs  in  the  reign  of  Ed- 
nard  VF.  thought  it  most  prudent  to  proceed  gradually  and 
slowly,  in  removing  the  abuses,  and  correcting  the  evils,  which 
iiad  overspread  the  ehiirc'i.  lo  induli:;e  the  people  for  a  season 
with  those  external  forms  lo  which  they  had  been  habituated', 
ihqit  they  might  draw  them  more  cftslly  from  Ihclr  superstitious 


NOTES.  431 

tuDlions  and  practices,  and  in  due  time  perfect  tlie  reionnation  to 
the  satisfaction  of  all.  The  plan  was  plausible  ;  but  its  issue 
was  very  diflferent  from  what  was  intended  by  those  who  proposed 
it.  This  was  not  unforeseen  by  some  who  wished  well  to  the 
church  of  England.  After  the  bishops  had  resolved  to  rest  satis- 
fied with  the  establishment  wliich  they  had  obtained,  and  felt 
themselves  disturbed  by  the  complaints  of  the  puritans  (as  they 
were  afterwards  called,)  they  endeavoured  to  engage  the  foreign 
divines  on  their  side;  and  having, by  partial  representiJions,  and 
through  the  respect  entertained  for  the  government  of  England, 
obtained  letters  from  them  somewhat  favourable  to  their  views, 
they  employed  these  to  bear  down  such  as  pleaded  for  a  move 
pure  reformation.*  But  these  divines  had  formerly  delivered 
their  unbiassed  judgment,  disapproving  of  such  temporizing  mea- 
sures. Cranmer  having  signified  to  the  Genevan  Reformer,  tliat  he 
"  could  do  nothing  more  profitable  to  the  church  than  to  write 
often  to  the  king,"  Calvin  wrote  a  letter  to  the  archbishop  in 
1551,  in  which  he  lamented  the  procrastination  used,  and  express- 
ed his  fears,  that  "  a  long  winter  would  succeed  to  so  many  har- 
vests spent  in  deliberation."  Epist.  p.  63.  Open  torn.  ix.  Strypc's 
Cranmer,  p.  413.  Peter  Martyr,  in  June  1550,  expressed  it  as 
liis  opinion,  that  "  the  innumerable  corruptions,  infinite  abuses, 
and  immense  superstition,  could  be  reformed  only  by  a  simple  re- 
currence to  the  pure  fountain,  and  unadulterated  original  prin- 
ciples." The  prudential  advice,  that  as  few  changes  as  possible 
should  be  made,  he  called  "  a  device  of  Satan  to  render  the  re- 
gress to  popery  more  easy."  Burnet,  iii.  Append,  p.  200.  Gual- 
ter,  in  a  letter  dated  Jan.  16, 1559,  says,  that  such  advices,  though 
"  according  to  a  carnal  Judgment  full  of  modesty,  and  apparently 
conducive  tothe  maintainance  of  concord,"  were  to  be  aseribrd  to 
^'  the  public  enemy  of  man's  salvation,"  and  propheliealJy  warn- 
ed those  who  suffered  abuses  to  remain  and  strengthen  themselves 
in  England,  that  "  afterwards  tliey  would  scarcely  be  able  (o 
eradicate  them  by  all  their  efforts  and  struggles."  Ibid.  iii.  273. 
Append,  p.  265.  Fuller  says,  that  the  English  Reformers  ^'  per- 
mitted ignorant  people  to  retain  some  fond  customs,  that  they 
might  remove  the  most  dangerous  and  destructive  superstitions; 
as  mothers,  to  get  children  to  part  with  knives,  are  content  to 

*  Whitgift  made  great  use  of  this  weapon  in  his  couti-ovcrsy  with  Cart- 
wright.  Bishop  Parkhurst  wrote  to  Gualter,  a  celebrated  Swiss  divine, 
cautioning  him  on  this  head,  adding,  that  he  had  refused  to  communicate 
some  of  Gualter's  letters  to  Whitgift ;  because,  "  if  any  thing  made  for  the 
ceremonies,  he  presently  clapped  it  into  his  book,  and  printed  it."  Strype's 
^pnals,  ii.  286,  287. 


43S  KOTES. 

let  them  play  with  rattles.*^  Very  geod :  but  if  mothers  suffet 
their  children  to  play  too  long  with  rattles,  they  are  iu  great  dan- 
ger of  not  parting  with  them  all  their  days. 

Note  O.  p.  85. 

A  plan  of  improvements  in  the  English  church,  which  Edward 
VT.  drew  witS!  his  own  hand  may  be  seen  in  Strype's  Memorials 
of  tt'-e  Reformation,  ii.  341 — 343.  He  was  desirous  of  the  estab- 
lisLcient  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  but  sensible  that  the  incum- 
bent bishops  were  in  general  of  such  a  description  as  to  be  unfit  foB 
its  exercise.  "  Some  for  papistry  (says  he,)  some  for  ignorance, 
some  for  their  ill-name,  some  for  all  these,  are  men  unable  to  exe- 
cute discipline."  Accordingly,  he  adds,  "  as  for  discipline,  I 
vi'ould  wish  no  authority  given  generally  to  all  bishops;  but  that 
commissiou  be  given  to  those  of  the  best  sort  of  them  to  exercise 
il  in  their  dioceses."  King  Edward's  Remains,  apud  Burnet,  ii. 
Records,  p.  69. 

Omitting  other  proofs  of  his  intentions,  I  shall  produce  the  deci- 
sive one  of  his  conduct  towards  the  foreign  church  settled  in  Lon- 
don under  the  inspection  of  John  A.  Lasco    .4.  Lasco  was  a  Polish 
nobleman,  who  had  forsaken  his  native  country,  from  regard  to 
the  reformed  religion.     He  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  Erasmus, 
who,  in  one  of  his  letters,  has  passed  a  high  encomium  upon  him. 
"  Senex,  juvenis  convictu,  faetns  sum  melior,  ac  sobrietatum,  tem- 
perantiam,  verecundiam,  linguae  raoderationem,  modestiam,  pru- 
dentiam  integritatem,  quam  juvenis  a  sene  discere  debuerat,  aju- 
vene  senex  didici."     Epist.  lib.  28.  ep.  3.     After  remaining  some 
time  in  Friesland,  he  left  it  on  account  of  the  disturbances  produ- 
ced by  the  Interim.    In  the  year  1550,  he  came  into  England,  w  ith 
his  congregation,  at  the  request  of  Cranmer,  and  procured  from 
the  government  a  place  of  worship  in  London.     He  was  of  the 
sentiments  of  the  Swiss  church,  and  was  unfriendly  to  the  English 
corcnionics.     Burnet,  ii.  154.     Notwithstanding  of  this,  he  was 
held  in  great  esteem  by  the  young  Icing,  who  granted  him  letters 
natenl.  erecting  him  and  the  oilier  nunisters  of  the  foreign  congre- 
gation into  a  body  corporate.     'J'he  patent  runs  in  these  terras. 
'•  Edward,  &c.     We  being  specially  induced,  by  great  and  weigh- 
tv  considerations,  and  particularly  considering  how  much  it  be- 
comes Christian  princes  to  be  animated  with  love  and  care  of  the 
sacred  gospel  of  God.  and  apostolical  religion,  begun,  instituted, 
and  delivered  by  Ciirist  himself,  without  which,  policy  and  civil 
government  can  neither  subsist  long,  nor  maintain  their  reputa- 
tion, unless  princes  and  illuslrious  persons  whom  God  hath  ap- 
pointed for  llie  :.'ovornmen(  of  kinj-Uims  do  first  of  all  take  care, 


NOTES.  433 

that  pure  and  uncorrupted  religion  be  diffused  through  the  whole 
body  of  the  commonwealth,  and  that  a  church  instituted  in  truly 
Christian,  and  apostolical  doctrines  and  rites — be  preserved,  &c. 
with  this  intent  and  purpose,  that  there  may  be  an  uncorrupted 
interpretation  of  the  holy  gospel,  and  administration  of  the  sacra- 
ments, according  to  the  word  of  God,  and  apostolical  observance 
by  the  ministers  of  the  church  of  the  Germans,  &c.  we  command 
and  strictly  charge  the  mayor,  &c.  that  they  permit  the  said  su- 
perintendent and  ministers,  freely  and  quietly,  to  enjoy,  use,  and 
exercise  their  own  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  their  own  peculiar 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  notwithstanding  that  they  do  not  agree 
with  the  rites  and  ceremoules  used  in  our  kingdom,  See.-'  The 
patent  may  be  seen  at  large  in  Burnet,  ii.  Records,  p.  202. 

But  the  ulterior  design  which  the  king  had  in  view,  by  the  in- 
corporation of  this  church,  is  what  I  have  particularly  in  view. 
This  is  explicitly  stated  by  A.Lasco  in  a  book  which  he  published 
anno  1555.     In  his  dedication  of  it  fo  Sigismoud,  king  of  Poland. 
he  says:   ''When  I  was  called  by  that  king  [Edward  YI.]  and 
when  certain  laws  of  the  country  stood  in  the  way,  so  that  the 
public  rites  of  divine  worship  used  under  popery  could  not  imme- 
diately be  purged  out  (which  the  king  himself  desired  ;)  and  when 
I  was  earnest  for  the  foreign  churches,  it  was  at  length  his  pleas- 
ure, that  the  public  rites  of  the  English  churches  should  be  re- 
formed by  degrees,  as  far  as  could  be  got  done  by  the  laws  of  the 
country  ;  but  that  strangers,  who  were  not  strictly  bound  to  these 
laws  in  this  matter,  should  have  churches  granted  unto  them,  ia 
which  they  should  freely  regulate  all  things  wholly  according  to 
apostolical  doctrine  and  practice,  without  any  regard  to  the  rites 
of  the  country  ;  that  by  this  means  the  English  churches  also  might 
be  excited  to  embrace  the  apostolical  purity,  by  the  unanimous  eon- 
sent  of  all  the  states  of  the  kingdom.     Of  this  project,  the  king 
himself,  from  his  great  piety,  was  both  the  chief  author  and  the  de- 
fender.     For  although  it  was  almost  universally  acceptable  to 
the  king's  council,  and  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  promoted  it 
with  all  his  might,  there  were  not  wanting  some  who  took  it  ill, 
and  would  have  opposed  it,  had  not  his  majesty  checked  them  by 
his  authority  and  the  reasons  which  he  adduced  for  the  design." 
Again,  in  the  Appendix  to  the  same  book,  p.  619,  he  says  ;  "  Tlie 
care  of  our  church  was  committed  to  us  chiefly  with  this  view, 
that  in  the  ministration  thei'cof,  we  should  follow  the  rule  of  the 
divine  word  and  apostolical  abservance,  rather  than  any  rites  of 
other  churches.     In  fine,  we  were  admonished  both  by  the  king 
himself,  and  his  chief  nobility,  to  use  this  ,^reat  liberty  granted  to 
us  in  our  ministry,  rightly  and  faithfully,  not  to  please  men  but 


434  '      NOTES. 

for  tlip  glory  of  God.  by  promoting  the  reformation  of  his  worship.'^ 
The  following  are  the  original  words  of  the  author:  "  Cum  eg© 
quoqiie  per  Regem  ilium  vocatus  essem  :  et  leges  quaedam  patriae 
obstarent,  quomiaus  publici  potissimum  cultus  divini  ritus  sub  pa- 
pismo  usurpati  (pro  eo  ac  rex  ipse  cupiebat)  repurgari  portinus 
possunt.  Ego  vero  pro  peregriuorum  ecclesiis  sedulo  instarem, 
ita  demumplaeuit,  ut  ritus  publici  iu  Anglieis  Ecclesiis,  per  gra- 
dus  quosdam  (quantum  per  leges  patrias  omnino  lieeret)  repurga- 
rentur  :  Peregrinis  vero  hominibus  (qui  patriis  hac  alioqui  in  jiarte 
legibus  non  usque  adeo  tenerentur)  ecclesise  concederenturinqui- 
bus  omnia libere,  et  nulla  rituum  patriorum  habita  ratione  (juxta 
doctrinam  duntaxit  atque  observationem  apostolicam)  institueren- 
tur,  ita  enim  fore,  ut  Auglicse  quoque  ecclesise  ad  puritatem  apos- 
tolicam amplectendam  unanimi  omnium  regni  ordinum  consensu 
excitarentur.  Ejus  vero  consilii  rex  ipsemet  (pro  sua  pietate) 
prfecipuus  non  autor  tantum,  sed  etiam  propugnator  fuit.  Etsi 
enim  id  in  senatu  regio  omnibus  propemo  dum  placeret,  ipseque 
Cantuariensis  archiepiscopus  rem  omnibus  modis  promoveretj 
non  deerant  tamen  qui  id  moleste  ferrent,  adeoque  et  reluctaturi 
fuerinthuic  inslituto  regio,  nisi  rex  ipse,  non  tantum  authoritate 
sua  restitisset :  sed  productis  etiam  instituti  hujus  rationibus  cona- 
tus  corum  reprcssisset."  De  Ordinatione  Ecclesiarum  peregri- 
narum  in  Anglia.  Dedic.  et  p.  GiQ.  Larger  extracts  from  this; 
work  may  be  seen  in  Yoetii  Politic.  Eccles.  torn.  i.  420 — i22. 

Note  P.  p.  sy. 

The  following  account,  of  the  freedom  used  by  the  chaplains  of, 
Edward  VI.  in  reproving  the  vices  of  the  courtiers,  is  given  by 
Knox,  in  his  "  Letter  to  the  Faithful  in  London,  &c."    I  quote 
from  the  M8. 

"  How boldiie  Ihair  synes  wer  rebukeit,  evin  in  thair  faces,  suche 
as  wer  present  can  witnes  with  mo.  Almost  their  wes  none  that 
oecupyit  the  place  [pulpit]  but  hie  did  prophesie,  and  planelie 
speak  the  plaguis  that  ar  begun,  and  assuredlie  sail  end :  Mr.  Grin- 
dall  planelie  spak  the  deth  of  the  kingis  majestic,  complaynyng 
on  his  housliahl  servandisand  ofiiceris  who  nether  eschameit  nor 
feirit  to  raill  aganis  Goddis  Irew  word,  and  aganis  the  preacheris 
of  the  same.  The  godlie  and  fervent  man,  maister  Lever,  plainlie 
spak  the  desolatioun  of  the  common  weill,  and  the  plaguis  whilk 
snld  follow  sehortlie.  Maister  Bradforde  (whom God,  for  Chryst 
his  Sone's  sake,  comfort  to  the  end)  spared  not  the  proudest ; 
but  boldiie  deelairit  that  Godis  vengeance  suld  schortlie  stryke 
thame  thif  than  wer  n  aiitoritie,  bccaus  thay  abborrit  and  lothe^ 


NOTE^.  435 

"the  trew  word  of  the  everlasting  God.  And  amangis  many  utlier 
willet  thame  to  tak  axarapiU  be  the  lait  duck  of  Somerset,  who 
became  so  cald  in  hering  Godis  word,  that  the  yeir  befoir  his  last 
apprehensioun,  hie  wald  ga  visit  his  masonis,  and  wald  not  din- 
gyie*  himself  to  ga  from  his  gallerie  to  his  hall  for  hering  of  a 
sermone.  God  punnissit  him  (said  the  godlie  preacher)  and  that 
suddanlie ;  and  sail  hie  spair  you  that  be  dowbill  mair  wickit  ? 
No  :  hie  sail  not.f  Will  ye,  or  will  ye  not,  ye  sail  drink  the  cupe 
of  the  Lordis  wreith.  Judicium  domini !  judicium  domini !  the 
judgement  of  the  Lord  !  the  judgement  of  the  Lord  !  lamentabillie 
eryit  he,  with  weipping  teiris.  Maister  Hadden  most  learnedlie 
opiunit  the  caussis  of  the  bypast  plagis,  affirming  that  the  wors 
wer  to  follow,  unles  repentance  suld  schortlie  be  found.  Thir 
things,  and  mekil  mair  I  hard  planelie  spokin,  efter  that  the  haill 
consale  had  said  thay  wald  heir  no  mo  of  thair  serraonis  ;  thay 
wer  but  indifferent  followis.;  ye,  and  sum  of  thame  eschameit  not 
to  call  thame  pratting  knaves.  But  now  will  I  not  speik  all  that 
I  knaw,  for  yf  God  continew  my  lyfe  in  this  trubill,  I  intend  to  pre- 
par  ane  dische  for  such  as  than  led  the  ring  in  the  gospell :  but 
now  thay  haif  bene  at  the  scule  of  Placebo,  and  amangis  laddis 
[ladies]  hes  learnit  to  dance,  as  the  devill  list  to  pype  !"  p.  liJOj 
121. 

With  Knox's  representation  agrees  exactly  the  affecting  "  La- 
mentation for  the  change  of  religion  in  England,"  composed  in 
prison  by  Bishop  Ridley,  in  which  he  names  our  countrvman 
along  with  Latimer,  Lever,  and  Bradford,  as  distinguishing  them- 
selves by  the  faithfulness  and  boldness  with  which  they  censui*ed 
the  vices  which  reigned  at  court.  I  would  willingly  make  extracts 
from  it,  but  must  refer  the  reader  to  the  paper  itself,  which  they 
will  find  inserted  at  large  in  the  account  of  the  bishop's  trial  and 
martyrdom,  in  Fox,  p.  1614 — 1620.  Edit.  Anno  1596. 

Grindal  was  an  exile  during  the  reign  of  Mary,  and,  under  Eli- 
Jzabeth  was  made  successively  bishop  of  London,  archbishop  of 
York,  and  archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Thomas  Lever  was  a  very 
learned  man,  and  Master  of  St.  John's  college,  Cambridge.  He 
was  Knox's  colleague  at  Frankfort.  Upon  the  accession  of  Eli- 
zabeth, he  was  admitted  to  a  prebend  in  the  cathedral  of  Durham, 
but  was  afterwards  deprived  of  it  on  account  of  non-conformity. 
He  seems  tv  have  been  allowed  to  preach  through  the  country, 
and,  in  157T,  died  Master  of  Sherburn  Hospital.    Some  of  hisser- 

*  In  the  printed  copies  it  is  "  disease  himself" 
J  Tli'b  P  C.  are  unintellig'ible  her^. 
K3 


436 


NOTES. 


mons  are  in  print.  Troubles  of  Franckford,  p.  13,28.  Strype*s 
Parker,  p.  212.  App.  77.  Grindal  170.  Annals  iii.  312—514!. 
Hutchinson's  Durham  ii.  594.  John  Bradford  was  in  prison  when 
Knox  wrote  the  above  account  of  him,  and  was  martyred  under 
Queen  ISIary.  James  iladdon  had  been  a  chaplain  to  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  and  went  to  S'rasburgh  at  the  death  of  Edward  VI.  He 
■was  chosen,  along  with  Knox,  to  be  one  of  the  ministers  of  th« 
English  church  at  Frankfort,  but  declined  to  accept  the  office. 
Troubles,  &c.  13, 16,  23.     Strype's  Annals,  ii.  App.  p.  46. 

Note  Q.  p.  90. 

The  confession  or  prai/er,  composed  and  used  by  Knox,  after  the 
death  of  Edward  VL  and  the  accession  of  Mary,  shews  the  state 
of  his  mind  at  that  crisis,  and  refutes  the  unfounded  charges  of 
the  [lopish,  and  of  some  episcopal  writers,  that  he  was  guilty  of 
rebellious  practices  against  the  queen.  I  extract  it  from  his  Trea- 
tise on  Prayer,  printed  in  15j1,  which  is  now  exceedingly  rare. 

"  Omnipotent  and  everlasting  God,  father  of  our  Lorde  Jesut 
Chryste,  who,  be  thy  eternal  providence,  disposeth  kingdoms  as 
best  scameth  to  thy  wisdom,  we  acknowledge  and  confesse  thy 
judgmentis  to  be  righteous,  in  that  thou  hast  taken  from  us,  for 
our  ingratitude,  and  for  abusinge  of  thy  most  holy  word,  our  na- 
tive king,  and  earthly  comforter.  Justly  may  thoa  poure  forth 
upon  us  the  uttermoste  of  thy  plagues :  for  that  we  have  not 
knowen  the  dayes,  and  tymes  of  our  merciful  visitacion.  We  have 
contempned  thy  v/orde,  and  despised  tliy  mercies.  We  have  trans- 
gressed thy  lawes  :  for  deceitfully  have  we  wrought  everie  man 
with  our  neighbours  ;  oppression  and  violence  we  have  not  ab- 
horred ;  eharitie  hath  not  apeared  amongus,  as  our  profession  re- 
fi!iireth.  We  have  little  regarded  the  voices  of  thy  prophetes  ; 
tby  thrt'atnings  we  have  esteemed  vanltie  and  wynd :  so  that  in 
us,  as  of  ourseltis,  restis  notliing  worthy  of  thy  mercies.  For  all 
are  foiind  frutless,  even  the  piinces  with  the  prophetes  as  withered 
trees  apt  and  mete  too  be  burntin  the  fyre  of  thy  eternal  displeasure. 
r>!!l.  O  liord,  behold  thy  own  mercy  and  goodness,  thai  thou  may 
pnrd^e  and  remove  the  most  filthy  burden  of  oiire  most  horrible, 
otlVnces.  Let  thy  love  o\  ereome  the  severitie  of  thy  judgementis^ 
even  as  it  did  ingevlngto  the  world  thy  onely  Sonne  Jesus,  when 
all  mankynde  was  lost,  and  no  obedience  was  lefle  in  Adam  nor  in 
his  sede.  Regenerate  our  isarte^.O  Lord,  by  the  strength  of  the 
Uoly  Uhost.  Convert  thou  us,  and  we  shall  be  converted.  Work 
thou  in  Us  unfeigned  rcpejitanee,  and  move  thou  our  hartes  too 
oLev  thv  ho!v  lawes.     Beholil  our  Irobles  aud  apparent  destrue- 


NOTES.  4f37 

xiou  ;  and  stay  the  sword  of  thy  vengeance,  before  it  devoure  us. 
Place  above  us,  O  Lord,  for  thy  great  mercies'  sake,  sueli  a  head, 
with  saeh  rulers  and  magistrates,  as  feareth  t!iy  name,  and  willeth 
the  glory  of  Christ  Jesus  to  spred.  Take  not  from  us  the  light 
of  thy  evangely,  and  suffer  tliou  no  papistrie  to  prevail  in  this 
realme.  Illuminate  the  harte  of  our  soveraigne  lady  ([uene  Marie, 
with  prignant  gifts  of  thy  Holy  Ghoste.  And  inflame  the  hartes 
of  her  counsayl  with  thy  trew  fear  and  love.  Ropresse  thou  the 
pryde  of  those  that  wolde  rebelle.  And  remove  from  all  hartes 
the  contempte  of  the  worde.  Let  not  our  enemies  rejoyce  at  our 
destruction  ;  but  loke  thou  too  the  lionor  of  tiiy  owu  name,  O  Lorue, 
and  let  thy  gospellbe  preached  with  boldeaes,  in  this  realme.  If 
thy  justice  must  punish,  then  punish  our  bodies  with  the  rodde 
of  thy  mercy.  But,  O  Lord,  let  us  never  revoke  nor  turne  back 
to  idolatrie  agayue.  Mytigate  the  hartes  of  those  tliat  persecute 
us,  and  let  us  not  faynte  under  the  crosse  of  our  Sa>  iour  ;  liut  as- 
sist us  with  the  Holy  Ghoste,  even  to  the  end." 

Note  II.  p.  ±02. 

After  illustrating  the  obligations  which  lay  upon  Christians  to 
abstain  from  giving  any  countenance  to  an  idolatrous  worship,  the 
plagues  which  they  would  escape,  and  the  benefits  which  they 
would  secure  to  themselves  and  their  posterity,  by  adhering  to  tht; 
true  religion,  he  thus  addresses  the  protestants  of  Kngland. 

"  Allaee  !  sail  we,  after  so  many  graces  that  Gm\  has  offcrit  in 
our  dayis,  for  pleasure,  or  for  vane  threatnyng  of  tlieme  nhome 
our  hart  knaweth,  and  our  mouthes  have  coiifessit,  to  be  odious 
idolateris,  altogidder  without  resistance  turue  back  to  our  vomit 
anddampna!)i!l  ydolatrie,  to  (lie  perdition  of  us  and  our  postcri- 
tie  ?  O  horribill  to  be  hard  !  Sail  Godis  liulie  preeeplis  witk  no 
greater  obedience  in  ws  ?  Sail  nature  no  olherwayis  molifie  our 
bartis  ?  Sail  not  fathcrlie  pitie  overcum  tliis  cruelues  ?  1  speik 
to  you,  O  naturall  fatheris.  Behold  your  chihlren  with  (he  cie 
ofmercie,  and  consider  the  endofthair  crealioun.  Crueltie  it 
wer  to  saif  yourselves,  an  i  damn  thame.  But,  O  1  more  than  cni- 
eltie,  and  madnes  that  can  not  be  expressit,  gif  for  the  pleasin-e 
of  a  moment,  ye  dcpryve  yourselves  and  your  posteritie  of  that 
eternal  joy  that  is  ordanit  for  thame  that  conlinewis  in  confes- 
sioun  of  Christis  n>mje  to  the  end.  Gif  natural  lufe,  fathcrlie  af- 
fectioun,  reverence  of  God,  foir  of  torment,  or  yit  hoip  oflyf;', 
move  you, then  will  \e  ganestand  that  abo(iii:iabil  ydo!.  Whilk 
gif  ye  do  not,  then,  allui't;  !   the  sone  i-.  gone  doun.   and  (he   lyht 


438  NOTES. 

is  quite  lost,  the  trompet  is  ceissit,  and  ydolatrie  is  placeit  in  qui- 
etnes  and  rest.  But  gif  God  sail  strenthin  you  (as  unfainedlie 
I  pray  that  his  majestic  may)  then  is  their  but  ane  dark  elude 
overspred  the  sone  for  ane  moment,  whilk  schortlie  sail  vanisehe, 
sa  that  the  beames  efter  salbe  sevin  fald  mair  bryht  and  amiable 
nor  thay  wer  befoir.  Your  patience  and  constaneie  salbe  a  lou- 
der trompet  to  your  posteritie,  than  wer  the  voces  of  the  prophet- 
is  that  instructit  you  ;  and  so  is  not  the  trompit  ceissit  sa  lang 
lasany  baldlie  resisteth  ydolatrie.  And,  thairfoir,  for  the  tender 
mercies  of  God,  arme  yourselves  to  stand  with  Christ  in  this  his 
schorte  hattell. 

"  Lat  it  be  knawin  to  your  posteritie  that  ye  wer  Christianis, 
and  no  ydolateris;  that  ye  learnit  Chryst  in  tyme  of  rest,  and 
baldlie  professit  him  in  tyme  of  trubill.  The  preceptis,  think  ye, 
ar  scharpe  and  hard  to  be  observit ;  and  yet  agane  I  affirme,  that 
compareit  with  the  plagis  that  sail  assuredlie  fall  upon  obstinat 
ydolateris,  tliay  salbe  fund  easie  and  lycht.  For  avoyding  of  ydo- 
latrie ye  may  perchance  be  compellit  to  leive  your  native  contrie 
and  realme  ;  but  obeyeris  of  ydolatrie  without  end  salbe  compel- 
lit to  burne  in  hell.  For  avoyding  idolatrie  your  substance  salbe 
spoillit;  but  for  obeying  ydolatrie  heavenlie  ryches  salbe  lost. 
For  avoyding  of  ydolatrie  ye  may  fall  in  the  handis  of  earthly  ti- 
rants  ;  but  obeyeris  manteancris,  and  consentaris  to  ydolatrie  sail 
not  eschaip  the  handis  of  the  liveing  God.  For  avoyding  of  ydo- 
latrie your  children  salbe  depryvit  of  father,  friendis,  ryches  and 
of  rest;  but  be  obeying  ydolatrie  thay  salbe  left  without  God? 
without  the  knowledge  of  his  word,  and  without  hoip  of  his  king- 
dome.  Consider,  deir  brethrene,  that  how  raeikill  mair  dolorous 
and  feirfull  it  is  to  be  tormentit  in  hell  than  to  suffer  trubill  in 
erth  ;  to  be  depryvit  of  heavenlie  joy,  than  to  be  rubbit  of  transi- 
torie  ryches  ;  to  fall  in  the  handis  of  the  liveing  God,  than  to  obey 
manisvane  and  uncertain  displeasure;  toleif  oure  childrene  des- 
titute of  God,  tlian  to  leif  thame  unprovydit  befoir  the  world  ; — 
sa  mekill  mair  fearful  it  is  to  obey  ydolatrie,  or  by  dissembling 
to  consent  to  the  same,  than  by  avoyding  and  flying  from  the 
abominatioun,  to  suftVr  what  inconvenients  may  follow  theirupon. 

"  Ye  feir  corporaii  dej^h.  Gif  nature  admittit  any  man  to  live 
ever,  then  had  your  feirc  sum  aperance  of  rcasone.  But  gif  cor- 
poral! deth  be  commcin  to  all,  why  will  ye  jeoparde  to  lois  eter- 
nall  lyfe,  to  eschaip  tl:at  which  nether  ryche  nor  pure,  nether 
wysc  nor  ignorant,  proud  of  stomoke  nor  febill  of  corage,  and 
finally,  no  carthlie  creature,  be  no  craft  nor  ingyne  of  man,  did 
fiver  avoid.     Gif  anv  oseliaipit  the  us;lic  face  and  horribcU  fcii 


NOTES.  439 

»»f  deth,  ft  was  thay  that  baldlie  confessit  Chryst  befoJr  men p 

Why  aucht  the  way  of  lyfe  [to]  to  be  feirftill.  be  reasone  of  atiy 
pane,  considering  that  a  great  number  of  our  bretlirene  has  past 
befoir  ws,  be  lyke  dangeris  as  we  feir  ?  A  stout  and  prudent  ma- 
riuell,  in  tyme  of  tempest,  seeing  but  one  or  two  schippis,  or  like 
weschells  to  liis,  pas  througout  any  danger,  and  to  win  a  sur- 
harborie,  will  have  gud  esperanee,  be  the  lyke  wind,  to  do  the 
same.  Allace !  sail  ye  be  mair  feirful  to  win  lyfe  eternall,  th:vn 
the  natural  man  is  to  save  the  corporal!  lyfe?  Hes  not  the  maist 
part  of  the  Sanctis  of  God  from  the  begynning  entea-it  into  thair  rest, 
be  torment  and  trubillis?  And  yet  what  complayntis  find  we  in 
tliair  mouthis,  except  it  be  the  lamenting  of  thair  persecutoris? 
Did  God  comfort  thame  ?  and  sail  his  Majestic  despise  us,  gif. 
in  fichtingaganst  iniquitie  we  will  follow  thair  futstepis  ?  Ife  Avill 
not."  Letter  to  the  Faythfull  in  Londoun,  Sfc.  apud  MS.  Letters, 
p.  147 — 151, 156. 

Note.  S.  p.  120. 

^uis  tulerit  Gracchos  de  seditione  qnerentes? 

Knox  was  accused  by  the  English  exiles  of  High  Treason,  he- 
cause  he  charged  queen  Mary  with  cruelty,  and  said  that  the 
emperor  was  as  great  an  enemy  to  Christ  as  Nero.  But  his  accu- 
sers, it  might  easily  be  shewed,  used  stronger  language  on  this 
subject  than  ever  he  did.  Mr.  Strype  informs  us  that  the  pro- 
testants  who  felt  and  outlived  the  persecution  of  Mary  used  the 
very  worst  epithets  in  speaking  of  her  character.  Memorials  of 
the  Reform,  iii.  472.  We  need  no  other  proof  of  this  than  the 
Oration  composed  by  John  Hales,  and  pronounced  by  a  nobleman 
before  queen  Elizabeth,  at  her  entrance  upon  the  government- 
Speaking  of  the  late  persecution,  the  orator  says  :  "O  cruelly! 
cruelty!  far  exceeding  all  crueltys  committed  by  those  ancient 
and  famous  tyrants,  and  cruel  murderers,  Pharaoh,  Herod,  Cali- 
gula, Nero,  Domitian,  Maxiniine,  Dioclesian,  Decius;  whose 
names  for  their  cruel  persecutioii  of  the  people  of  God,  and  their 
own  tyranny  practised  on  the  people,  have  been,  be,  and  ever 
shall  be  in  perpetual  hatred,  and  their  souls  in  continual  tor- 
ments in  hell."  The  late  queen  he  calls  '^Jllhaiia,  malicious: 
Miarif,  unnatural  icoman  ;  no,  no  teaman,  but  a  monster,  and  the 
Devil  of  hell,  covered  with  the  shape  of  a  tromaiK''''  See  works  of 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Johnson,  p.  111. 

Nor  did  they  speak  in  more  civil  terms   of  foreign    prince?;. 
Take,  for  an  e^  ampin,  the  invective  of  Aylmcr  a!;;i«iiist  the  French 


440  NOTES. 

king,  Henry  II.  "  Is  he  a  king  or  a  devil,  a  Chriatiau  or  a 
Jucifer,  that  bi  his  cursed  confederacie  so  encourageth  the 
Turke  ? — Oh!  wicked  catife  and  firebrand  of  hell,  which  for  th' 
increasing  of  his  pompe  and  vayn  glory  (which  he  shall  not  long 
enjoy)  wil  betray  Christ  and  his  cross,  to  his  mortal  enemy.  Oh 
foolish  Germains  !  which  see  not  their  own  nndoing,  which  con- 
spire not  together  with  the  rest  of  the  Christian  princes  to  pull 
such  a  traytour  to  God,  and  his  kingdom,  by  the  eares  out  of 
Fraunce,  and  hang  him  against  the  sonne  a  drying.  The  devill 
hath  none  other  of  his  sede  nowe  but  him,  to  maintaine  both  the 
spiritual  and  the  temporall  antichryste.the  Pope  and  the  Turke. 
Wherefore  seeing  he  hath  forsaken  God,  lyke  an  apostata,  and 
sold  himself  to  the  Devell,  let  us  not  doubte  but  God  will  be 
with  ns  against  him,  whensoever  he  shall  seek  to  wrong  us;  and 
I  trust  he  will  now  in  the  latter  age  of  the  worlde  shew  his  myght 
in  euttynge  of  this  proude  Holofernes'  head,  by  the  handes  of  our 
Judith.  Oh !  blessed  is  that  man  that  loseth  his  lyfe  against 
such  a  Termagannt ;  yea  more  blessed  shall  they  be  that  spend 
their  lyves  against  him  than  against  his  great  maister  the  Turke: 
for  the  Turke  never  understode  the  crosse  of  Christ;  but  this 
turkish  apostata  is  named  a  devellis  name,  Christia7iissimus,tind  is 
in  the  very  heart  of  Christendome,and  lykea  traiterous  Saracene 
is  Christ's  enemy."'  Ilarborowe  for  FaithfuU  Subjects,  Q.  1. 
Anno  1559. 

I  do  not  find  Collier,  nor  other  high-church  historians  quoting 
or  commenting  upon  such  language.  On  the  contrary  Aylmer  is 
praised  for  his  handsome  pen,  while,  every  opportunity  is  taken  to 
inveigli  against  the  virulence  of  our  Reformer.  It  may  be  safely 
said  that  he  has  not  any  \^liere  indulged  in  language  so  intempe- 
rate as  what  is  quoted  above. 

Xote  T.  p.  161. 

The  view  which  Aylmer  has  given  of  the  English  constitution 
is  very  different  from  that  which  a  celebrated  historian  of  Eng- 
land laboured  to  establish,  by  dwelling  upon  some  arbitrary  mea- 
sures of  the  house  of  Tudor.  As  this  work  is  seldom  consulted, 
I  may  be  excused  for  inserting  here  an  extract  from  it  on  this 
subject.  It  will  be  seen  that  he  carefully  distinguishes  between 
the  principles  of  the  constitution,  and  those  proceedings  which 
were  at  variance  with  them.  ''  But  if  this  be  utterly  taken  from 
them  [women]  in  this  place  wliat  maketh  it  against  their  govern- 
ment in  a  politike  weale,  where  neither  the  womiUi  nor  the  man 
Kuloth  (if  there  be  no  tyrants  but  the  laws.     For,  as  Plato  saith. 


NOTES.  441 

lUi  civitati  paratum  est  exitium  uhi  magistratiis  legibus  imperaty 
et  non  leges  inagistratui :  That  city  is  at  the  pit's  brinke,  wherein 
the  magistrate  ruleth  the  lavves,  and  not  the  lawes  the  magis- 
trate."   And  a  little  afterwards:    "Well;    a  woman  may  not 
reigne  in  Englande.     Better  in  Englande,  than  any  where,  as  it 
shall  wel  appere  to  him  that,  with  out  aft'ection,  will  consider  the 
kind  of  regimen.     Whyle  I  confer  ours  with  other  (as  it  is  in  it- 
selfe,  and  not  maimed  by  usurpacion)  I  can  find  none  either  so 
good  or  so  indifferent.      The  regemente  of  Englande  is  not  a 
mere  monarchic  as  some  for  laeke  of  consideracion  thinke,nera 
mere  Oligarchie  or  llemocracie,  but  a  rule  mixed  of  all  these, 
wherein  ech  one  of  these  have  or  should  have  like  authoritie.  The 
image  whereof,  and  not  the  image,  but  the  thinge  in  dede  is  to 
be  sene  in  the  parliament  hous,  wherein  you  shall  find  these  three 
estats ;  the  King  or  Quene  which  representeth  the  Monarchic, 
the  Noblemen  which  be  the  Aristocratic,  and  the  Burgesses  and 
Knights  the  Democratcie. — If  the  parliament  use  their  privileges, 
the  king  can  ordain  nothing  without  them :  If  he  do,  it  is  his  fault 
in  usurping  it,  and  their  fault  in  permitting  it.     Wherefore,  in 
my  judgement,  those  that  in  king  Henry  the  VIlI's  daies  would 
not  graunthim  that  his  proclamations  should  have  the  force  of  a 
statute,  were  good  fathers  of  the  countrie,  and  worthy  commenda- 
cion  in  defending  their  liberty.     Wold  God  that  that  court  of  late 
daies  had  feared  no  more  the  fearceness  of  a  woman,  than  they 
did  the  displeasure  of  such  a  man.     Then  should  they  not  have 
stouped,  contrary  to  their  othes  and  alledgeaunee  to  the  erowne, 
against  the  privilege  of  that  house,  upon  their  marye  bones  to 
receive   the    Devil's   blessenge  brought  unto  them  by   Satan** 
apostle,  the  cardinal.     God  forgcve  him  for  the  doing,  and  them 
for  obeying!  But  to  what  purpose  is  all  this  ?  To  declare  that  it 
is  not  in  England  so  daungerous  a  matter  lo  have  a  woman  ruler, 
as  men  take  it  to  be. — If  on  thother  part,  the  regement  were 
such  as  all  hanged  upon  the  king's  or  quene's  wil,  and  not  upon 
the  lawes  written;    if  she  might  decre  and  make  lawes  alone, 
without  her  senate;   if  she  judged  offences  according  to  fier  wis- 
dom, and  not  by  limitation  of  statutes  and  laws;  if  she  might 
dispose  alone  of  war  and  peace,  if,  to  be  short,  she  wer  a  mcr  mo- 
narch, and  not  a  mixed  ruler,  you  might  pora(l\  enture  make  me 
to  fear  the  matter  the  more,  and  the  less  to  defend  the  cause.*" 
Harborowc  for  Faithful!  and  Trowe  Subjrcts.  11.  3  &  3; 

Note  U.  p.  106. 
"  Our   eoiiiitryman,   John  Knox,  has  been  niut-h  censured  for 
want  of  civility  and  politeness  to  the  fair  spx  :  and  particularly 


M:2  NOTES. 

for  sounding  a  fiivst  and  second  "  blast  of  the  trumpet  against  th« 
monstrous  regiment  of  women."  He  was  indeed  no  milk-sop 
courtier,  who  can  sacrifice  the  public  weal  to  the  punctilios  of 
politeness,  or  consider  the  interests  of  nations  as  a  point  of  gal- 
lantry. His  reasons  for  the  abolition  of  all  female  governmejit, 
if  they  are  not  entirely  convincing,  may  be  allowed  at  least  to  be 
specious  ;  and  might  well  be  indulged  as  a  harmless  speculative 
opinion  in  one  vrho  was  disposed  as  he  was  to  make  no  bad  use  of 
it  in  practice,  and  to  give  all  dutiful  respect  to  whomsoever  the 
will  of  God  and  the  commonwealth  liad  assigned  the  sovereign, 
power.  But  though  the  point  may  be  conceded  in  regard  to  se- 
cular government,  in  ordering  of  which  the  constitutions  and  cus- 
toms and  mere  pleasure  of  communities  may  be  allowed  to  estab- 
lish what  is  not  morally  evil ;  it  will  not  follow  that  the  essential 
order  and  positive  law  of  the  spiritual  kingdom  may  also  be  spor- 
ted with  and  subverted. — Let  the  English,  if  they  please,  admit 
a  weak,  fickle,  freakish,  bigotted,  gallantish  or  imperious  woman, 
to  sway  the  sceptre  of  political  dominion  over  millions  of  men,  and 
and  even  over  her  own  husband  in  the  croud,  to  whom  at  the  al- 
tar she  had  previously  vowed  obedience,  they  shall  meet  with  no 
opposition  from  the  presbyterians  5  provided,  they  do  not  also 
aiithorize  her  to  lord  it,  or  lady  it,  over  their  faith  and  conscien- 
ces, as  well  as  over  their  bodies,  goods  and  chattels. 

"  By  the  laws  of  the  Romish  church,  no  female  can  be  admitted 
to  a  participation  of  clerical  poM  er.  Not  so  much  as  the  ancient 
order  of  deaconesses  now  remain  in  her.  Her  casuists  have  ex- 
amined and  debated  this  thesis,  Whether  a  woman  may  have  the 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity  conferred  upon  her ;  and  have  deter- 
mined it  in  the  negative.*  But  of  the  philosophical  dignity  they 
are  not  quite  so  jealous.  Helen  Lucrecia  Piscopia  Cornaca,  of 
famous  memory,  once  applied  for  her  degree  in  divinity  in  an 
Italian  university ;  but  Cardinal  Barbarigo,  bishop  of  Padua,  was 
far  from  being  disposed  to  grant  it ;  so  that  this  learned  lady  was 
obliged  to  content  herself  with  a  doctorate  in  philosophy,  which, 
with  universal  applause  was  actually  conferred  upon  her,  June 
25,  1678. t  But  the  English  climate  savours  nothing  of  this  ItaK 
ran  jealousy ;  nor  are  the  divines  in  it  so  niggardly  of  their 
honours.  We  do  not  hear  indeed  that  they  have  formally  mat- 
riculated any  ladies,  in  the  universities,  or  obliged  them  by  can- 
on, or  act  of  parliament,  to   take   out  degrees,  either  in  law. 


♦Carol.  lliiialJinij.  JMath.  JnnJit.  art.  pars. 
i  AluveH.  (k  la  RcimhK  tfe  /-'•?-'.  1685 


NOTES.  448 

in  law,  in  philosophy  or  divinity,  to  qualify  them  for  ecclesiastical 
preferment  (even  the  highest  pinnacle  of  it ;)  though  their  laws 
hold  males  utterly  unqualified  for  holding  any  lucrative  place  in 
the  church,  or  in  ecclesiastic  courts,  without  these  :  Xor  can  a 
man  be  admitted  to  the  lowest  curacy,  or  he  follow  or  student  in 
an  university,  until  he  have  learned  aud  digested  all  the  articles, 
homilies,  canons,  rubrics,  modes  and  figures  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, as  he  cannot  even  be  serjeant  or  exciseman,  till  he  under- 
stand perfectly  tlie  superior  devotion  of  kneeling  above  lifting. 
But  it  is  very  possible,  though  they  do  n(tt  bear  the  learned  titles, 
tlie  ladies  may  know  as  much  of  learning  and  divinity,  as  those 
■who  do.  And  though  they  may  not  receive  ordination  on  Ember- 
week  for  the  inferior  orders,  yet  it  is  enacted  and  provided,  that 
one  of  their  number  may  be  raised  at  once  per  saltum  not  only 
above  all  the  peers  and  peeresses,  but  over  all  the  graduates,  re- 
verend dignitaries,  and  mitred  heads  in  the  kingdom.  The  so- 
lemn inaugurating  unction  once  applied,  then  Cedite  Romani 
T) octor es,  cedite  Graij.  Hence  forward,  as  the  queen  of  (^heba 
from  the  uttermost  end  of  the  earth,  to  hear  the  wisdom  of  Solo- 
mon, and  to  luive  every  enigma  and  hard  question  sols  ed,  so  must 
everv  master,  doctor,  heads  of  universities,  every  diocesan  and 
metropolitan,  however  wise,  have  recourse  to  their  queen,  by  re- 
ference or  appeal,  with  every  difficult  question,  aud  e?ery  learn- 
ed and  deep  controversy,  and  be  responsible  to  her  for  their  every 
decision.  How  flattering  a  constitution  this  to  woman-kind — if 
they  he  indeed  so  very  fond  of  precedence  and  rule,  as  is  com- 
monly said  !  She  must  have  an  unreasonable  and  unbounded  am- 
hition  indeed  whom  this  will  not  content;  though  she  should  not 
he  also  further  told  in  plain  terms,  that  she  is  a  goddess,  and  in 
her  office  superior  to  Christ :  as  some  court -clergymen  have  ven- 
tured to  affirm  of  their  visible  head."  »4  Historico-Politico-Eccip- 
siastical  Dissertation  on  the  Supremacy  of  Civil  Powers  in  blat- 
ters of  Religion,  particularli/  the  Ecclesiastical  Supreinactj  anjie.r- 
pdto  the  English  Crown  ;  By  Archibald  Bruce,  p.  46,  47,  1-9.  50. 
Edinburgh,  1802. 

Note  v.*  p.  170. 

In  the  text  I  have  confined  myself  to  a  summary  statement  of 
the  measures  pursued  l)y  the  protestant  leaders  at  that  time.  I 
shall  here  add  a  few  particulars.  Their  petition  to  the  regenJ, 
presented  by  Sir  James  Sandilands  of  Caldcr,  contained  five  re- 
quests.    1.  That  they  should  be  allowed  to  assemble,  eitljer  pul)- 

*  In  the  referfncc,p.  170.  the  letter  1' is  nut  bv  ml=!tsie  '.nstearj  of  y. 

L  3 


444  NOTES, 

licly  or  privately,  to  read  the  scriptures  and  the  common  prayers 
in  the  vulgar  tongue.  2.  That  it  should  be  lawful  for  "  any  qual- 
ified person  in  knowledge"  to  expound  any  difficult  place  of  scrip- 
ture which  occurred  in  the  course  of  reading,  subject  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  most  learned  and  godly  men  in  the  kingdom.     3.  That 
baptism  should  be  administered  in  the  vulgar  language.     4.  That 
the  Lord's  supper  should  be  administered  in  the  same  manner,  and 
in  both  kinds.     5.  That  the  scandalous  lives  of  the  clergy  should 
be  reformed,  according  to  the  precepts  of  the  New  Testament,  the 
writings  of  the  fathers,  and  the  godly  constitutions  of  Justinian. — 
Historians  differ  as  to  the  time  at  which  this  petition  was  presen- 
ted.    I  am  inclined  (after  examining  the  different  statements)  to 
prefer  the  account  given  by  Knox,  who  expressly  asserts  that  it 
was  presented  before  the  martyrdom  of  Walter  Milne.     He  had 
the  best  opportunity  of  ascertaining  the  fact.     This  was  the  part 
of  his  History  whicli  was  first  written  by  him,  soon  after  his  arrival 
in  Scotland  when  the  transaction  must  have  been  fresh  in  the  re- 
collection of  all  Jiis  associates.     There  is  no  reference  to  this  ille- 
gal execution  in  the   petition,  which  would  scarcely  have  been 
omitted  if  it  had  previously  taken  place.     The  objection  urged 
by  Keith,  from  the  clause  in  the  petition  which  supposes  that  the 
queen  was  married,  does  not  appear  to  have  great  strength.     The 
parliament,  in  December  1557,  had  agreed  to  the  solemnization 
of  the  marriage,  their  commissioners  had  sailed  for  France  in 
February,  to  be  present  at  the  ceremony,  which  was  appointed  to 
take  place  on  the  24-th  of  April.     In  these   circumstances  the 
protestants  might,  without  any  impropriety,  request  that  they 
might  be  allowed  liberty  to  use  the  common  prayers  in  the  vulgar 
tongue,  to  the  end  that  they  might  "  be  induced  in  fervent  and  oft 
prayers  to  comend  unto  God — the  queen  our  soverane,  hir  honora- 
bill  and  gracious  husband,"  &e.  Keith  is  wrong  when  he  says 
that  Knox  has  fixed  the  execution  of  Milne  "  to  the  Sth  of  April, 
which  was  above  two  v.  ecks  before  the  queen's  marriage."     His- 
tory, p.  80,  note.     Knox  says  he  was  put  to  death  '•'  the  twenti 
aueht  day  of  Aprylle,"  which  was  four  days  after  the  marriage.. 
Historic,  p.  122. 

After  the  martyrdom  of  Milne,  the  protestant  leaders  renewed 
their  application  to  the  regent,  with  a  heavy  complaint  against 
the  cruelty  of  the  clergy.  Partly  encouraged  by  the  regent's  an- 
swer to  their  petitions,  and  partly  from  irritation  at  the  conduct 
of  the  archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  they  used  the  liberty  of  worship 
for  which  they  had  petitioned.  Tlie  new  petition  which  they 
prepared  for  tlie  parliament,  in  IVovember  155S,  related  to  the 
penalties  unto  which  they  were  subjected  by  the  existing  laws,  and 


the  prosecutions  which  might  be  raised  against  them  by  the  clergy. 
And  the  protestation  which  they  actually  prescribed  to  that  as- 
sembly was  intended  to  exonerate  them  from  all  blame  and  respon- 
sibility, in  using  their  Christian  liberty,  after  they  had  regularly 
craved  the  reformation  of  manifest  abuses. 

But  there  was  a  measure  adopted  by  them  previous  to  either  of 
these  applications  to  the  queen  and  parliament.  Immediately 
after  subscribing  the  bond  on  the  3d  of  Dec.  1557,  it  was  agreed 
in  a  meeting  of  the  protestant  lords  and  barons  :  1.  That  in  all 
parishes  of  the  realm  the  common  prayers  should  be  read  weekly 
on  Sunday  and  other  festival  days,  publicly  in  the  parish  kirks, 
with  the  lessons  of  the  Old  and  iVew  Testament,  conform  to  the 
order  of  the  book  of  common  prayers.  2.  That  preaching  should 
be  confined  to  private  houses,  until  they  could  obtain  it  in  public 
■with  the  consent  of  the  government.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  101.  The 
first  of  these  heads  is  said  to  have  been  "  thoicht  expedient, 
devyisit  and  ordainit."  This  has  been  viewed  by  some  as  an  as- 
sumption of  authority  over  the  whole  kingdom,  in  the  way  of  set- 
ting aside  the  established  worship  and  substituting  a  new  one; 
and  it  must  be  confessed,  that  the  words  at  first  view  seem  to  sug- 
gest this  idea.  Yet  the  supposition  is  irreconcileable  with  the  sit- 
uation in  which  they  were  placed  at  that  time,  and  the  language 
which  they  afterwards  used,  in  which  they  declare,  that  as  to 
*'  public  reformation''  they  '•  would  attempt  nothing  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  sacred  authority."  p.  118.  I  therefore  under- 
stand it  merely  as  an  agreement  among  themselves,  expressive  of 
their  opinion  as  to  what  individuals  of  their  number  might  law- 
fully do  in  the  respective  places  where  they  resided  and  had  in- 
fluence. And  when  we  consider  the  total  neglect  of  worship  in 
many  places  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  general  ignorance  that  pre- 
vailed, it  was  certainly  a  very  moderate  and  reasonable  measure 
to  provide  that  the  scriptures  and  common  prayers  should  be 
read  to  the  people  in  their  mother  tongue. 

It  is  natural  to  inquire  here  what  is  meant  by  "  the  book  of 
commoun  prayeris"  which  Mas  appointed  to  be  read.  Was  it  the 
common  prayer-book  of  Edward  VI.  ?  or  was  it  a  different  one  ? 
This  subject  was  keenly  contested  between  the  Episcopalians  and 
Presbyterians  in  Scotland,  about  the  beginning  of  last  century. 
Mr.  Anderson,  the  most  acute  opponent  of  the  Episcopalians,  at 
that  period,  has  canvassed  this  question  very  minutely,  and  in  op- 
position to  the  author  of  the  Fundamental  Charter  of  presbytery, 
has  adduced  a  number  of  strong  arguments  to  prove  that  it  was 
not  the  liturgy  of  Edw.ard  VI.   but  the  liturgy  of  the  English 


M& 


NOTES. 


ehiuch  at  Geneva,  of  which  Knox  was  minister.  The  Countrye- 
man's  Letter  to  (he  Curat,  p.  65 — 77.  printed  in  1711.  I  shall 
state  a  few  facts,  without  entering  into  reasoning.  Mr.  Anderson 
says  that  he  had  in  his  possession  a  copy,  in  Latin,  of  the  liturgy 
used  in  the  Englisli  church  at  Frankfort,  the  preface  of  which 
hears  date  the  1st  of  September,  1554.  He  adds  that  it  had  been 
translated  from  English  into  Latin;  and  that  the  prayers  in  it 
are  exactly  the  same  with  those  which  are  found  in  the  Book  of 
Common  Order;  only  there  are  some  additional  prayers  in  the 
latter  rehiting  to  the  circumstances  of  Scotland.  Ibid.  p.  64. 
This  must  have  been  the  form  of  worship  agreed  to  by  the  exiles 
immediately  after  their  arrival  at  Frankfort.  Troubles  of 
Franckford.p.  7.  Before  the  end  of  that  year,  the  form  of  wor- 
ship observed  by  the  Genevan  church  was  printed  in  English. 
Ibid.  p.  27.  In  the  beginning  of  the  following  year,  the  form  af- 
terwards used  by  the  English  churcli  at  Geneva  was  composed, 
which  differed  very  little  from  that  which  was  first  used  at  Frank- 
fort. Ibid.  p.  37.  This  was  printed  in  the  beginning  of  1556. 
Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  401.  It  is  very  likely  that  Knox,  in 
his  visit  to  Scotland  in  1555,  would  carry  with  him  copies  of  the 
two  former  liturgies,  and  that  he  would  send  copies  of  the  latter, 
upon  his  return  to  Geneva.  After  all,  I  think  it  extremely  pro- 
bable, that  copies  of  the  liturgy  of  Edward  VI.  were  still  more  nu- 
merous in  Scotland  at  this  time,  and  that  they  were  used  by  some 
of  the  protestauts  at  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation.  This  ap- 
pears from  a  letter  of  Cecil  to  Throkmorton,  9th  July,  1559. 
"  The  protestauts  be  at  Edynborough.  They  offer  no  violence, 
but  dissolve  religiose  howsees:  directyng  the  lands  thereof  to  the 
croMue,  and  to  ministery  in  the  chirch.  The  parish  churchees 
they  delyver  of  altars  and  imagecSj,  and  have  receved  the  service 
of  the  church  of  England,  accordyng  to  King  Edward's  booke." 
Forbes's  State  Papers,  i.  155.  Another  thing  which  inclines  me 
to  think  that  the  English  liturgy  was  in  the  eye  of  those  who 
made  the  agreement  in  Dec.  1557  is,  that  they  mention  the  read- 
ing of  "  the  lessonis  of  the  Xevvand  Auld  Testament,  conforme 
to  the  ordour  of  the  Buik  of  Commoun-Prayeris."  The  reply 
which  Anderson  gives  to  this  does  not  appear  to  me  satisfactory. 
At  the  same  time,  it  is  certain  that  the  order  of  the  English  church 
at  Geneva  was  used  in  Scotland  previous  to  the  time  of  its  being 
formally  authorised  by  the  Book  of  Discipline  in  1560.  Dunlop's 
Confessions,  ii.  520. 

But  though  the  Scottish  protestants,  at  this  time,  made  use  of  the 
prayers  and  scripture-lessons  contained  in  the  English  liturgy,  it 
cannot  be  inferred  from  this,  that  they  approved  it  without  limita- 


NOTES.  447 

tions,  or  that  they  meant  to  bind  themselves  to  all  its  forms  and 
ceremonies.  The  contrary  is  evident.  It  appoints  lessons  to  be 
read  from  the  apocrypha ;  but  they  expressly  confined  their  read- 
ing to  "the  lessons  of  the  New  and  Old  Testament."  A  great  part 
of  the  English  liturgy  can  be  read  by  a  priest  only;  but  all  that 
they  proposed  to  use  could  be  performed  by  "  the  most  qualifeit 
in  the  parochin,"  provided  the  curate  refused  or  was  unqualified. 
I  need  scarcely  add,  that  if  they  had  adopted  that  liturgy,  the  in- 
vitation which  they  gave  to  Knox  must  have  come  with  a  very 
bad  grace.  According  to  Anderson's  language  it  must  have  beeu 
to  this  purpose,  "  Pray,  good  Mr.  Knox,  come  over  and  help  us  ; 
and  for  your  encouragement  against  you  come,  you  shall  find  the 
English  liturgy,  against  which  you  preached  in  Scotland,  against 
which  you  declared  before  the  counsel  of  England,  for  opposing 
which  you  were  brought  in  danger  of  your  neck  at  Fraucfort; 
this  English  liturgy  you  shall  find  the  authorised  form  of  worship, 
and  that  by  an  ordinance  of  our  making."  If  any  other  evidence 
of  this  were  necessary,  I  might  produce  the  testimony  of  Sir 
Francis  Knollys,  the  English  ambassador.  "When  queen  Mary- 
fled  into  England  iu  1568,  she  feigned  lier  willingness  to  give  up 
the  mass  and  adopt  the  English  common  prayer  book,  provided 
Elizabeth  would  assist  her  in  regaining  her  crown.  Lord  Herrics 
having  made  this  proposal  in  her  name,  Sir  Francis  replied 
"  that  yf  he  meant  thereby  to  condempne  the  form  and  order  of 
common  prayer  now  used  in  Skotland,  agreeable  with  divers  well 
reformed  churches, — or  that  he  meant  to  expell  all  the  learned 
preachers  of  Skotland,  yfi^  they  wold  not  return  back  to  reecave 
and  wayr  cornered  capes  and  typpcts,  with  surpless  and  coopes, 
which  they  have  left  by  order  continually  since  their  jlrst  receav- 
yng  of  the  gospel  into  that  realme  :  then  he  myght  so  fyght  for  llie 
shadow  and  image  of  religion  that  he  myght  bring  the  body  and 
truth  in  danger."  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  iv.  part  i.  p.  lio, 
111. 

As  this  subject  has  been  introduced,  I  may  make  an  observatiou 
or  two  respecting  the  form  of  prayers  used  in  the  church  of  Scot- 
land at  the  beginning  of  the  reformation.  What  has  been  called 
Knoa^'s  Liturgy,  was  the  Book  of  Common  Order,  first  used  by 
the  English  church  at  Geneva.  It  contains  forms  of  prayer  fur 
the  different  parts  of  public  worship;  and  this  is  the  only  resem- 
blance which  it  bears  to  the  English  liturgy.  But  there  la  this 
important  diiFerence  bet^\een  the  two:  in  the  latter,  the  minister 
is  restricted  to  the  repetition  of  the  very  words  of  the  prayers  ;  iu 
the  former  he  is  left  at  liberty  to  vary  from  them,  and  to  substi- 
tute prayers  of  his  own  in  their  room.    The  following  quotations 


448  NOTES. 

Mill  exemplify  tlie  mode.  "When  the  congregation  is  assembled 
lit  tlie  houre  appointed,  the  minister  useth  one  of  these  two  con- 
fessions, or  like  in  effect.^' — "  The  minister  after  the  sermon  useth 
this  prayer  following,  or  such  like"  Similar  declarations  are 
prefixed  to  the  prayers  to  be  used  at  the  celebration  of  baptism 
and  the  Lord's  Supper.  And  at  the  end  of  the  account  of  the 
public  service  of  the  Sabbath  is  this  intimation  ;  "  It  shall  not  be 
necessarie  for  the  minister  daylie  to  repeat  all  these  things  be- 
fore mentioned,  but  beginning  with  some  manner  of  confession  to 
proceed  to  the  sermon,  which  ended,  he  either  useth  the  prayer 
for  all  estates  before  mentioned,  or  else  prayeth  as  the  Spirit  of 
God  shall  move  his  heart,  framing  the  same  according  to  the 
time  and  matter  which  he  hath  intreated  of."  Knox's  Liturgy, 
p.  74,  83,  86,  120.  Edin.  1611.  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  417, 
421,  426,  443,  450.  At  the  end  of  the  Form  of  Excommunica- 
tion, it  is  signified,  "  This  order  may  be  enlarged  or  contracted 
as  the  wisdome  of  the  discreet  minister  shall  think  expedient ;  for 
we  rather  shew  the  way  to  the  ignorant,  then  prescribe  order  to 
the  learned,  that  cannot  be  amended."  Dunlop,  ii.  746.  The 
Scottish  prayers,  therefore,  were  intended  as  a  help  to  the  ig- 
norant, not  as  a  restrauit  upon  those  who  could  pray  without  a 
set  form.  The  readers  and  exhorters  commonly  used  them  ;  but 
even  they  were  encouraged  to  perform  the  service  in  a  different 
manner.     Knox's  Liturgy,  ut  supra,  p.  189.    Dunlop,  ii.  694. 

Note  W.  p.  178. 

I  am  sensible  that  my  account  of  the  conduct  of  the  queen  re- 
gent to  the  protesfants,  differs  from  that  which  has  been  given  by 
Dr.  Robertson  in  his  history  of  this  period.  He  imputes  her 
change  of  measures  entirely  to  the  over-ruling  influence  of  her 
brothers,  and  seems  to  acquit  her  of  insincerity  in  the  counte- 
nance which  she  had  shewed,  and  the  promises  which  she  had 
repeatedly  made,  to  the  protestant  leaders.  Li  any  remarks 
which  I  shall  make  upon  his  account,  I  wish  to  be  understood  as 
not  detracting  in  the  slightest  degree  from  the  merit  of  his  able, 
accurate,  and  luminous  statement  of  the  plans  conceived  by  the 
princes  of  Lorrain.  Having  mentioned  the  first  symptoms  of  the 
regent's  alienation  from  the  reformers.  Dr.  Robertson  says  :"In 
order  to  account  for  this,  our  historians  do  little  more  than  pro- 
duce the  trite  observations  concerning  the  influence  of  prosperity 
to  alter  the  character  and  corrupt  the  heart."  I  do  not  know  the 
particular  historians  to  whom  he  may  refer,  but  those  of  the  pro- 
testant persuasion  whom  I  have  consulted,  impute  her  change 


NOTES.  4*40 

of  conduct  not  to  the  above  cause,  but  to  the  circumstance  ol'  lier 
having  accomplished  the  great  objects  which  she  had  in  view, 
upon  which  she  no  longer  stood  in  need  of  the  assistance  of  the 
reformers.  Accordingly,  they  charge  her  with  duplicity  in  her 
former  proceedings  with  them.  Knox,  96,  110, 122,  125.  Bucha- 
nan, i.  312.  Spottiswood,  117,  119, 120.  I  think  they  had  good 
reasons  for  tbis  charge.  At  a  very  early  period,  she  ga\e  a 
striking  proof  of  her  disposition  and  talents  for  the  most  deep 
dissimulation.  I  refer  to  her  behaviour  in  the  intercourse  which 
she  had  with  Sir  Ralph  Sadler,  in  ISIS,  on  which  occasion  she 
acted  apart  not  less  important  than  the  cardinal  himself,  threw 
the  ambassador  into  the  greatest  perplexity,  and  completely 
duped  the  English  monarch.  Sadler,  i.  84 — 88,  100,  111 — 113, 
249 — 253.  The  governor  wanted  not  reason  to  say,  "  as  she  is 
both  subtle  and  wily,  so  she  hath  a  vengeable  engine  and  wit  to 
work  her  purpose."  It  is  impossible  to  read  the  account  of  her 
smooth  conduct  to  the  reformers,  without  perceiving  the  art  with 
which  she  acted.  There  is  also  reason  for  thinking  that  she  was 
privy  to  the  execution  of  AValter  Milne,  and  had  encouraged  tJie 
archbishop  of  St.  Andrews  to  take  that  step.  Indeed,  in  his  let- 
ter to  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  written  a  few  weeks  before  that  event, 
the  archbishop  expressly  says  that  she  murmured  heavily  against 
him,  because  he  did  not  use  severe  measures  to  check  the  progress 
of  heresy,  and  Argyle,  in  his  answer,  does  not  call  this  in  ques- 
tion.    Knox,  103,  108. 

I  do  not  doubt  that  the  regent  was  precipitated  into  the  most 
violent  measures  which  she  adopted  by  the  counsels  of  her  bro- 
thers ;  and  that  she  remonstrated  against  the  impolicy  of  these,  is 
attested  by  Castelnau,  to  whom  Dr.  Robertson  refers  as  one  of  his 
authorities.  But  I  think  that  she  had  altered  her  conduct  to  the 
protestants,  and  declared  her  resolution  to  abet  the  measures  of 
the  clergy  against  them,  previous  to  the  time  that  she  is  said  to 
have  received  these  strong  representations  from  France.  This 
appears  even  from  the  narrative  of  Castelnau,  who  has  connected 
the  advice  given  by  the  princes  of  Lorrain  with  the  mission  of  La 
Brosseand  the  bishop  of  Amiens,  who  did  not  arrive  in  Scotland 
until  September,  1559,  after  the  civil  war  was  kindled.  lebb.  ii. 
446.  Keith,  102.  Sadler,  i.  470.  But  it  will  be  still  more  appa- 
rent from  an  examination  of  the  testimony  of  Sir  James  Melvil, 
the  other  authority  to  whom  Dr.  Robertson  appeals.  He  says  that 
after  the  treaty  of  Chateau-Cambrensis  was  concluded,  Bettan- 
court  was  sent  into  Scotland  to  jirocure  the  ratification  of  it  from 
the  queen  regent;  and  that  he  was  charged  by  the  Cardinal  of 
I^orrain,  to  inform  her  that  the  popish  princes  had  agreed  to  join 


450  NOTES. 

in  extirpating  heresy,  and  to  require  that  she  should  immediatelj' 
take  steps  for  suppressing  the  protestants  in  that  country.  Melvil 
adds,  that  these  instructions,  mixed  with  some  threatenings,  hav- 
ing been  received,  the  queen  regent  "  determined  to  follow  them. 
She  therefore  issued  out  a  proclamation  a  little  before  Easter, 
commanding  every  man  great  and  small,  to  observe  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion."  MclviPs  Memoirs,  p.  23,  24.  Lond.  1683. 
The  proclamation  to  observe  Easter  in  the  Catholic  manner  is 
mentioned  by  all  our  historians  as  the  decisive  declaration  of  the 
queen's  change  of  measures.  Noav  the  treaty  of  Chateau-Cam- 
brensis  was  not  concluded  until  the  2d  of  April  1559.  Forbes,  i. 
68,  81.  But  Easter  fell  that  year  on  the  29th  of  March,  six  days 
before  Bettancourt  could  undertake  his  journey  to  Scotland.  The 
proclamation  respecting  the  observance  of  that  festival  must  have 
been  emitted  some  weeks  previous  to  this.  Nay,  we  know  from 
other  evidence,  that  the  breach  between  the  queen  regent  and  the 
protestants  had  taken  place  on  the  6th  of  March ;  for  this  is  the 
date  from  which  the  Oblivion  afterwards  granted  is  reckoned. 
Iveith,  441,  151.  There  is,  therefore,  a  glaring  anachronism  in 
Melvil's  narrative  ;  and  whatever  influence  Bettancourt's  embassy 
had  in  instigating  the  regent  to  more  violent  measures,  she  had 
previously  taken  her  side,  and  declared  her  determination  to  op- 
pose the  progress  of  the  Reformation. 

There  are  several  other  mistakes  which  Sir  James  Melvil  has 
committed  in  his  narrative  of  the  transactions  of  this  period. 
Even  in  tlic  account  of  the  important  embassy  into  Scotland,  com- 
mitted to  him  by  Henry  II.  and  of  the  speech  which  the  constable 
Montmorency  made  to  him  on  that  occasion,  he  has  introduced  the 
constable,  as  mentioning,  among  his  reasons,  the  shipwreck  of  the 
Marquis  D'Elbeuf,  which  did  not  happen  till  some  months  after, 
when  the  French  king  was  dead.  Memoirs,  ut  supra,  p.  31. 
Sadler,!,  p.  417.  In  my  humble  opinion,  all  our  historians  have 
given  too  easy  credit  to  Melvil,  both  in  his  statement  of  facts,  and 
in  his  representation  of  characters. 

Note  X.  p.  190. 

"  Trucly,  among  all  their  deeds  and  devises,  the  casting doune  of 
the  churches  was  the  most  foolish  and  furious  worke,  the  most 
shreud  and  execrable  turne  that  ever  Hornok  himself  could  have 
done  or  devised.  For  out  of  al  doubt  that  great  grandfather  of 
Calvine,  and  old  enemie  of  mankind,  not  only  inspired  every  one 
of  those  sacrelegious  hellhounds  with  his  flaming  sprit  of  malice 
and  blasphemie,  as  he  did  their  forefathers  Luther  and  Calvine : 
hot  also  was  then  present  as  maister  of  worke,  busily  beholding  his 


NOTES.  4(51 

iServands  and  hirelings  working  his  wil  and  bringing  to  pass  his 
fong  desired  contentment. — They  changed  the  churches  (which 
God  himself  called  his  house  of  prayer)  into  filthie  and  abomina- 
ble houses  of  sensual  men,  yea,  and  of  unreasonable  beasfs  ;  when 
as  they  made  stables  in  Halyrud-hous,  sheep-houses  of  S.  Antone, 
and  S.  Leonards  chapels,  tolboothes  of  S.  Gillis,  &c.  which  this 
day  may  be  seene,  to  the  great  griefe  and  sorrow  of  al  good  Chris- 
tiansj  to  the  shame  and  confusion  ofEdinburg,  and  to  the  ever- 
lasting damnation  of  the  doers  thereof,  tlie  sedicious  ministers, 
Knox  and  'his  complices."  After  weeping  over  the  ruins  of 
"  Abbirbroth,"  the  writer  turns  to  St.  Giles,  and  represents  our 
■Saviour  as  lamenting  its  profanation  by  the  setting  up  of  "  the 
abomination  of  desolation"  the  courts  of  justice,  M'ithin  that  holy 
ground,  "  How  wold  he  say,  if  he  were  now  entering  in  at  S. 
Giles,  and  looking  to  bare  wals,  and  pillars  al  eled  with  dust, 
sweepings  and  cobwebs,  insted  of  painting  and  tapestrie  ;  and  on 
every  side  beholding  the  restlesse  resorting  of  people  treating  of 
their  worldly  affaires,  some  writing  and  making  of  obligations, 
contracts  and  discharges,  others  laying  eountes  or  telling  over 
sowmes  of  money,  aud  two  and  two  walking  and  talking  to  and 
fro,  some  about  merchandise  or  the  lawes,  and  too  many,  alias  ! 
about  drinking  and  courting  of  woemen,  yea  and  perhaps  about 
worse  nor  1  can  imagine,  as  is  wont  to  be  done  al  the  day  long  iu 
the  common  Exchanges  of  London  and  Amst  erdam  aud  other 
great  cities.  And  turning  him  farther  towards  the  west  end  of 
the  church,  which  is  divided  in  a  high  house  for  the  Colledge  of 
Justice,  called  the  Session  or  Senat-house  and  a  lower  house  cal- 
led the  low  Tolbooth,  where  the  balives  of  the  town  use  to  sit  and 
judge  common  actions  and  pleas  in  the  one  end  thereof,  and  a 
number  of  harlots  and  scolds  for  flyting  and  whoredome,  inclosed 
in  the  other  :  And  these,  I  mean,  if  our  Saviour  were  present  to 
behold  such  abominable  desolation,  that  where  altars  were  erected 
and  sacrifices,  with  continual  praises  and  praiers,  were  wont  to 
be  offered  up  to  the  lord,  in  remembrance  of  that  bloody  sacrifice  of 
Christ  on  the  crosse,  there  now  are  holes  for  whores,  and  cages 
for  scolds,  where  nothing  is  heard  hot  banning  and  swearing,  and 
every  one  upbraiding  another :  O  what  grieve  and  sorrow  wold 
our  Lord  tak  at  the  beholding  of  such  projfanation  and  sacHlege  /" 
Father  Alexander  Baillie's  True  Information  of  the  unhallowed 
offspring, progress  and  impoison'd fruits  of  our  Scottish-Calvinian 
Gospel  and  Gospellers,  p.  24,  23,  27,  28.     Wirtsburg,  162S, 

M3 


43^2  NOTES-. 

Note  Y.  p.  193. 

It  would  be  endless  to  enter  into  an  examination  of  the  ex«gge- 
vated  accounts  which  have  been  given  of  the  "  pitiful  devasta 
lion"  committed  by  the  reformers.  I  shall  content  myself  with 
stating  a  few  facts,  which  may  satisfy  the  candid  and  considerate 
that  no  such  great  blame  is  imputable  to  them.  The  demolition 
of  the  monasteries,  with  their  dependencies,  will  be  found  to  com- 
prehend the  sum  of  what  can  be  justly  charged  against  them.  And 
yet  again  I  would  ask  those  who  are  most  disposed  to  blame  them 
for  this,  What  other  purpose  could  the  allowing  of  these  build- 
ings to  stand  have  served,  if  not  to  cherish  the  hopes  and  excite 
the  desires  of  the  Catholics,  to  regain  possession  of  them  ?  To 
what  use  could  the  reformers  possibly  have  converted  them  ?  Is  it 
to  be  supposed  that  they  couW  form  the  idea  of  preserving  them 
for  the  gratification  of  a  race  of  antiquaries,  who  were  to  rise  up 
in  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries  ?  Have  these  gentle- 
men, with  all  their  zeal,  ever  testified  their  regard  for  these  sa- 
cred monuments,  by  associations  and  subscriptions  to  preserve  the 
mouldering  remains  from  going  to  their  original  dust  ?  The  re- 
formed ministers  had  enough  to  do,  in  exciting  the  nobility  and 
gentry  to  keep  the  parish  churches  in  decent  repair,  without  un- 
dertaking the  additional  task  of  supporting  huge  and  useless  fa- 
brics. But  enough  of  this. — Let  not  any  distress  themselves  by 
supposing  that  the  costly  furniture  of  the  monasteries  and 
churches  was  all  consumed  by  the  flames.  Fanatical  as  the  re 
formers  were,  they  '•  reservit  the  best  part  thairof  unburnt,'"  and 
converted  it  into  money,  some  of  which  went  into  tlie  publie  purse, 
but  the  greater  part  into  the  private  pockets  of  the  nobles.  Win- 
zet,  apud  Keitli,  Append,  p.  245.  The  idols  and  images  were  in- 
deed committed  to  the  flames  without  mercy  ;  but  considering  the 
example  that  their  adversaries  had  set  them  of  consigning  thf 
living  images  of  God  to  this  fate,  the  retaliation  was  certainly 
moderate  ;  and  that  these  were  tlie  only  sacrifices  wliich  they  of- 
fered up,  we  have  the  testimony  of  a  popish  writer.  Leslaens,  de 
reb.  gest.  Scotorum,lib.  x.  p.  537.  edit.  1675. 

The  act  of  privy  council  for  demolishing  idolatrous  houses  did 
not  extend  to  cathedrals  or  parish  churches.  Spottiswood,p.  174, 
175.  In  the  first  Book  of  Discipline,  indeed,  cathedral  churches, 
ifnotused  as  parish-churches,  arc  mentioned  amoiig  the  places - 
to  be  suppressed;  but  so  far  from  this  case  occurring,  it  was 
found  necessary  to  employ  many  of  tlie  chapels  attached  to  mo- 
tiasteries,  and*  collegiate  churches,  as  places  for  the  protcstant 
worship.     That  in  the  first  eflervoscenee  of  pnjjular  zeal,  some. 


NOTES.  153 

"jf  tTie  catliedrals  and  other  churches  should  have  suffered,  is  not 
TTiuch  to  be  wondered  at.  "  What,  you  speak  of  Mr.  Knox  preach- 
ing for  the  pulling  tlown  of  churches  (says  Mr.  Bailiie  in  his  an- 
swer to  bishop  Maxwell)  is  like  the  rest  of  your  lies. — I  have  not 
heard  that  in  all  our  land  above  three  or  foure  churches  were  cast 
down."  Historical  Vindication  of  the  Government  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  p.  40.  Lond.  1646.  Mr.  Bailiie  had  the  histo- 
rical collections  of  Calderwood  in  his  possession  when  he  com- 
posed that  work.  The  same  thing  is  evident  from  the  testimony 
of  Cecil  in  the  letter  quoted  above,  (p.  446.)  The  churches  were 
merely  to  be  stripped  of  the  monuments  of  idolatry  and  instru- 
ments of  superstition  ;  and  in  carrying  this  into  effect,  great  care 
was  taken  that  the  buildings  should  not  be  injured.  The  lord 
James  (afterwards  earl  of  Murray)  was  the  person  to  whom  the 
execution  of  the  act  in  the  northern  part  of  the  kingdom  was  com- 
Tiiitted  ;  and  we  have  an  authentic  document  of  the  manner  in 
which  he  proceeded,  in  an  order  issued  by  him,  and  written  with 
his  own  hand,  for  purging  the  cathedral  church  of  Diinkeld.  The 
following  is  an  exact  copy  of  that  order. 

-'  To  our  Traist  friendis,  the  Lairds  of  Arntilly  and  Kinvaid. 

"  Traist  friendis,  after  maist  harty  commendacion,  we  pray 
^•ow  faill  not  to  pass  incontinent  to  the  kyrk  of  Dunkeld,  and  tak 
doun  the  haill  images  thereof,  and  bring  furth  to  the  kyrk-zayrd, 
and  burn  thaym  oppinly.  And  siclyk  cast  down  the  altaris,  and 
purge  the  kyrk  of  all  kynd  of  monuments  of  idolatrye.  And  this 
x,e  faill  not  to  do,  as  ze  will  do  us  singular  empleseur ;  and  so 
committis  you  to  the  protection  of  God.  From  Edinburgh,  the 
xii.  of  August,  1560. 

Faill  not,  bot  ze  tak  guid  heyd  (Signed) 

■that  neither  the  dasks,  windocks,  An.  Ergyll. 

nor  durris,  be  ony  ways  hurt 

orbroken— — •  eyther  James  Stewart. 

glassin  wark  or  iron  wark. 

RuTHVEN."* 

We  may  take  it  for  granted  that  the  same  caution  was  used  in 
other  places.  If  it  be  asked,  how  it  happened  that  the  cathedrals 
and  many  other  churches  fell  into  such  a  ruined  state,  the  fol- 
lowing quotations  may  throw  some  light  upon  the  subject.  They 
are  taken  from  a  scarce  work  written  by  Robert  Pont,  Commis- 
sioner of  Murray,  and  one  of  the  Lords  of  Session.  "  Yet,  a  great 
many,  not  onely  of  the  raskall  sorte,  but  sundry  men  of  name  and 
worldly  reputation,  joyued  themselves  with  the  congregation  of 

*  Statistical  Account  vf  Scotland,  vol.  xx.  p.  429. 


454  NOTES. 

the  reformers,  not  so  much  forzeale  of  religion,  as  to  reape  some 
earthly  eommoditie,  and  to  be  enriched  by  spoyle  of  the  kirkes 
and  abbey  places.  And  when  the  preachers  told  them  that  such 
places  ofidolatrie  should  be  pulled  downe,  they  accepted  gladly 
the  enterprise;  and  rudely  passing  to  worke,  pulled  down  all,  both 
idoles  and  places  Avhere  they  were  found.  Not  making  difference 
betweene  these  places  ofidolatrie,  and  many  parish-kirks,  where 
God's  word  shuld  have  bin  preached  in  many  parts  where  they 
resorted,  as  in  such  tumultes  and  suddaiuties  useth  to  come  to 
passe  ;  namelye,  among  such  a  nation  as  we  are." 

"  An  other  thing  fell  out  at  that  time,  which  may  be  excused 
by  reason  of  necessitie  :  when  as  the  lordes,  and  some  of  the  no- 
bilitie,  prineipall  enterprysers,  of  the  reformation,  having  to  do 
with  the  Frenchmen,  and  many  their  assisters  of  our  owne  na- 
tion enemies  to  these  proceedings,  t,-,  ere  forced,  not  onely  to  in- 
gage  their  own  landes,  and  bestowe  whatsoever  they  were  able  to 
furnishc  of  their  owne  patrimonie,  for  maintenance  of  men  of 
vvarre,  and  other  charges,  but  also  to  take  the  lead  and  belles, 
with  other  jewelles  and  ornaments,  of  kirkes,  abbayes,  and  other 
places  of  superstition,  to  employ  the  same,  and  the  prises  thereof, 
to  resist  the  enemies.  The  most  parte  of  the  realme  beand  in 
their  contrarie.  This  I  say,  cannot  be  altogether  blamed."  Against 
Sacrilege,  Tliree  sermons  preached  by  Maister  Robert  Pont,  an  aged 
Pastoiir  inthe  Kirk  of  God.  B.  6,  7.  Edinburgh,  1599.  Cora- 
pare  Keith,  p.  468. 

But  what  shall  we  say  of  the  immense  loss  which  literature 
sustained  on  that  occasion  ?  "  Bibliothecks  destroicd,  the  volumes 
pf  the  fathers,  councells,  and  other  books  of  humane  learning, 
with  the  registers  of  the  church,  cast  into  the  streets,  afterwards 
gathered  in  heapes,  and  consumed  with  fire."  Spotliswood's  MS. 
apud  Keith,  p.  508.  May  not  such  conduct  be  justly  equalled 
with  the  fanaticism  of  the  Mahometan  chieftain  who  deprived 
the  world  of  the  invaluable  Alexandrine  library  ? — As  every  one 
is  apt  to  deplore  the  loss  of  that  commodity  upon  which  he  sets 
Ihe  greatest  value,  I  might  feci  more  inclined  to  join  in  this  la- 
mentation, were  I  not  fully  convinced  that  tliy  real  loss  was  ex- 
tremely trifling,  and  that  it  has  been  compensated  ten  thousand 
fold.  Where,  and  of  what  kind  were  these  bi!)]inthecks  ?  Omne 
ignotuni  magnificum.  The  public  was  loir-;  amused  with  the  talc 
«f  a  classic  library  at  lona,  which  promised  a  complete  copy  of 
Livy's  works, not  to  be  found  in  all  tlu>  world  beside;  a  miracle 
which  Mr.  Gibbon,  in  the  abundance  of  his  literary  faith,  seems 
'o  hnve  been  inclined  to  admit.     J)ano?.und  Uoformors,  and  Re 


NOTES. 

publicans,  were  successively  anathematized,  and  consigneSfto  the 
shades  of  barbarism,  for  the  destruction  of  what  (for  ought  that 
appears)  seems  to  have  existed  only  in  the  brains  of  antiquarians- 
It  has  been  common  to  say,  that  all  the  learning  of  the  times  was 
confined  to  monasteries.  This  was  true  at  a  certain  period  ;  but 
it  Jiad  ceased  to  be  the  fact  in  the  age  in  which  the  Reformation 
took  place.  Low  as  literature  was  in  Scotland  at  the  beginning 
of  the  16th  century,  for  the  credit  of  my  country  I  trust,  that  it 
was  not  in  so  poor  a  state  in  the  universities  as  it  was  in  the  mo- 
nasteries. Take  the  account  of  one  who  has  bestowed  much  at- 
tention on  the  monastic  antiquities  of  Scotland.  "  Monkish  am- 
bition terminated  in  acquiring  skill  in  scholastic  disputation.  If 
any  thing  besides  simple  tlieology  was  read"  [I  greatly  doubt  if 
there  is  any  good  evidence  of  this  being  a  practice  at  the  period 
of  which  I  speak]  "  it  might  consist  of  the  legends  of  saints,  who 
were  pictured  converting  infidels,  interceding  for  offenders,  and 
over-reaching  fiends ;  or  of  romances,  recording  the  valour  of 
some  hardy  adventurer,  continually  occupied  in  v,avs  with  Pa- 
gans, or  in  vanquishing  giants,  foiling  necromancers,  and  com- 
bating dragons.  Some  were  chroniclers  ;  and  books  of  the  laws 
might  be  transcribed  or  deposited  with  monks.  Some  v.iig'ht  be 
conversant  in  medicine  and  the  occult  sciences."  Dalyeli's  Cur- 
sory Remarks,  prefixed  to  Scottish  Poems,  i.  17,  IS. 

But  we  are  not  left  to  conjecture,  or  general  inferences,  as  to 
the  state  of  the  monastic  libraries.  We  have  the  catalogues  of 
two  libraries,  the  one  of  a  monastery,  the  other  of  a  collegiate 
church;  which  may  be  deemed  fair  specimens  of  the  condition  of 
the  remainder  in  the  respective  ages  to  which  they  belonged.  The 
former  is  the  catalogue  of  the  library  of  the  Cnldean  monastery  at 
Lochlevin.  It  consisted  of  seventeen  books,  all  of  them  necessarily 
in  manuscript.  Among  these  were  a  pastorale, graduate,  and  viis- 
sale,  books  common  to  all  monasteries,  and  without  which  their 
religious  service  could  not  be  performed  ;  the  Text  of  the  Gospels, 
and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  ;  an  Exposition  of  Genesis  ;  a  Col- 
lection of  Sentences;  and  an  Interpretation  of  Sayings.  The  rest 
appear  to  have  consisted  of  some  of  the  writings  of  Prosper,  and 
perhaps  of  Origen  and  Jerom.  Jamieson's  Historical  Account 
of  the  ancient  Culdees,  p.  376—8.  It  may  be  granted  that  this 
collection  of  books  was  by  no  means  despicable  iu  that  age  :  but 
certainly  it  contained  nothing  the  loss  of  which  has  been  injuri- 
ous to  literature.  I  have  no  doubt  that,  if  a  copy  of  the  Gospels, 
with  the  Lochlevin  seal,  or  superscription,  (whether  authentic  or 
fijetitious)  >vere  to  occur,  with  antiquarians  it  would  give  as  high 


456  NOTES. 

a  price  as  a  Polyglot ;  but  there  can  be  as  little  question  that  one 
copy  of  the  Greek  Testament  is  of  more  real  value.  From  the 
12th  to  the  16th  century,  the  monastic  libraries  did  not  improve. 
The  catalogue  of  the  library  at  Stirling  exhibits  the  true  state  of 
learning  at  the  beginning  of  the  last  mentioned  period.  It  con- 
tained, indeed,  a  copy  of  the  gospels  and  epistles  in  maniiseript, 
most  probably  in  Latin  ;  the  remainder  of  its  contents  was  purely 
monkish.  There  were  four  missals,  two  psalters^  four  antiphonies, 
three  breviaries,  two  legends,  four  graduals,  and  ten  processionals. 
Dalyell's  Fragments  of  Scottish  History,  p.  77. 

As  far  as  I  have  observed,  in  the  course  of  my  reading,  the  mo- 
nasteries did  not  possess  more  than  perhaps  an  odd  volume  or 
two  of  the  writings  of  the  Fathers  ;  but  whatever  books  of  this 
kind  were  to  be  found  in  them  the  reformers  would  be  anxious  to 
preserve,  not  to  destroy.  The  chai'tiilaries  were  the  most  valua- 
ble writings  deposited  in  monasteries:  and  many  of  these  have 
been  transmitted  to  us.  The  reformers  were  not  disposed  to  con- 
sume these  records,  and  we  tind  them  making  use  of  them  in  their 
writings.  Kncs,  Historie,  p.  1,  2,  o.  The  mass-books  where 
t^ie  most  likely  objects  of  their  vengeance,  and  I  have  little  doubt 
that  a  number  of  them  were  committed  to  the  flames,  in  testimony 
of  their  ablioixence  of  the  popish  worship.  Yet  they  were  care- 
ful to  preserve  copies  of  them,  which  they  produced  in  their  dis- 
putes with  the  Roman  Catholics.     Ibid.  p.  261. 

But  whatever  literary  ravages  where  committed,  let  them  not 
be  imputed  exclusively  to  the  tumultuary  reformation  of  Scotland, 
to  the  fanaticism  of  our  reformers,  or  the  barbarous  ignorance  of 
our  nobles.  In  England,  the  same  proceedings  took  place  to  a 
far  greater  extent,  and  the  loss  must  have  been  far  greater.  "  An- 
other misfortune  (says  Collier)  consequent  upon  the  suppression 
of  the  abbeys  was  an  ignorant  destruction  of  a  great  many  valu- 
able books. — The  books,  instead  of  being  removed  to  royal  libra- 
ries, to  those  of  cathedrals,  or  the  universities,  were  frequently 
Hirown  into  the  grantees,  as  things  of  slender  consideration. 
Their  avarice  was  sometimes  so  mean,  and  their  ignorance  so  un- 
distlnguishing,  that  when  the  covers  were  samewhat  rich,  and 
would  yield  a  little,  they  pulled  them  off,  threw  away  the  books, 
or  turned  them  to  waste  jiaper.'' — '•  A  number  of  them  which  pur- 
chased these  superstitious  mansions,  (says  bishop  Bale)  reserved 
of  those  library  books,  some  to  serve  their  jakes,  some  to  scourc 
their  candjisticks.  and  some  to  ruli  their  boots,  and  some  they  sold 
to  the  grocers  and  soap-sellers,  and  some  they  sent  over  sea  to 
book-binder«.  not  in  small  ndnjbers,  but  a^  times  whole  ships fulL 


NOTES.'  4.97 

'f^ea,  the  uuiversitles  are  not  all  clear  in  this  detestable  fact :  hut 
cursed  is  the  belly  which  seekcth  to  he  fed  with  so  ungodly  gains, 
and  so  deeply  shameth  his  native  country.  I  know  a  merchant 
man  (which  shall  at  this  time  be  nameless)  that  bought  the  eon- 
tents  of  tw  0  noble  libraries  for  forty  shillings  price  ;  a  shame  it  is 
to  be  spoken.  This  stuff  hath  he  occupied  instead  of  gray  paper 
by  the  space  of  more  than  these  ten  years,  and  yet  hath  he  store 
enough  for  as  mani/  j/ears  to  come.'^  Bale's  Declaration,  &e.  apud 
Collier's  Eec-les.  Hi-t.  ii.  166. 

Note  Z.  p.  201. 

The  personal  aversion  of  Elizabeth  to  engage  in  the  war  of  the 
Scottish  Ref(frmation  has  not,  as  far  as  I  have  observed,  been  no- 
ticed by  any  of  our  historians.  It  is,  however,  a  fact  well  authen- 
ticated from  state  papers,  whether  it  arose  from  extreme  caution 
at  the  commencement  of  her  reign,  from  her  known  parsimony,  or 
from  her  high  notions  respecting  royal  prerogative.  Cecil  men- 
tions it  repeatedly  in  his  correspondence  with  Throkmorton, 
••  God  trieth  us  (says  he)  with  many  difficulties.  The  Queen's 
majestic  never  liketh  this  matter  of  Scotland :  you  knowe  what 
hangeth  thereuppon  :  weak -hearted  men  and  flatterers  will  fol- 
low that  way — I  have  had  such  a  torment  herein  with  the  queen's 
majestic,  as  an  ague  hath  not  in  five  fitts  so  much  abated," 
Forbes,  i.  454,  455.  In  another  letter  he  says :  "  "What  will  fol- 
low of  ny  going  towardes  .Scotlande,  I  know  not ;  but  I  feare  the 
success,  quia,  the  queen's  majestic  is  so  evil  disposed  to  the  mat- 
ter whicli  troobleth  us  all."  Ibid.  460.  It  Avas  not  until  her 
council  had  presented  a  formal  petition  to  her,  that  she  gave  her 
consent.  Ibid.  390.  Even  after  she  had  agreed  to  hostilities, 
s-he  began  to  waver,  and  to  listen  to  the  artful  proposals  of  the 
French  court,  who  endeavoured  to  amuse  her  until  such  time  as 
they  were  able  to  convey  more  effectual  aid  to  the  queen  regent 
of  Scotland.  Killigrew ,  in  a  letter  to  Throkmorton,  after  men- 
tioning the  repulse  of  the  English  army  in  an  assault  upon  the 
fortifications  of  Leith,  says  :  "  This,  together  with  the  bischope's 
[of  Valence]  relation  unto  the  queen's  majestie^  caused  her  to 
renew  the  opiikion  of  Cassandra."  Ibid.  45(5.  This  Mas  the 
principal  cause  of  the  suspension  of  hostilities,  and  the  prema- 
ture attempt  to  negociate,  in  April  1560,  which  so  justly  alarmed 
the  lords  of  the  Congregation :  an  occurrence  not  adverted  to  in 
our  common  histories.  Haynes,  apud  Sadler,  i.  719,  TiZl.  The 
Scottish  protestants  were  much  indebted  to  Cecil  and  Throk- 
morton, for  the  assistance  which  they  obtainetl  from  Englaml. 
A  number  of  the  counsellors.  wRo  had  been  in  tKe  cabinet  of 


458  NOTES. 

queen  Mary,  did  all  in  their  power  to  I'osler  tlie  disinclination  of 
Elizabeth.  Lord  Grey,  in  one  of  his  dispatches,  complains  of 
the  influence  of  these  ministers,  whom  he  calls  PhUUpians,  from 
their  attachment  to  the  interest  of  the  king  of  Spain.     Haynes, 

p.  395. 

Note  A  A.  p.  205. 

The  hostile  advance  of  the  regent  against  Perth  first  drove 
the  lords  of  the  Congregation  to  take  arms  in  their  own  defence. 
Her  reiterated  infraction  of  treaties,  and  the  gradual  develope- 
ment  of  her  designs  by  the  introduction  of  French  troops  into  the 
kingdom,  rendered  the  prospect  of  an  amicable  and  permanent 
adjustment  of  differences  very  improbable,  and  dictated  the  pro- 
priety of  strengthening  their  confederation,  that  they  might  be 
prepared  for  a  sudden  and  more  formidable  attack.  These  con- 
siderations are  sufficient  to  justify  the  posture  of  defence  in  which 
they  kept  themselves  during  the  summer  of  1559,  and  the  steps 
which  they  took  to  secure  assistance  from  England,  If  their  ex- 
act situation  is  not  kept  in  view,  an  accurate  judgment  of  their 
conduct  connot  be  formed,  and  their  partial  and  temporary  re- 
sistance to  the  measures  of  the  regent  will  be  represented  as  an 
avowed  rebellion  against  her  authority.  But  whatever  be  the 
modern  ideas  on  this  subject,  they  did  not  consider  the  former  as 
necessarily  implying  the  latter,  and  they  continued  to  profess  not 
only  their  allegiance  to  their  severeign,  but  also  their  readiness 
to  obey  the  queen  regent  in  every  thing  not  inconsistent  Avith 
their  security,  and  the  liberties  of  the  na^tion ;  nay,  they  actually 
yielded  obedience,  by  paying  the  taxes  to  the  officers  appointed 
by  her,  and  in  other  ways.  Knox,  p.  176.  Private  and  confi- 
dential letters  are  justly  considered  as  the  most  satisfactory  evi- 
dence as  to  the  intentions  of  men.  Our  Reformer,  in  a  letter 
written  to  Mrs.  Locke  on  the  25th  of  June,  1559,  says  ;  "  The 
queen  is  retired  unto  Dunbar.  The  fine  [end]  is  known  unto  God. 
We  mean  no  tumult,  no  alteration  of  authority,  but  only  the  re- 
formation of  religion,  and  suppressing  of  idolatry."  Cald.  MS. 
i.  429.  At  an  early  period,  indeed,  she  accused  them  of  a  de- 
sign to  throw  off  their  allegiance.  When  the  prior  of  St.  Adrews 
joined  their  party,  she  industriously  circulated  a  report  that  he 
ambitiously  aimed  at  the  sovereignty,  luul  that  they  intended  to 
confer  it  upon  him.  Knox,  149.  Forbes,  i.  180.  It  was  one  of 
the  special  instructions  given  to  Sir  Kalph  Sadler,  when  he  was 
sent  down  to  Berwiek,  that  he  should  "  explore  the  very  trueth" 
as  to  this  report.  Sadler,  i.  731.  In  all  his  confidential  corres- 
pondence witii  his  court,  there  is  not  the  slightest  insinuation 
that  he  frad  disiKovered  any  evidence  to  induce  him  to  credit  tbitt 


NOTES.  459 

charge.  This  is  a  strong  proof  of  the  prior's  innoeeuee,  if  it  be 
taken  in  connection  with  what  I  shall  immediately  state ;  not 
to  mention  the  testimony  of  Melvil.  Memoirs,  p.  27. 

When  the  earl  of  Arran  joined  the  Congregation,  the  queen  re- 
gent circulated  the  same  report  respecting  him.     Knox,  p.  ±71: 
As  far  as  the  Congregation  were  concerned,  this  accusation  was 
as  unfounded  as  the  former.     Ibid.  p.  176.     But  there  are  some 
circumstances  connected  with  it  which  deserve  attention,  as   se( 
ting,  the  loyalty  of  the  Scottish  protestauts  in  a  very  clear  light. 
The  earl  of  Arran,  and  not  the  prior  of  St.  Andrews,  was  the  fa- 
vourite of  the  English  court.     Messengers  were  appointed  by 
them  to  bring  him  over  from  the  continent,  and  he  was  conducted 
through  England  into  Scotland,  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
Congregation.     Forbes,  i.  164, 166,171,216.     Sadler,  i.  417,421, 
437,  439.     There  is  also  evidence  that  the  ministers  of  Elizabeth 
wished  him  to  be  raised  to  the  throne  of  Scotland,  if  not  also 
that  they  had  projected  the  uniting  of  the  two  crowns  by  a  mar- 
riage between  him  and  Elizabeth.     "The  way  to  perfait  this  as- 
suredly (says  Throkmorton  to  Cecil)  is,  that  the  erle  of  Arraine 
do  as  Edward  the  IV.  did,  when  he  landed  at  Kavenspurg :  (lie 
pretended  to  the  duchy  of  York;  and  having  that,  he  would  not 
leave  UIl  he  had  the  diademe)  for  then  of  necessitie  th'erle  of  Ar- 
ran must  depend  upon  the  devotion  of  England  to  maintein  and 
defend  himself.     I  feare  all  other  devises  and  handelings  will 
prove  like  an  apotecary  his  shop;  and  therefore  I  leave  to  your 
discretion  to  provyde  by  all  me-anes  for  this  matter,  both  there 
and  in  Scotland."     And  again:  '•  Methinks,  the  lord  of  Grange, 
Ledington,  Balnaves,  and  the  chief  doers  of  the  Congregation 
(which  I  wold  wish  specially  to  be  done  and  procured  by  the  prioi 
of  St.  Andrewes)  should  be  persuaded  to  set  forward  these  pur- 
poses before :  for  there  is  no  way  for  them  to  have  any  savety  or 
surety,  oneles  thei  make  the  earl  of  Arran  king  ;  and  as  it  is  their 
surety,  so  it  is  also  ours.     In  this  mater  there  must  be  used  both 
wisdome,  courage,  and  Npede."     Forbes,  i.  435,  436.    Throkmor- 
ton, it  is  to  be  observed,  was  at  this  time  the  most  confidential 
friend  of  Cecil,  and,  in  his  dispatches  from  France,  pressed  the 
adoption  of  those  measures  which  the  secretary  had  recommend- 
ed to  the  queen  and  council.     Had  not  tlie  Congregation  been  de- 
cidedly averse  to  any  change  of  the  government  which  would 
have  set  aside  their  queen,  it  seems  highly  probable  that  this 
plan  would  have  been  carried  into  execution.     The  report  of  an 
intended  marriage  between  Elizabeth  and  Arran  was  general  at 
this  time;    and  wliatever  were  tJie  queen's  own  intentions,  it 
seems  to  have  been  seriouslv  contemplated   by  her   mini-^fers. 

'X3 


460  NOTES. 

Ibid.  214,  215,  282.  288.  This  accounts  for  the  recommendation 
of  this  measure  by  the  Scottish  Estates,  after  the  conclusion  of 
the  civil  war.     Keith,  154. 

Note  BB.  p.  214. 

I  shall  produce  some  extracts  from  Knox's  writings,  relating  to 
the  principal  points  touched  in  the  statement  of  his  political  sen- 
timents. "  In  fe\v  wordis  to  speik  my  conscience :  the  regement 
of  princes  is  this  day  cum  to  that  heap  of  iuiquitie,  that  no  godlie 
man  can  bnike  office  or  autoritie  under  thame,  but  in  so  doing  hie 
salbe  compellit  not  onlie  aganis  equitie  and  justice  to  oppres  the 
pure,  bui  also  expressedlie  to  fycht  aganis  God  and  his  ordinance, 
either  in  maintenance  of  idolatrie,  or  ellis  in  persecuting  Godis 
chosin  childrene.  And  what  must  follow  lieirof,  but  that  ether 
prineeis  be  reformit  and  be  compellit  also  to  reform  their  wiekit 
lawis,  or  els  all  gud  men  depart  fra  thair  service  and  companie?" 
Additions  to  the  Apology  of  the  Parisian  Protestants,  apud  MS. 
Letters,  p.  477.  Dr.  Robertson  has  ascribed  to  Knox  and  Bucha- 
nan an  "excessive  admiration  of  ancient  policy,"  he  says  their 
"principles,  authorities  and  examples  Mere  all  drawn  from  an- 
cient writers,"  and  their  political  system  founded  "  not  on  the 
maxims  of  feudal,  but  of  ancient  republican  government."  His- 
tory of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  b.  ii.  p.  391.  Lond.  1809.  These  assertions 
need  some  qualification.  If  republican  government  be  opposed  to 
absolute  monarchy,  the  principles  of  Knox  and  Buchanan  may  be 
denominated  republican ;  but  if  the  term  (as  now  commonly  un- 
derstood) be  used  in  contradistinction  to  monarchy  itself,  it  can- 
not be  shewed  that  they  admired  or  recommended  republicanism. 
They  were  the  friends  of  limited  monarchy.  It  is  the  excellence 
of  the  government  of  Britain,  that  the  feudal  maxims  ^hich  once 
predominated  in  it  have  been  corrected,  or  their  iniiuence  counter- 
acted, by  others  borrowed  from  republican  constitutions.  And  it 
is  not  a  little  to  the  credit  of  the  moderation  and  good  sense  of 
these  writers,  that,  notwithstanding  all  their  admiration  of 
ancient  models  of  legislation,  in  comparison  with  the  existing 
feudal  monuments,  they  contented  themselves  with  recommending 
such  principles  as  were  requisite  for  restraining  the  arbitrary 
power  of  kings,  and  securing  the  rights  of  the  people.  Nor  were 
all  their  authorities  and  examples  drawn  from  ancient  writers,  as 
maybe  seen  in  the  Dialogue, l>ej«re  regni  apud  Scotos. 

In  a  letter  written  by  him  to  the  queen  Dowager,  a  few  days 
after  her  suspension  from  the  regency,  he  says:  "My  toung  did 
bothe  perswade  and  obtein,  that  your  authoritieand  regiment  suld 
be  obeyed  of  us  in  all  things  lawful!,  till  ye  declair  yourself  opin 


NOTES.  461 

enemie  to  this  eomoun  welthe  ;  as  uow,  allace  !  ye  have  done." 
Historic,  p.  180.  This  declaration  is  justified  by  the  letters  which 
he  wrote  to  his  brethren  before  his  arrival  in  Scotland.  The  fol- 
lowing extract  from  a  letter  addressed  to  the  protestant  nobility, 
December  17,  ±557,  is  a  specimen.  "  But  now  no  farder  to  trubill 
you  at  the  present,  I  w  ill  only  advertis  you  of  sic  brut  as  I  heir  in 
thir  partis  uncertanlie  noysit,  whilk  is  this,  that  contradictioun 
and  rebellioun  is  maid  to  the  autoritie  be  sum  in  that  realme.  In 
whilk  poynt  my  conscience  will  not  suffer  me  to  keip  back  from 
you  my  cousall,  ye,  my  judgment  and  commandment,  whilk  I 
communieat  with  yow  in  Godis  feir,  and  by  the  assurance  of  his 
treuth,  whilk  is  this,  that  nane  of  you  that  seik  to  promot  the 
glorie  of  Chryst  do  suddanlie  disobey  or  displeas  the  establissit 
autoritie  in  things  lawful!,  neither  yit  that  ye  assist  or  fortifie 
such  as,  for  thair  awn  particular  caus  and  warldlie  promotioun, 
wald  trubill  the  same.  But,  in  the  bowallis  of  Chryst  Jesus,  I 
exhort  yow,  that  with  all  simplicitie  and  lawful!  obedience,  with 
boldness  in  God,  and  with  opin  confessioun  of  your  faith,  ye  seek 
the  favour  of  the  autoritie,  that  by  it  (yf  possible  be)  the  caus  in 
whilk  ye  labour  may  be  promotit,  or,  at  the  leist,  not  persecutit : 
Whilk  thing,  efter  all  humill  requist,  yf  ye  can  not  atteane,  then 
with  oppin  and  solemp  protestation  of  your  obedience  to  be  given 
to  the  autoritie  in  all  thiugis  not  planelie  repuguyng  to  God,  ye 
lawfuUie  may  attempt  the  extreamitie,  whilk  is,  to  provyd  (whid- 
der  the  autoritie  will  consent  or  no)  that  Chrystis  evangell  may 
be  trewlie  preehit,  and  his  halie  saeramentis  rychtlie  ministerit 
unto  yow  and  to  your  brethren,  the  subjectis  of  that  realme.  And 
farder  ye  lawfullie  may,  ye,  and  thairto  is  bound,  to  defend  your 
brethrene  frome  perseeutioun  and  tiranny,  be  it  aganis  princes  or 
emprioris,  to  the  uttermost  of  your  power :  provyding  alwayis  (as 
I  have  said)  that  nether  your  self  deny  lawfull  obedience,  nether 
yit  that  ye  assist  nor  promot  thois  that  seik  autoritie  and  pre-emi- 
nence of  warldlie  glorie."     MS.  Letters,  p.  433,  435. 

In  his  conversation  with  queen  Mary,  at  Lochlevin,  we  find  him 
inculcating  the  doctrine  of  a  mutual  compact  between  rulers  and 
subjects.  "  It  sail  be  profitabill  to  your  majesty  to  consider  quhat 
is  the  thing  your  grace's  subjects  luiks  to  receave  of  your  majesty, 
and  quhat  it  is  that  ye  audit  to  do  unto  thame  by  mutual  contract. 
They  ar  bound  to  obey  you,  and  that  not  hot  in  God;  ye  ar  bound 
to  keip  lawes  unto  thame.  Ye  crave  of  thame  service  ;  they  crave 
of  you  protectioun  and  defoice  against  wicked  doars.  Xow, 
madam,  if  you  sail  deny  your  devvty  unto  thame  (quhilk  espccialy 
craves  that  ye  punish  malefactors)  think  ye  to  receave  full  obedi- 


IGS  NOTES. 

cuce  of  Ihame  ?"  Historic,  p.  327.    This  seutiment  was  adoptetl 
by  his  countrymeTr.     The   committee  appointed  by  the  regent 
Murray  to  prepare  overtures  for  the  parliament,  which  met  in 
December,  1567,  (of  which  committee  our  Reformer  was  a  mem- 
ber,) agreed  to  this  proposition  :  "  The  band  and  contract  to  be 
mutuale  and  reciprous  in  all  tymes  cnming  betwixt  the  prince  and 
God,  and  his  faithful  people,  according  to  the  word  of  God." 
Robertson's  Records  of  Parliament,  p.  796.     This  was  also  one 
of  the  articles  subscribed  at  the  General  Assembly  in  July  pre- 
ceding ^  only  the  language  there  is   more  clear  and  express, — 
*'  mutual  and  reciproque  in  all  tymes  coming  betwixt  the  prince 
and  God,  and  also  hetxchvt  the  prince  and  faithful  'people.''^  Buik 
of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  34.  Adv.  Lib.  Keith,  582.     See  also 
the  proclamation  of  the  king's  authority.     Anderson's  Collections 
vol.  ii.  p.  205.  Keith,  ill.     The  right  of  resistance  was  formally 
recognized  in  the  inscription  upon  a  coin  stamped  soon  after  the 
coronation  of  James   VI.     On  one  of  the  sides  is  the  figure  of  a 
sword  with  a  crown  upon  it,   aiid  the  words  of  Trajan  circum- 
scribed. Pro  me   si  mereor,  in  me  ;  i.  e.  Use  this  sword  for  me  : 
if  I  deserve  it,  against  me.     Cardonell's  Numismata  Scotiae,  plate 
ix.  p.  101.     Our  reformer's  Appellation  may  be  consulted  for  the 
proof  of  what  has  been  asserted,  (p.  213,  21  i,)  as  to  his  endea- 
vours to  repress  aristocratical  tyranny,  and  to  awaken  the  mass 
of  the  people  to  a  due  sense  of  their  rights.     See  also  Historic,  p. 
100.     The  eftect  of  the  reformation  in  extending  popular  liberty 
was  very  visible  in  the  parliament  which  met  in  August  1560,  in 
which  there  were  representatives  from  all  the  boroughs,  and  a 
hundred  lesser  barons,  "  withniony  otheris  baronis,  fre  halderis. 
and  landit  men."  Keith  has  mentioned  that  during  a  space  of  no 
less  thanseveiity-seven  years  preceding  "  scarcely  had  one  of  the 
inferior  gentry  appeared  in  parliament.     And  therefore  (adds  he) 
1  know  not  but  it  may  be  deemed  somewhat  ?tJn(S?/rt^,  for  a  hundred 
of  (hem  to  jump  all  at  once  into  the  parliament,  especially  in  such 
a  juncture  as  the  present  was."  History,  p.  14'7,  148.     The  peti- 
tion presented  by  the  lesser  barons,  for  liberty  to  sit  and  vote  in  the 
}>arliament,  has   this  remarkable  clause  in  it:  "otherwise   we 
think  that  whatsomever  ordinances  and  statutes  be  made  concern- 
ing ns  and  our  estate,  we  not  being  required  and  suffered  to  reason 
iind  vote  at  the  making  tliereof,  that  the  same  should  not  oblige  us 
to  stand   thereto."  Robertson's  History   of   Scotland,  Append. 
No.  4. 

Liberal  principles  rcspectingcivil  government  accompanied  the 
progress  of  the  reformation.  Knox  had  the  concurrence  of  English 
bishops  in  his  doctrine  concerning  the  limited  authority  of  kings, 
and  the  lawfulness  of  resisting  them.     See  notes  T  and  SS.     He 


NOTES.  463 

had'the  express  approbation  of  the  principal  divines  in  the  Ibreigu 
f'hurches.     Historic,  363,  366.     In  the  17th  century,  some  of  the 
French  divines,  in  their  great  loyalty  to  the  Grand  Monarque,  dis- 
claimed all  approbation  of  our  Reformer's  political  sentiments, 
and  represented  them  as  proceeding  from  the  fervid  and  daring 
spirit  of  the  Scots  nation,  or  the  peculiar  constitution  of  their  go- 
vernment.    Riveti  Castig.  in  Balzacuni,  cap.   xiii.  §  14.   apud 
Oper.  torn.  iii.  p.  539.     See  also  the  quotations  from  other  French 
authors  in  Bayle,  Diet.  Art.  Knox,  Note  E.     In  the  controversy 
occasioned  by  the  execution  of  Charles  I.  our  Reformer's  name 
and  principles  were  introduced.     Milton  appealed  to  him,  and 
made  quotations  from  his  writings,  in  defence  of  that  deed.     One 
of  Milton's  opponents  says  that  he  had  only  a  single  Scot  to  pro- 
duce, "  whom  his  own  age  could  not  suffer,  and  whom  all  the  re- 
formed, especially  the  French,  condemned  in  this  point."     Regii 
Sanguinis  Clamor  ad  eelum,  p.  129.    Hagse-Coniit.  1632,  written 
by  Peter  du  Moulin,  the  son.  Miiton<  in  his  Rejoinder,  urges  with 
truth,  that  Knox  had  asserted,  that  his  opinions  were  approved  by 
Calvin,  and  other  eminent  divines  of  his  acquaintance.     Miltoni 
Defensio  secunda  pro  Pop.  Anglic,  p.  101.     Hagaz-Comit.  1654. 
See  also  Milton's  Prose  Works,  by  Syramons,  vol.  ii.  p.  291 — 2, 
307,  378.  Lond.  1S06.     But  long  before  this  controversy  arose,. 
Milton  had  expressed  himself  in  terras  of  high  praise  concerning 
our  Reformer.     "  Nay,  which  is  more  lamentable,  if  the  work  of 
any  deceased  author,  though  never  so  famous  in  his  life-time  and 
even  to  this  day,  come  to  their  hands  for  license  to  be  printed  or 
reprinted,  if  there  be  found  in  his  book  one  sentence  of  a  veuturou* 
edge,  uttered  in  the  height  of  zeal,  (auu  who  knows  whether  it 
might  not  be  the  dictate  of  a  divine  spirit?)  Yet  not  suiting  with 
every  low  decrepit  humour  of  their  own,  though  it  were  Knox  him- 
self, the  reformer  of  a  kingdom,  that  spake  it,  they  will  not  par- 
don him  their  dash;  the  sense  of  that  great  man  shall  to  all  pos- 
terity be  lostfor  the  fearfuinesse,  or  the  presumptuous  rashnesse  of 
a  perfunctory  licenser.     And  to  what  an  author  this  violence  hath 
bin  lately  done,  and  in  \\hat  book  of  greatest  consequence  to  be 
faithfully  publisht,  1  could  now  instance,  but  sJiall  forbear  till  a 
more  convenient  season  ''     Milton's  Prose  Works,  ut  supra,  voL 
i.  p.  311.     This  work  of  Milton  first  appeared  in  1644,  the  year 
in  which  David  Buchanan's  edition  of  Knox's  History  was  pub- 
lished. 

Note  CC.  p.  227. 
I  shall,  in  this  note,  add  some  particulars  respecting  the  early 
practice  of  the  reformed  churchof  Scotland,  under  different  heads. 


164  NOTES.  * 

OfDoctovff. — The  doctrine  of  the  church  of  Scotland,  and  in- 
deed of  other  reformed  churches,  on  this  head,  has  not  been  very 
uniform  and  decided.  The  first  book  of  discipline  does  not  men- 
lion  doctors,  but  it  seems  to  take  for  granted  what  had  been  stated 
respecting  the  officers  of  the  church  in  the  book  of  common  order, 
where  they  are  declared  to  be  "a  fourth  kind  of  ministers  left  to 
the  churcli  of  Christ,-'  although  the  English  church  at  Geneva 
could  not  attain  them.  Knox's  Liturgy,  p.  14.  Dunlop's  Con- 
fessions, ii.  409,  410.  In  the  second  book  of  discipline  they  are 
expressly  mentioned  as  "  ane  of  the  twa  ordinar  and  perpetual 
functions  thattravell  in  the  word."  and  "different  from  the  pas- 
ior,  not  only  in  name,  but  in  diversity  of  gifts."  The  doctor  is  to 
"  assist  the  pastor  in  the  government  of  the  kirk,  and  concur  with 
the  elders  his  bretiiren  in  all  assemblies,"  but  not  "  to  minister 
the  sacraments  or  celebrate  marriage  "  Dunlop,  ii.  773,  774. 
The  book  of  coniinou  order  and  second  book  of  discipline  agree 
in  comprehending,  under  the  name  and  office  of  a  doctor,  ''the 
order  iu  sehooles,  eolledges,  and  universities."  Ut  supra.  The 
fact  seems  to  be,  that  there  never  were  any  doctors  in  the  church 
of  Scotland,  except  the  teachers  of  divinity  in  the  universities. 
"Quamvis  ecclesia  nostra  (says  Calderwood)  post  primam  rcfor- 
mationem  quatuor  aguoscat  ministrorum  genera,  pastorum,  doc- 
toruni,  presbyterorum,  ot  diaconorum:  tamen  doctores  alios 
nondisni  habuit  quam  scholarchas."  De  Regimine  Ecclesice 
Scoiicana'  Brevis  Relatio,  p.  1,  2.  Anno  1618.  Some  writers 
have  asserted  that  it  was  as  doctors  that  both  Buchanan  and 
Andrew  Melville  sat,  and  somelimes  presided,  in  the  church 
courts.  The  Episcopalians  having  objected  that  the  church  of 
Scotland  admitted  persons  to  act  as  moderators  in  her  assemblies 
vvhowereinno  ecclesiastical  office,  and  instanced  in  the  two 
persons  above  mentioned,  Mr.  Baillie  gives  this  answer:  "Mr. 
Melvil  was  a  doctor  of  divinity,  and  so  long  as  episcopal  perse- 
cution permitted,  did  sit  with  great  renowne  in  the  prime  chair 
we  had  of  that  faculty :  George  Buchanan  had  sometimes,  as  I 
\ui\c  heard,  been  a  preacher  at  St.  Andrews;  after  his  long  tra- 
vells  he  was  employed  by  our  church  and  state  to  be  a  teacher  to 
king  James  and  his  family:  of  his  faithfulness  iu  this  charge 
he  left,  I  believe,  to  the  world  good  and  satisliictory  tokens :  the 
enuneuey  of  this  person  was  so  great,  that  no  society  of  men  need 
be  ashamed  to  have  been  moderated  by  his  wisdome."  Historical 
Vindication,  p.  21,  22.  The  report  which  Mr.  Baillie  had  heard 
of  Bui'bauan  having  been  a  preacher,  probably  originated  from 
the  divinity  lectures  which  Calderwood  informs  us  he  read  with 
great  applause  iu  the  uuiversily  of  St.  Andrews.     "  Buchanan 


NOTES.  465 

and  Mr.  Melvin  were  doctors  of  diviuity"  says  Rntliurfurd,  Lex 
Rex,pref.  p.  5.  Lond.  1644. 

Of  Readers. — ^TJiose  employed  as  readers  appear  to  have  often 
transgressed  the  bounds  prescribed  to  them,  and  to  liavc  both 
solemnized  marriage,  and  administered  the  sacraments.  Differ- 
ent acts  of  assembly  were  made  to  restrain  these  excesses.  The 
General  Assembly,  October  1576,  prohibited  all  readers  from  mi- 
nistering "  the  holy  sacrament  of  the  Lord,  except  such  as  lies  the 
word  of  exhortation."  The  assembly  which  met  in  July  1579, 
inhibited  them  from  celebrating  marriage,  nnless  they  were  found 
meet  by  "the  commission,  or  synodal  assembly."  At  length,  in 
April  1581,  the  order  was  suppressed.  "  Aneijt  readers  :  Forsa- 
mekle  as  in  assemblies  preceding,  the  office  thereof  was  concludit 
to  be  no  ordinar  office  in  the  kirk  of  God,  and  the  admission  of 
them  suspendit  to  the  present  assemblie;  the  kirk  in  ane  voyce 
hes  votit  and  concludit  farder,  that  in  na  tymes  coming  any  reider 
be  admitted  to  the  office  of  reider,  be  any  having  poMer  within 
the  kirk."     Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  in  loc. 

Of  Superintendents. — The  church  of  Scotland  did  not  consider 
superintendents  as  ordinary  or  permanent  office-bearers  in  the 
church.  They  are  not  mentioned  in  the  book  of  common  order. 
The  first  book  of  discipline  explicitly  declares  that  their  appoint- 
ment was  a  matter  of  temporary  expedience,  in  the  plantation  of 
the  church,  and  on  account  of  the  paucity  of  miuistcrs.  its  words 
are :  "  Because  we  have  appointed  a  larger  stipend  to  them  that 
shall  be  superintendents  than  to  the  rest  of  the  ministers,  we 
have  thought  good  to  signifie  to  your  honours  such  reasons  as 
moved  us  to  make  difference  betwixt  teachers  at  this  time.'^  And 
again:  "We  consider  that  if  the  ministers  whom  God  hath  en- 
dowed with  his  singular  graces  amongst  us,  should  be  appointed 
to  several  places  there  to  make  their  continual  residence,  that 
then  the  greatest  part  of  the  realme  should  be  destitute  of  all 
doctrine:  which  should  not  onely  be  the  occasion  of  great  mur- 
mur, but  also  be  dangerous  to  the  salvation  of  many.  And  there- 
fore we  have  thought  it  a  thing  most  expedient  at  this  time^ 
that  from  the  whole  number  of  godly  and  learned  men,  now  pre- 
sently in  this  realm,  be  selected  ten  or  twelve  (for  in  so  many  pro- 
vinces we  have  divided  the  whole)  to  whom  clarge  and  commaud- 
ment  should  be  given,  to  plant  and  erect  kirkes,  to  set,  order,  and 
appoint  ministers,  as  the  former  order  prescribes,  to  the  coun- 
tries that  shall  be  appointed  to  their  care  wliere  none  are  now." 
First  and  Second  Books  of  Discipline,  p.  ^5.  printed  anno  1621. 
Punlop's  Confessions,  ii.  5.38,  5^9.     Archlishop  Spottiswood  has 


i66  NOTES. 

not  acted  faithfully,  if  Iiis  History  has  been  printed,  in  this-plaee, 
exactly  according  to  his  manuscript.     He  has  omitted  the  pas- 
sages above  quoted,  and  has  comprehended  the  whole  of  the  two 
paragraphs  from  which  they  are  extracted  in  a  short  sentence 
of  his  own,  which  is  far  from  being  a  full  expression  of  the 
meaningof  the  compilers.     History,  p.  158,  Lond.  1677.    This  is 
the  more  inexcusable  as  he  says  that  for  "the  clearing  of  many 
questions  which  were  afterwards  agitated  in  the  church,"  he 
•'  thought  meet  word  by  word  to  insert  the  same  [the  First  Book 
of  Discipline]  that  the  reader  may  see  what  were  the  grounds 
laid  down  at  first  for  the  government  of  the  church."  Ibid.  p.  152. 
He  could  not  be  ignorant  that  the  grounds  of  the  appointment 
of  superiatendciiLs  formed  one  of  the  principal  questions  agitated 
between  him  and  his  opponents.     I  have  compared  the  copy  of 
the  First  Book  of  Discipline,  inserted  in  an  old  MS.  copy  of 
Knox's  Historic,  and  find  that  it  exactly  agrees  with  the  quota- 
tions which  I  have  made  from  the  editions  published  in   1621, 
and  by  Dimlop.     Dr.  Robertson  has  been  misled  by  the  archbi- 
shop.    "  On  the  first  introduction  of  his  system,  (says  he)  Knox 
did  not  deem  it  expedient  to  depart  altogether  from  the  ancient 
form.     Instead  of  bishops,  he  proposed  to  establish  ten  or  twelve 
superintendents  in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom."     As  his  au- 
thority for  this  statement,  he  refers  solely  to  the  mutilated  ac- 
count in  Spottiswood.  Robertson,  ut  supra,  ii.  42, 13.  Mr.  Laing> 
from  an  examination  of  the  original  documents,  has  given  a 
more  accurate  account,  and  pronounced  the  appointment  of  su- 
perintendents a  "temporary  expedient."     History  of  Scotland, 
vol.  iii.  p.  17,  18.  Lond.  1801. 

The  superintendents  were  elected  and  admitted  in  the  same 
manner  as  other  pastors.    Knox,  263.  They  were  equally  subject 
to  rebuke,  suspension,  and  deposition,  with  the  rest  of  the  minis- 
ters of  the  church.   In  the  examination  of  those  who  were  admit- 
ted by  them  to  the  ministry,  they  were  bound  to  associate  with 
them  the  ministers  of  the  neighbouring  parishes.    They  could  not 
exercise  any  spiritual  jurisdiction  without  the  consent  of  the  pro- 
vincial synods,  over  which  they  had  no  negative  voice.      They 
were  accountable  to  the  General  Assembly  for  the  whole  of  their 
conduct.     The  laborious  task  imposed  upon  them  is  what  few 
bishops  have  ever  submitted  to.    "  They  must  be  preachers  them- 
selves j  they  are  charged  to  "remain  in  no  place  above  twenty 
daies  in  their  visitation,  till  they  have  passed  through  their  whole 
bounds."     They  "  mus^  thrice  everie  week  preach  at  the  least." 
When  they  return  to  t^Mr  principal  toMn  or  residence,  "  they 


NOTES.  467 

jiiust  be  likewise  exercised  in  preaching;"  and  having  remained 
in  it  '-three  or  foure  monthes  at  most,  they  shall  be  compelled 
(unless  by  sicknesse  they  be  retained)  to  re-enter  in  visitation." 
Dunlop,  ii.  5i2.  De  Regimine  Eccles.  Scotiean.  brevis  relatio, 
p.  5,  6.  Anno  1G18.  Epistolae  Philadelphi  Vindicae  contra 
caluninias  Spotswodi,  apnd  Altare  Damascenum,  p.  72h — 737. 
edit.  2  da.  Lugd.  Batav.  1708.  In  this  tract  (of  which  Calder- 
wood  was  the  author)  the  difference  between  the  Scottish  super- 
intendents and  Anglican  bishops  is  drawn  out  under  thirteen 
heads.  Spotswood's  treatise  is  entitled.  Refutatio  Libelli  de  Re- 
gimine Ecelesise  Scoticanx,  Lond.  1620. 

In  the  text  (p.  226,)  I  have  said  that  six  superintendents  were 
appointed.  The  names  of  five,  with  their  districts,  may  be  seen 
in  the  common  histories.  Knox,  236.  Spottis.  149.  The  sixth 
was  John  Row,  minister  of  Perth,  who  was  made  superintendent 
of  Galloway  by  appointment  of  the  General  Assembly.  Row's 
MS.  Historic  of  the  Kirk,  p.  358,  of  a  copy  transcribed  in  1726. 
The  visitors  or  commissioners  of  provinces  exercised  the  same 
power  as  the  superintendents ;  the  only  diff'erence  between  them 
was  that  the  former  received  their  commission  from  one  assembly 
to  another.  Altare  Damaseenum,  ut  supra,  p.  727.  But  these 
commissions  appear  sometimes  to  have  been  granted  for  a  longer 
period ;  for  one  of  Robert  Font's  titles  w  as  Commissioner  of  Mur- 
ray. Perhaps,  in  this  case,  a  commissioner  differed  from  a  super- 
intendent, merely  in  not  being  obliged  to  have  his  stated  residence 
within  the  bounds  of  the  province  committed  to  his  inspection. 

Of  the  weekly  Exercise  or  Prophesying. — This  was  an  exercise 
upon  the  scriptures,  intended  for  the  improvement  of  ministers, 
the  trial  of  the  gifts  of  those  who  might  be  employed  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  church,  and  the  general  instruction  of  the  people.  It 
was  to  be  held  in  every  town  "  where  schools  and  repaire  of  learn- 
ed men  are."  For  conducting  the  exercise,  there  was  an  associa- 
tion of  the  ministers,  and  other  learned  men,  in  the  town  and 
vicinity,  called  "  the  company  of  interpreters."  They  alternately 
expounded  a  passage  of  scripture;  and  others  who  were  present 
w  ere  encouraged  to  deliver  their  sentiments.  After  the  exercise 
was  finished,  the  constituent  members  of  the  association  retired, 
and  delivered  their  judgment  on  the  discourses  which  had  been 
delivered.  Books  of  Discipline,  ut  supra,  p.  60 — 63.  Dunlop, 
ii.  587 — 591.  After  the  erection  of  regular  presbyteries,  this  ex- 
ercise formed  an  important  part  of  their  employment;  and  at 
every  meeting,  two  of  the  members  by  turns  commonly  expounded 
the  scriptures.      De  Regimine  Ecel.  Scot.  Brevis  Relatio,  p.  ?,. 

0.1 


468  NOTES. 

Until  lately  some  traces  of  this  ancient  practice  remained,  and 
there  is  reason  to  regret  that  it  has  generally  gone  into  dissuetnde 
among  presbyterian  bodies.  Associations  of  the  same  kind  were 
formed  in  England.  From  1571  to  1576,  they  spread  through  that 
kingdom,  and  were  patronized  by  the  bishops  of  London,  Winton, 
Bath  and  Wells,  Litchfield,  Glocester,  Lincoln,  Chichester. 
Exou,  St.  David's  Sandys  archbishop  of  York,  and  Grindall  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury.  Several  of  the  courtiers,  as  Sir  Walter 
Mildmay,  Sir  Francis  Knollys,  and  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  greatly 
approved  of  them;  and,  at  a  future  period,  they  were  recommend- 
ed to  king  James  by  lord  Bacon.  But  they  were  suppressed  by 
an  imperious  mandate  from  Elizabeth.  Some  interesting  parti- 
culars respecting  their  number,  regulations,  and  suppression, 
may  be  seen  in  Strype's  Annals,  ii.  90 — 95,  219,  220,318 — 324, 
486.  Life  of  Grindal,  p.  219 — i327,  230,  299,  300.  Life  of  Parker, 
460 — 462.  They  ^>eie  formed  on  the  model  of  the  Scottish  ex- 
ercises, and,  in  the  regulations,  the  very  words  of  the  First  Book 
of  Discipliue  are  sometimes  used.  A  species  of  ecclesiastical 
discipline  was  joined  with  them  in  some  dioceses.  I  also  observe 
a  striking  resemblance  between  the  directions  given  by  bishop 
Scambler  for  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's  supper,  and  the  mode 
which  Avas  then  used  in  Scotland,  particularly  as  to  the  circum- 
stance of  two  communions  or  ministrations  on  the  same  day,  and 
the  early  hour  of  the  service.  Strype's  Annals,  ii.  91,  compared 
M  ith  Scott's  History  of  the  Scottish  Reformers,  p.  192. 

Keith  has  given  a  quotation  from  the  MS.  copy  of  Spottiswood's 
History,  in  which  the  archbishop  signifies,  that,  at  the  time  of  the 
compilation  of  the  First  Book  of  Discipline,  several  of  the  re- 
formed ministers  wished  to  retain  the  ancient  policy,  after  remov- 
ing the  more  gross  corruptions  and  abuses,  but  that  Knox  over- 
ruled this  motion.  Keith,  492.  But  there  is  no  trace,  in  the 
authentic  documents  of  that  period,  of  any  diversity  of  opinion 
among  the  Scottish  reformers  on  this  head.  The  supposition  is 
contradicted  by  Row,  (see  above  p.  224.)  and  by  their  own  lan- 
guage, Dunlop,  ii.  51S.  Knox,  Historic,  282.  It  is  probable 
that  the  archbishop's  story  had  its  origin  at  a  later  period,  when 
Ihe  design  of  conforming  the  church  of  Scotland  to  the  English 
model  began  to  be  entertained.  I  confess,  I  am  not  iuclined  to 
give  much  more  credit  to  another  of  llie  archbishop's  tales  as  to 
a  message  which  archbishop  Hamilton  is  said  to  have  sent  tr. 
Knox  by  John  Brand.     History,  l7l.     Kei(h,495. 


NOTES. 

Note  DD.  p.  328. 

A  short  account  of  John  Row  will  introduce  the  particulars 
which  I  have  to  state  respecting  the  study  of  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage in  Scotland.  The  account  is  taken  from  the  Historie  of 
his  son,  John  Row,  minister  of  Carnock,  and  the  copy  of  the  MS. 
which  I  quote  in  tliis  note  is  one  transcribed  in  1726.  He  was 
born  in  a  place  called  Eoic,  between  Stirling  and  Diimblain.  After 
finishing  his  education,  and  being  laureated,  at  St.  Andrews,  he 
pleaded  for  some  time  as  an  advocate  before  the  consistorial 
court  in  that  city.  Having  resolved  to  travel,  he,  about  the  year 
1550,  was  intrusted  by  the  Scottish  clergy  with  the  management 
of  some  of  their  affairs  at  the  court  of  Rome.  He  applied  himself 
to  the  prosecution  of  his  studies  with  great  diligence,  and  re- 
ceived the  degree  of  Doctor  utriusqu  juris  from  two  Italian  uni- 
versities. He  was  a  favourite  with  two  pontiffs,  Julius  HI.  and 
Paul  V.  and  had  every  prospect  of  preferment  at  Rome;  but 
having  lost  his  health,  he  resolved  to  return  to  his  native  coun- 
try. Upon  his  departure  from  Rome,  May  20,  1558,  the  pope 
invested  him  with  a  public  character,  and  gave  him  instructions 
for  checking  the  progress  of  heresy  in  Scotland.  Having  arrived 
in  this  country,  September  29,  1558,  he  exerted  himself  for  some 
time  in  executing  his  commission,  but  was  soon  converted  to  the 

protestant  faith.     Row's  MS.   Historie,  ut  supra,  p.  308 310. 

The  exposure  of  the  pretended  miracle  wrought  at  Musselburgh, 
(see  above,  p.  219,)  was  the  first  thing  which  staggered  his  mind. 
Being  in  the  house  of  Meldrum,  the  gentleman  in  Fife  who  had 
detected  the  imposture,  the  young  njan  who  was  said  to  have 
been  cured  of  blindness  was  brought  into  his  presence,  where  he 
"  played  his  pavie,"  by  "  flypingup  the  lid  of  his  eyes  and  casting 
up  the  white.*'  While  Row  was  confounded  at  this  discovery, 
Meldrum  addressed  him  very  seriously.  "  Weill,  Mr.  John  Row, 
ye  are  a  great  clergyman,  and  a  great  linguist  and  lawyer,  but  I 
charge  you,  as  you  must  answer  to  the  great  God  at  the  last  day, 
that  ye  do  not  now  hold  out  any  light  that  God  offers  you,  but  that 
ye  will,  as  soon  as  ye  come  to  your  study,  close  the  door  upon  you, 
and  take  your  Bible,  and  seriously  pray  to  God  that  yc  may  un- 
derstand the  scriptures. — Read  the2dch.  of  the  2d  epistle  of  the 
Thessalonians;  and  if  ye  do  not  see  your  master,  the  pope,  to  be 
the  great  antichrist  who  comes  with  lying  wonders  to  deceive  the 
])eople  of  God  (as  nov/  lie  and  his  deceiving  rabble  of  clergy  in 
Scotland  have  done  lately  at  Musselburgh,)  ye  shall  say  Squire 
Meldrum  has  no  skill.*'  Row,  p.  356.  By  conference  with  se* 
veral  of    the   reformed  ministers,  particularly  Knox,  he  was 


470  NOTES. 

brought  to  an  abjuratiou  of  popery.  "  Ipse  uuueius  (says  his  grand- 
son) nasso  evangellii  irretitus,  ejuspura,  pia,  pathctica  pr^edica- 
tione  incscatus,  poutificiis  syrtibus,  famigerati  Knoxii  opera, 
extractus  est."  Hebreje  linguae  Instituliones,  a  M.  Joa.  Row, 
epist.  dedie.  A  3.  b.  Glasguse  IQ-i-i.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1560  he  was  admitted  minister  of  Kinneuchar  in  Fife,  where  he 
married  ^Margaret  Beatoun,  a  daughter  of  the  laird  of  Balfour. 
Row's  Historie,  ut  supra.  Before  the  end  of  that  year  he  was 
translated  to  Perth.     Knox,  236.     Keith,  498. 

During  his  residence  in  Italy  he  had  made  great  proficiency 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Hebrew  languages.  The 
latter  was  at  this  time  almost  entirely  unknown  in  Scotland,  and 
he  immediately  began,  at  the  recommendation  of  his  brethren, 
to  teach  it.  The  grammar-school  of  Perth  was  the  most  cele- 
brated in  the  kingdom,  and  the  noblemen  and  gentlemen  were 
accustomed  to  send  their  children  there  for  their  education. 
Many  of  these  were  now  boarded  with  Mr.  Row,  who  instructed 
them  in  Greek  and  Hebrew.  As  nothing  but  Latin  was  spoken 
by  the  boys  in  the  school  and  in  the  fields,  so  nothing  was  spoken 
in  Mr.  Row's  house  but  French.  The  passages  of  scripture  read 
in  the  family  before  and  after  meals,  if  in  the  Old  Testament, 
were  read  in  Hebrew,  Greek,  Latin,  French  and  English ;  if  in 
the  New  Testament,  they  were  read  in  Greek,  &c.  His  son,  John, 
Avhen  he  was  between  four  and  five  years  old,  was  taught  the 
Hebrew  characters,  before  he  knew  the  English  letters  ;  and  at 
eight  years  of  age  lie  read  the  Hebrew  chapter  in  the  family. 
When  he  went  to  the  newly  erected  university  of  Edinburgh,  his 
i.Micommon  acquaintance  with  the  Hebrew  language  attracted 
ihc  particular  notice  of  the  learned  and  amiable  principal  Rol- 
iock.  Row's  Historic,  S7::i — 375.  Hebrse  Ling.  Institut.  ut  supra. 
^Ir.  Row  instructed  the  master  of  the  grammar-scliool  in  the 
Greek  tongue,  by  which  means  it  came  to  be  taught  afterM'ards 
in  Perth.  And  in  1637  his  own  grandson  (of  the  same  name)  was 
Rector  of  that  school,  in  which  he  taught  Latin,  Greek  and  He- 
brew. This  produced  the  following  encomiastic  verses  by  prin- 
cipal Adamson  of  Edinburgh. 

Perthana  quondam  Latialis  linguae  schola 

Laude  cluebat,  fueratq.  unius  labri. 

iVune  est  trilinguis,  Latio  jungens  Grivciam, 

Et  huic  Palestinam;   omnium  Unguis  loquens, 

O  ter  beatam  te  nunc  Perthanam  scholam ! 

O  ter  beatuni  Rollum  rectorcm  tuum  ! 

Pev  quem , Inventus,  barbarijc  procul  haliitu, 


NOTES.  471 

Rudis  et  tenella  primiiHs  labellulis 
Solymas,  Athenas,  et  Romam  scite  sonat. 

About  the  year  1567,  James  Laivson,  (afterwards  Knox's  suc- 
cessor at  Edinburgh,)  returned  from  the  continent,  where  he  had 
studied  Hebrew.  The  professors  of  St.  Andrews  prevailed  on  him 
to  give  lessons  on  that  language  in  their  university.  Life  of 
Lawson,  p.  2.  in  Wodrow's  MS.  Collections,  vol.  i.  Bibl.  Coll. 
Glasg.  As  he  was  made  sub-principal  in  the  university  of  Aber- 
deen, anno  1569,  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  he  would  also  teach 
the  language  there.  liawson,  after  his  settlement  in  Edinburgh, 
patronized  the  interests  of  literature  in  this  city.  It  was  chiefly 
by  his  exertions  that  the  buildings  for  the  High-School  were  com- 
pleted in  1578.  His  intentions  were  to  have  -it  erected  into  an 
university,  or  at  least  to  make  it  Scholam  Illustram,  with  classes 
of  logic  and  philosopliy.  The  books  destined  for  the  library  were 
kept  in  his  house,  previous  to  the  foundation  of  the  college. 
Crawfurd's  History  of  tlie  University  of  Edinburgh,  p.  19,  20. 
I  have  already  (p.  403,  404.)  noticed  the  arrival  oi  Jindreiv  Mel- 
ville in  1573,  and  the  situation  which  he  held  both  at  Glasgow 
and  St.  Andrews.  After  prosecuting  his  studies  at  Paris,  under 
the  celebrated  masters  Turnebus,  Mercerus,  and  Ramus,  and 
professed  philosophy  at  Poitiers,  he  had,  during  the  five  years 
that  he  spent  at  Geneva,  learned  the  Hebrew,  Chaldaic,  and 
Syriac  tongues,  from  Cornelius  Bertram.  The  regent  Morton 
offered  him  the  archbishopric  of  St.  Andrews,  but  he  refused  it, 
and  chose  an  academical  life.  Life  of  Andrew  Melville^  apud 
Wodrow's  MSS.  ut  supra.  Calderwood,  Epistolae  Philadelphi 
Vindicise,  apud  Altare  Damascenum,  p.  731.  Spottiswood,  to 
whom  he  was  a  keen  antagonist,  allows  that  he  was  a  great  pro- 
ficient in  the  three  learned  languages.  "  Andreas  Melvinus  bonis 
literis  excultus,  et  trium  linguarum,  quarum  eo  seculo  ignorantia 
illi  famam  et  tantum  non  admirationem  apud  omnes  peperit,  ca- 
lentissimus."  Refutatio  Libelli  de  Regim.  Eecles.  Scotic.  p.  31. 
Thomas  Smeton,  who  succeeded  Melville  at  Glasgow,  was  also  a 
Hebrician,  as  appears  from  his  answer  to  Hamilton's  Dialogue. 
Those  who  held  the  situation  of  principal  in  the  universities  at 
that  time  were  accustomed  to  teach  those  branches  which  were 
most  neglected. 

I  have  said  in  the  text,  that  the  reformers,  while  they  exerted 
themselves  to  revive  the  knowledge  of  the  learned  languages,  did 
not  neglect  the  improvement  of  the  native  tongue.  Among  others, 
David  Ferguson,  minister  of  Dunfermline,  distinguished  himself 
in  this   department.     He   had  not  the  advantage  of  the  same 


47^  NOTES. 

learned  education  with  many  of  his  brethren;  but  possessing  a 
lively  wit  and  elegant  taste,  he  applied  himself  particularly  to 
the  cultivation  of  the  Scottish  language.  Smetoni  Responsio  ad 
Hamilt.  Dialog,  p.  92.  Row's  Coronis  to  his  Historic,  p.  314,  of 
copy  in  Divinity,  Lib.  Edin.  The  sermon  which  he  preached  at 
Leith  before  the  regent  and  nobility,  and  afterwards  published, 
(see  above,  p.  354,)  is  a  proof  of  this,  and  had  it  not  been  a 
sermon^  would  most  probably  have  been  rcpublislied  before  this 
time  as  a  specimen  of  good  Scottish  conipos^ition.  Extracts  from 
it  may  be  seen  in  the  following  note.  John  Davidson,  then  one 
of  the  regents  at  St.  Andrews,  celebrated  the  success  of  the  au- 
thor in  refining  his  vernacular  language  in  the  following  Latiu 
lines,  which  are  prefixed  to  the  sermon. 

Graecia  melifiuo  quantum  det  ncstoris  ori, 

Aut  demostheneo  debeat  eloquio  ; 

Ipsi  facundo  quantum  (mihi  crede)  pareiili 

Attribuat  linguae  turba  togata  suae  ; 

Nos  tibi,  Fergusi,  tantum  debere  fatemur, 

Scutanam  linguam  qui  reparare  studes. 

Sermonem  patriam  ditas  ;  inculta  vetustas 

Horret  qua  longe  barbariemque  fugas  ; 

Adde  etiam,  neque  abest  facundis  gratia  diet  is. 

Respondet  verbis  materia  apta  tuis. 

Quod  satis  ostendit  nobis  tua  eoncio  prsesens. 

Qua  nihil  in  lucem  doctus  ire  potest. 

Besides  this  sermon,  Ferguson  was  t!ie  author  of  a  coileetiun  of 
Scottish  jjroverbs,  and  of  an  Answer  to  the  Rejoinder  which  the 
Jesuit  Tyrie  made  to  Knox.  That  abusive  writer,  James  L(ihi^\ 
calls  this  last  work  "a  barbarous,  and  Scolican  epistle,"  and  rails 
against  its  author  as  an  ignorant  siitor,  and  glfiver.  who  knew 
lieither  Hebrew,  nor  Greek,  nor  Latin.  As  foi'  himself,  although 
a  Scotsman,  he  tells  us,  that  he  thought  it  beneath  him  to  write 
in  a  language  which  was  fit  only  for  barbarians  and  heretics. 
"Tres  sunt  lingusc  elegantes  et  ingenus,  Hebraiea,  Graeca,  et 
Latina,  qu-;e  nol)ilibiis  principibus — suntdign<2  :  cjcteras  linguas, 
cum  sint  harbars,  barbavis  et  hcereticis  tanquam  propriis  relin- 
quo."  De  Vita,  &e.  Hacretlcorum,  Dedic.  p.  ult.  et  p.  31.  Not- 
withstanding this  writer's  boasts  conceiniiig  his  literature,  and 
tlic  opporUinities  \\hich  he  takes  to  display  it,  if  we  may  J"'dg(^ 
from  liis  book,  lie  did  not  know  the  top  fiom  tlie  bottom  of  a  lie- 
hvoAY  letter,  p.  94.  b.  Laing's  objection  to  the  literature  of  Fer 
s'lisson  mav.  however,  be  thouijht  as  solid  as  1hat  Mhieh  anotlipr 


NOTES.  473 

popish  writer  has  brought  against  his  morals,  by  accusing  hiui 
of  using'  pepper  instead  of  suit  to  his  beef.  "  At  lii  quibiis  caruem 
acecndant,  irritentq.  n;)vas  artes  quotidie  excogitant,"  And  on 
the  margin,  "  Exemplo  est  David  Ferguson  ad  macerandas  earnes 
Bubulas  pipere  pro  sale  utens."  Hamilton,  De  Confus.  Calvi- 
nianae  Seethe,  p.  TT).  But  to  do  justice  to  Hamilton,  it  is  proper 
to  mention  tbat  pepper  was  at  that  time  so  high  priced  as  (0  be  a 
morsel  only  for  a  Pope,  or  a  Cardinal,  and  very  unfit  for  the 
mouths  of  barhers,  eoblers,  &c.  of  which  rank  he  tells  us  the  re- 
formed preachers  generally  were.  Principal  Smeton,  after  saying 
that  Ferguson  had  reared  a  numerous  family  on  a  very  moderate 
stipend,  adds  :  "•  Undenam  ergo  illi,  amabo  te,  tantum  piperis  ad 
earnes  quotannis  macerandas,  quantum  sexcentis  SL^^ud  nos  mireis 
nummis  nemo  unquam  compararit  ?"  The  truth  is,  there  was 
rather  too  much  salt  and  pepper  in  the  writings  of  FergusoM  for 
the  papists. 

Note  EE.  p.  228. 

There  were  three  objects  to  which  the  reformed  ministers 
wished  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  to  be  applied,  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  ministers,  of  the  teachers  of  youth,  and  of  the  poor. 
For  the  ministers  they  required  that  "honest  provision"  should 
be  made,  so  as  to  give  "  neither  occasion  of  sollicitude,  neither  yet 
of  insolencie  and  wantonnesse."  They  thought  it  reasonable 
that  provision  should  also  be  made  for  their  wives  and  children 
after  their  death.  In  ordinary  cases,  they  proposed  40  bolls  of 
meal,  and  26  bolls  of  malt,  as  an  adequate  stipend.  These  sti- 
pends were  to  be  paid  from  the  tithes ;  but  they  proposed  the 
abolishing  of  all  illegal  or  oppressive  exactions  which  had 
formerly  been  made  by  the  clergy.  The  deacons,  and  not  the 
ministers,  were  to  collect  the  tithes,  and,  after  paying  the 
stipends,  to  apply  the  remainder  to  the  other  purposes.  For  the 
support  of  the  universities,  they  proposed  that  the  revenues  of 
the  bishopries  and  collegiate  churches,  should  be  divided,  and 
appropriated.    Diinlop's  Confessions,  ii.  533,  534,  537,  53S,  56G, 

This  was  very  unpalatable  doctrine  to  the  most  of  the  pro- 
testant  nobility  and  gentry.  They  had  already  cast  a  covetous 
eye  upon  the  rich  revenues  of  the  popish  clergy.  They  had 
seized  upon  some  of  their  lands,  and  they  retained  the  tithes  in 
their  own  hands.  They  had  made  private  bargains  with  some 
of  the  incumbents,  and  were  anxious  to  have  them  legalized. 
Hence  their  aversion  to  ratify  the  book  of  discipline  ;  hence  the 
exception  with  which  it  was  subscribed;  hence  the  poverty  and 
complaints  of  t?)e  ministers,  and  the  languishing  state  of  the 


474  NOTES. 

universities.  If  we  consider  the  extent  of  the  establisliments 
jjroposed,  including  the  support  of  ministers,  parochial  teachers, 
city  colleges,  and  national  universities,  the  demand  made  by 
the  ministers  for  the  appropriation  of  all  the  funds  devoted  to 
the  church  will  not  appear  unreasonable ;  and  they  shewed 
themselves  disinterested,  by  requiring  a  moderate  allowance  to 
themselves.  They  did  not  regard  tithes  as  of  divine  right,  nor 
thinjc  that  it  was  sacrilegious  in  every  case  to  apply  to  secular 
purposes  funds  which  had  been  originally  set  apart  to  a  reli- 
gious use.  But  they  held  that,  by  the  Christian  as  well  as  the 
Jewish  law,  a  competent  subsistence  was  appointed  to  be  made 
for  the  ministers  of  religion ;  that  it  was  incumbent  on  a  na- 
tion which  had  received  the  true  religion  to  make  public  pro- 
vision for  the  outward  maintenance  of  its  ordinances  ;  that  the 
appropriation  of  the  tenth  part  of  property  for  this  purpose  was 
at  least  recommended  by  primeval  usage,  by  the  sanction  of  di- 
vine wisdom  in  the  Jewish  constitution,  and  by  the  laws  and 
practice  of  Christian  empires  and  kingdoms ;  that  property  which 
Iiad  been  set  apart  and  given  for  religious  ends  could  not  justly, 
or  without  sacrilege,  be  alienated,  as  long  as  it  icas  needed  for 
these  purposes ;  that  though  many  of  the  donors  might  have  the 
support  of  superstitious  observances  immediately  in  tlieir  eye, 
still  it  was  with  a  view  to  religion  that  they  made  such  gifts  ; 
and  that  in  as  far  as  it  should  appear  that  the  ecclesiastical 
revenues  were  superabundant  and  unnecessary,  they  were  willing 
that  this  should  be  applied  to  the  common  service  of  the  state. 
To  illustrate  their  sentiments  on  this  subject,  and  the  manner  in 
which  they  urged  their  complaints,  I  shall  add  a  few  extracts 
from  some  of  their  writings  which  are  not  so  commonly  consulted. 
My  first  extracts  shall  be  from  Ferguson's  sermon,  to  which 
our  Reformer  set  his  hand  a  little  before  his  death.  Having 
given  an  account  of  the  law  of  Moses,  the  ordinance  of  the  New 
Testament,  and  the  practice  of  the  primitive  church,  he  adds  : 
"Ye  se,  then,  that  the  ministers  of  the  primitive  kirk  (that  levit 
hefoir  princes  wer  Christianes  and  nurischers  of  the  kirk,  as  it 
V.  as  projjlicseit)  wer  na  beggaris,  suppois  thay  wer  no  lordis  that 
aboiindit  in  superfluous  welth,  as  the  papis  bischoppis  did;  bot 
had  sufficient  asweill  for  the  neeessitie  of  thair  owin  families,  as 
i'tiv  tlie  help  of  uUier  Christianes  that  now  and  then,  as  occa- 
siounes  servit,  repairit  to  thair  housis. — Quhen  the  tyme  come 
j'oirspokin  bi  Uavid  (Psal.  Ixviii.  and  cii,)  that  kingis  and  empe- 
rcouris,  and  thair  kingdomes,  suld  serve  the  Lord,  and  bring 
gifJes  unto  him,"  they,  "following  his  exanipil  that  only  is  wyse, 
ordaiuil   be  thair  autoritie,  that  the  tieudis  sulde  serve  to  the 


NOTES.  475 

same  use  in  the  tyme  of  the  gospell." — "  Our  youth  also  aucht  to 
benurischitand  mantenit  at  the  sehuilis,  that  thairoutof  efterward 
micht  spring  preicheris,counsellouris,physieiounis,  and  all  other 
Jciiids  of"  learnit  men  that  we  have  neid  of.  For  the  seheulis  are 
the  seid  of  the  kirk  and  commoun  welth,  and  our  ehildrene  are 
the  hope  of  the  posteritie,  quhilk  being  neglectit,  thair  eau 
nathing  be  luikit  for  hot  that  barbarous  ignorance  sail  overflow  all. 
For  suppois  God  has  wonderousiie,  at  this  tyme,  steirit  up 
preieheris  amang  us,  eviri  quhen  darkues  and  ignorance  had  the 
upperhand,  he  will  not  do  sa  heirefter,  seeing  we  have  the  or- 
dinarie  meane  to  provide  them,  quhilk  gif  we  contempne,  in  vane 
sail  we  loke  for  extraordinary  proviscioun.  Israel  was  miracu- 
lusslie  fed  in  the  wildernes  with  manna,  bot  how  soon  tliay  did  eit 
of  the  corne  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  the  manna  eeissit,  nouther 
had  thay  it  ony  moir,  bot  levit  efterward  on  the  frute  of  the 
ground,  ordinarilie  labourit  with  thair  handis.  I  speik  to  prudent 
men  that  may  understande  and  judge  quhat  I  say."  After  de- 
ploring the  decayed  state  of  the  churches  and  schools,  and  the 
poverty  of  the  ministers,  he  adds  :  "  I  am  compellit  to  speik  this, 
thocht  I  be  als  plane  as  plesant,  and  appeir  to  yow  as  the  greitest 
fule  of  the  rest  to  stand  up  heir  to  utter  that  quhilk  other  men 
thinkis.  Weill ;  let  me  be  countit  a  fule  for  speiking  the  treuth. 
I  regard  not :  nouther  may  1  spair  to  speik  it,  thocht  I  suld  be 
judgeit  in  our  awin  caus  to  be  carayit  away  with  a  particular 
affectioun;  following  heirin  the  exampil  of  our  prophet  Mala- 
ehie." — "  Ye  marvel,  I  doubt  not,  quhy  ye  have  not  prevailit 
aganis  yone  throtcutteris  and  unnaturall  murtheres  within  the 
towue  and  castell  of  Edinburgh,  specially  ye  heving  a  maist  just 
actioun,  being  ma  in  number,  and  mairvailyeant  men,  and  natliing 
inferiour  to  ihame  in  wisdome,  circumspectioun,  or  ouy  gude 
qualiteis  outher  of  body  or  mynd.  Bot  ceis  to  marvel :  for  the 
cans  quhy  that  ye  have  not  prevailit  aganis  thame  long  or  now, 
amang  mony  uther  your  sinuis  quhairwith  ye  are  defylt,  is  this, 
that  the  spuilyie  of  the  pure  is  in  your  housis :  ye  invaid  that 
quhilk  our  forbearis  gave  of  gude  zeill  to  Goddis  honour,  and 
the  commoun  welth  of  the  kirk ;  ye  spuilye  to  your  awin  private 
usis,  without  outher  ryme  or  resoun,  nouther  will  ye  be  controllit. 
Tliis,  this,  1  say,  is  the  cliief  cruis  that  nathing  prosperis  in  your 
handis.  I  grant  that  our  fatheris,  of  immoderate  zeill  (besyde 
the  teindis  and  neeessaiie  rentis  of  the  kirk,)  gave  thairirato 
superftnously,  and  mair  nor  aneuch.  Quhat  then  is  to  be  done, 
but  that  the  prciclieris  of  God's  word  be  reasonablie  snstenit, 
sein;;  thair   is  oneuch   and  over  mekle  to  do  it.  the  sehullis  and 

P3 


478  NOTES. 

the  p^ure  be  Weill  provydit,  as  thay  aacht,  and  the  tempillls  ho*- 
iiestly  and  reverently  repairit,  that  the  pepill  without  injuria  oS 
wynd  or  wedder,  may  sit  and  heir  Goddis  word,  and  participate? 
his  haly  sacramentis.  And  gif  thair  restis  ony  thing  unspendit 
quhen  this  is  done  (as  na  dout  thair  wil,)  in  the  name  of  God,  let 
it  be  bestowit  on  the  nixt  necessarie  affairis  of  the  commouii 
welth,  and  not  to  any  manuis  private  eommoditie."  ^ne  sermon- 
preachit  befoir  the  regent  and  nobilitie — be  David  Fergussone.  B. 
iv.  V.  C.  Lekj)reuik,  1571. 

The  follov,  ing  extracts  are  taken  from  sermons  against  Sacri- 
lege by  Robert  Pout,  a  son-iu-Iaw  of  our  Reformer.  "  From  the 
yeare  of  our  Lorde  li560,  unto  this  present  time,  the  greatest 
study  of  all  men  of  power  of  this  land,  hes  bene  by  all  kinde  of 
inventions,  to  spoyle  the  kirk  of  Christ  of  her  patrimonie,  by- 
chopping  and  changing,  diminishing  of  rentals,  converting  of 
victual  in  small  sumes  of  money :  setting  of  fewes  within  the 
availe,  long  tackes  uppon  tackes,  with  two  or  three  life-renlesj^ 
with  many  twentie  yeares  in  an  tack^  annesationes,  ereetiones  of 
kirk-rents,  in  temporall  livings  and  heritage,  pensiones,  simple 
donationes,  erecting  of  new  patronages,  union  of  teindes,  making 
of  new  abattes,  commendatares,  priors,  with  other  papistical 
titles  which  ought  to  have  no  place,  in  a  reformed  kirk  and 
countrie;  with  an  infinite  of  other  corrupt  and  fraudfuU  waies, 
to  the  detriment  and  hurte  of  the  kirke,  the  sehooles,  and  the 
poore,  without  any  stay  or  gaine-calling. 

"  Trueth  it  is,  parliamentes  have  bene  conveened,  and  acts  have 
bene  made,  for  providing  ministers  of  competent  livinges ;  for 
reparaling  of  parish  kirkes,  for  trayning  up  the  youth  in  schooled 
of  theologie.  It  hath  bene  also,  promised,  and  subscribed  in 
writte,  by  a  greate  parte  of  the  nobilitie,  that  the  poore  labour- 
ers of  the  grounde,  sbould  have  an  ease  and  reliefe  of  the  rigorous 
exacting  of  their  teindes:  and  many  other  good  thiuges  have  bene 
devised,  tending  to  the  advancement  of  the  glorie  of  God,  and 
establishing  of  Christ  his  kingdoniei  Amongst  us,  namely,  in 
time  of  the  governmente  of  that  good.regente  (whome  for  ho- 
noures  cause  1  name)  who  although  he  could  not  doe  all  that  hee 
woouid  have  done,  (having  so  mauie  hinderanees  and  enemies;) 
yet  his  dooiugs  might  have  bin  a  perlite  patterne  of  godlinesse  to 
the  reste  of  the  nobilitie,  to  make  them  bene  content  to  live  nppoa 
their  own  rentes,  and  to  cease  from  robbing  and  spoyling  the  pa- 
trimonie of  the  kirke."  Having  proposed  the  objection,  that 
the  Levitieal  law  of  Moses  is  abrogated,  and  therefore  his  au- 
thorities from  the  Old  Testament  had  no  force  under  the  gospel, 
he  adds :  "I  aunswere  cojieerning  these  laudes  or  annuall  rentes^. 


NOTES.  477 

Cnt  of  landes  delated  and  given  to  the  kirke,  that  although  the 
Leviticall  lawe,  with  the  ceremonies  thereof,  eoneereing  tlie 
outwarde  obsenation  hath  taken  an  ende,  and  is  fulfilled  in 
Christ ;  yet  the  substance  of  the  polieie,  concerning  interteinraent 
of  the  service  of  God,  and  up-hold  of  religion  still  remaines. 
And  it  is  no  lesse  necessarie,  that  the  miuisterie  of  God  amongst 
us  be  mainteined;  and  that  sufficient  provision  be  made  to  serve 
other  godlie  uses,  whereunto  the  kirke-rentes  ought  to  be  applyed 
nor  it  was,  that  the  priestes  and  levites  should  bene  upholden  in 
the  time  of  the  olde  law.  And  as  to  tlie  holinesse  or  unholines  of 
these  landes  and  revenues :  albeit  in  their  owne  nature  (as  I  saide 
in  the  former  sermon)  they  be  like  other  earthly  possessiones ; 
yet  in  so  far  as  they  were  applyed  to  an  holy  use,  they  may  wel 
be  called  holy  possessions  and  rents,  as  the  kirk  is  holy,  to  whose 
use  they  are  appointed. — I  will  not  deny  but  the  teinds  might  be 
possibly  changed,  in  other  meanes  of  sufficient  provision  for  the 
kirke,  if  such  godly  zeale  were  no  we  amongst  men,  as  was  of  olde 
time.  But  in  so  farre  as  we  see  the  plain  eontrarie,  that  men  are 
now  readier  to  take  away,  then  ever  our  predecessors  were  to 
give ;  it  were  a  foolish  thing  to  loose  the  certaine  for  the  uncer- 
taine,  and  that  which  is  never  likely  to  come  to  passe."  Font's 
Sermons,  against  Sacrilege.  B  8.  C  2.  C  8.  E  6.  Waldegrave, 
1599. 

Note  FF.  p.  229> 

The  first  appointment  of  a  moderator  was  in  Dec.  1563.  "It 
was  proponit  be  the  haill  assemblie  yat  ane  moderator  suld  be 
appointit  for  avoyding  confusioun  in  reasoning."  Buik  of  the 
Universal  Kirk,  p.  8.  Adv.  Libr.  The  assembly  which  met  at 
Perth,  August  1572,  "ordained,  as  a  perpetual  law,  that  no  per- 
son of  whatever  estate  take  in  hand  to  speak  without  license  ask- 
ed and  given  by  the  moderator,  that  moderation  should  be  kept  in 
reasoning,  and  silence  when  commanded  by  the  moderator, 
under  pain  of  removal  froui  the  assembly,  and  not  to  re-enter 
during  that  convention."  Ibid.  p.  55.  In  July  1568,  to  correct 
evils  "be  reason  of  the  pluralitie  and  confusion  of  voces"  it  was 
enacted  that  none  should  have  power  to  vote  but  superintendents, 
commissioners  appointed  to  visit  kirks,  nHuisters  "brought  with 
yame,  presented  as  habile  to  reasone,  and  having  knowledge  to 
judge,"  commissioners  of  burghs,  shires,  and  universities.  The 
ministers  were  to  be  chosen  at  the  synodal  convention  of  the  dio- 
cese, by  consent  of  the  rest  of  the  ministry  and  gentlemen  that 
Shall  convene  at  the  said  svnodal  convention,  commissioners  of 


478  NOTES. 

burghs  by  "the  counsell  and  kirk  of  their  awn  townes." — "None 
to  be  admittod  without  sufScient  commission  or  wreit."  To  pre- 
vent a  monopoly  of  power,  they  were  to  be  changed  from  assembly 
to  assembly.  Ibid.  p.  38.  The  assembly,  March  15  f  |,  settled 
the  following  order  of  procedure.  After  sermon  and  prayer  by 
former  moderator.  1.  Anew  moderator  to  be  chosen.  2.  Super- 
intendents, commissioners,  &c.  to  be  tried.  This  trial  was  xery 
regular.  First,  the  superintendents  being  removed,  inquiry  was 
made  of  the  ministers  and  commissioners  of  their  bounds  if  they 
had  any  charges  to  lay  against  them  as  to  neglect  of  duty,  &c.  If 
any  charge  was  brought,  it  was  examined  and  sentence  passed. 
The  same  order  w  as  observed  with  the  other  members  of  assem- 
bly. 3.  The  case  of  penitents  and  persons  under  censure  to  be 
considered.  Lastly,  The  business  left  undecided  by  last  assembly, 
or  brought  before  the  present,  was  to  be  taken  up.     Ibid.  p.  47. 

Note  GG.  p.  230. 

In  a  letter,  dated  28th  August  1559,  Knox  requests  Calvin's 
opinion  on  the  two  following  questions.  1.  Whether  bastards, 
the  children  of  idolaters  and  excommunicated  persons,  should  be 
admitted  to  baptism,  before  their  parents  gave  satisfaction  to  the 
church,  or  (hey  themselves  were  able  to  require  it.^"  2.  Whether 
monks  and  popish  priests,  who  neither  serve  the  church,  nor  are 
capable  of  serving  it,  although  they  liave  renounced  their  errors, 
ought  to  have  the  annual  rents  of  the  church  paid  to  them  ?  Knox 
had  maintained  the  negative  on  the  last  question.  The  letter  is 
said  to  be  written  raptim.  "Plura  scribere  vetant  fcbris  qua 
crucior,  laborum  moles  qua  premor,  et  Gallorum  bombardse,  quf, 
lit  nos  opprimant,  appulreunt."  Comp.  Historic,  p.  161.  Calvin, 
in  a  letter,  dated  November  8, 1559,  answers,  that  it  was  his  opi- 
nion and  that  of  his  colleagues,  on  the  first  question,  That  the  sa- 
crament of  baptism  was  not  to  be  administered  to  those  Mho  were 
without  the  ehiirch,  nor  to  any  without  proper  sponsors;  but  the 
promise  (upon  which  the  right  was  founded)  was  not  confined 
to  the  posterity  in  the  first  degree:  therefore  those  who  were 
descended  from  godly  parents  were  to  be  viewed  as  belonging 
to  the  church,  althoiigli  their  parents  or  even  grand-parents  had 
become  apostates,  an<l  such  children  were  not  to  be  refused  bap- 
tism, provided  persons  appeared  as  s]>onsors,  engaging  for  their 
religious  education.  "  A<lde  quod  alia  est  nunc  rcnasceiitis  eccle- 
siae  ratio,  quam  rite  formatae  et  composite:."  Comp.  Diinlop,  ii. 
,'573.  Ob  the  second  question,  he  says,  that  although  those  who 
performed  no  service  in  the  church  had  not  a  just  claim  to  be 


NOTES.  470 

supported  by  its  funds,  still  as  the  popish  clergy  had  brought 
themselves  under  bonds  in  times  of  ignorance,  and  had  consumed 
apart  of  their  lives  in  idleness,  it  seemed  harsh  to  deprive  them 
of  all  support.  He  therefore  advises  a  middle  course  to  be  adopted. 
Calvini  Epistolae  et  Responsa,  p.  516 — 520.  Hanovias,  1597. 
Ibid.  p.  201,  202.  apud  Oper.  torn.  ix.  Amstaslod.  1667. 

From  another  letter  of  Calvin  to  Knox,  dated  April  23,  1561, 
it  appears  that  the  Genevan  reformer  had  been  consulted  by  our 
countrymen  on  some  other  points  on  which  they  were  difficulted; 
most  probably  on  those  questions  on  which  the  nobility  and  the 
ministers  differed.  He  wrote  them  accordingly,  but  soon  after 
was  applied  to  a  second  time  for  his  opinion  on  the  same  subject, 
as  his  first  letter  had  miscarried.  Knowing  tlsat  his  judgment 
was  not  altogether  agreeable  to  some  of  them,  he  suspected  that 
they  wished  to  draw  from  him  an  answer  more  favourable  to 
their  own  sentiments,  and  expressed  his  dissatisfaction  at  such 
conduct.  Knox,  who  appears  to  have  been  employed  in  the  cor- 
respondence, was  grieved  at  this  suspicion,  and  had  purged  him- 
self from  the  imputation.  Calvin  in  this  letter  apologizes  for 
his  severity,  and  assures  him  that  he  never  entertained  any  sus- 
picion of  his  integrity,  "  Te  vcro  dolose  quicquam  egisse,  nequc 
dixi,  neque  suspicatus  sum. — Ac  mihi  dolet,  quod  exciderat  ex 
ore  meo,  sic  in  animum  tiium  penetrasse,  ut  putares  mala  fidei 
aut  astutiae,  a  qua  te  remotum  esse  judico,  fuisse  insimulatam. 
Facessat  igitur  metus  ille  vel  eura."  In  both  letters,  Calvin 
signifies  his  high  satisfaction  at  the  wonderful  success  of  the  re- 
formation in  Scotland.  The  conclusion  of  the  last  is  expressive 
of  the  unaffected  piety  of  the  writer,  and  his  warm  regard  for  his 
correspondent.  "  Hie  versamur  inter  multa  diserimina.  Una 
tantum  caelestis  prsesidii  fiducia  nos  a  trepidatione  eximit: 
quamvis  nos  siraus  metu  vacui.  Vale,  eximie  vir,  et  ex  animo 
colende  frater.  Dominus  tibi  semper  adsit,  te  gubernet,  tueatur, 
ac  sustentetsua  virtute."  Ut  supra,  p.  564 — 566.  et  in  alter,  edit. 
p.  150. 

These  are  the  only  parts  of  the  correspondence  between  Calvin 
and  our  Reformer  which  have  been  published  ;  butMons.  Senebier, 
the  librarian  of  Geneva,  has  Informed  us  that  there  are  a  number 
of  Knox's  letters  to  Calvin  preserved  in  the  public  library  of  that 
city.  Histoire  Litteraire  de  Geneve.  Tom.  i.  p.  380.  During  his 
residence  at  Geneva,  Knox  became  acquainted  with  Beza,  who 
then  acted  as  professor  of  Greek  in  the  ncighljouring  ci(y  of  Lau- 
sanne, from  which  he  was  translated  to  Geneva,  upon  the  erection 
of  the  university  there,  the  same  year  in  v.liich  our  Reformer 
returned  to  Scotland.  An  epistolary  correspondence  was  after- 
wards maintained  between  them.    Two  letters  of  Beza  to  Knox. 


480  NOTHS. 

the  one  dated  June  3,  16G9,  the  other  April  12, 1572,  are  insertedf 
ill  Eplstol.  Theolo^.  Sezm,  p.  333 — 336.  344 — 346,  of  the  first 
edition:  and  p.  304 — 307.  314' — 316.  of  the  second  edition,  Ge- 
nevse,  1573.  Both  of  tliem  evince  the  writer's  ardent  regard  for 
our  reformer,  and  his  high  opinion  of  onr  reformation.  The  first 
letter  is  inscribed  "  To  John  Knox,  the  Restorer  of  the  Gospei 
of  God  in  Scotland,'"'  and  begins  with  these  words :  "  Gratiam  et 
paeein  tibi,  mi  frater,  omnibusque  vestris  Sanctis  ecclesiis  opto  a 
Deo  et  Patre  Domini  nostri  Jesn  Christi,  cui  etiam  gratias  ago 
assiddc,  turn  de  tanta  ipsius  in  vos  beneficentia,  turn  de  vestra 
singnlari  in  asserendo  ipsius  cuUu  eonstantia  et  animi  fortidu- 
dine. — Euge  mi  frater,  quam  recte  illud  quod  disciplinam  simul 
eum  doetrina  conjnngitis?  obsecro  et  obtestor  lit  ita  pergatis,  ne 
vobis  idem  qnod  tarn  multis  eveniat,  ut  quia  in  limine  impegernntj 
progredi  non  possint,  imo  etiam  interdom  ne  velint  quidem,  quod 
loDge  misserrimum  est."  The  second  letter,  which  behoved  to 
he  received  by  Knox  only  a  few  months  before  his  death,  could 
not  fail  to  be  gratifying  to  him,  even  although  \te  had  then  taken 
a  formal  farewell  of  the  world.  It  is  addressed  "  To/m*s  dearesi 
Brother  and  Colleague,'^  and  begins  in  the  following  lofty  straiu 
fif  affection :  "  Etsi  tanto  terrarum  et  maris  ipsius  intervallo  dis- 
jiineti  corporibas  sumns,  mi  Cnoxe,  tamen  minime  dubito  quin 
inter  nos  semper  viguerit,  et  ad  extremum  vigeat,  summa  ilia  ani- 
Eiorum  conjunetio.  wiius  ejusdemq.  spiritus  fideique  vinculo 
saaeita." 

TsTofe  HH.  p.  235. 
'' Les  Papistes  (says  Bayle,  in  a  treatise  in  which  he  pleads 
lor  toleration  on  a  very  extensive  basis)  "  Les  Papistes  eux  me- 
mes  sont  les  premiers  en  ce  pais-ci  a  crier  qu'il  n'y  a  riendeplus 
iujuste  que  de  vexer  la  consience.  Pensee  ridicule  en  leur 
Tioache !  et  non  seulement  ridicule,  mais  traitresse.  &c.  i.  e.  The 
Papists  themselves  are  the  first  in  this  country  [Britain,]  to  ex- 
•elaim  that  there  is  nothing  more  unjust  than  to  distress  con- 
science. A  sentiment  ridiculous  in  their  mouth  !  and  not  only 
ridiculous,  but  treacherous,  and  marked  with  that  dishonesty 
which  they  have  uniformly  discovered  for  so  many  ages.  For 
they  would  not  fail,  in  three  years,  to  buru  and  butcher  all  who 
refused  to  go  to  mass,  if  they  acquired  the  power,  and  could  avail 
themselves  of  the  baseness  of  a  sufficient  number  of  court  para- 
■sites,  men  of  venal  souls  and  unworthy  of  the  protestant  name 
which  they  bear,  to  overturn  the  fundamental  barriers  which  so 
fialutarily  restrain  the  royal  power."  Commentaire  Philoso- 
phique,  Pref.  p.  xiii.  xiv.  Anno  1686. 
The  following  passage  is  now  become  so  antiquated  and  unin 


NOTES.  48i 

Jdligible,  tbat  Ishall  not  risk  my  credit  by  venturing  to  translate 
it.  "  Les  mallieurs  qui  sont  arrivez  a  nos  freres  de  France  tour- 
nerout,  comme  il  y  a  aparenee,  a  notre  profit.  II  nous  out  remis 
daus  la  neeessaire  defiance  du  Papisme.  ils  nous  onl  fait  voir  que 
eette  fausse  religion  ne  s  amende  pas  par  le  long  age,  qu'  elle  est 
toujours,  comme  au  terns  jadis,  animee  de  i'esprit  de  fourbe  et 
de  cruaute,  et  que  malgre  la  politesse,  i'honnetete,  la  civiJite, 
qui  regne  dans  les  raanieres  de  ce  sieele  plus  qu'en  aucua  antrc^, 
elle  est  toujours  brutale  et  farouche.  Chose  etrange !  tout  ce 
qu'ii  y  avoit  de  grossier  dans  les  meurs  de  nos  ancestrcs  s'est 
evanouit ;  a  cct  air  rustique  et  saiivage  des  vieiix  terns  a  sueeeds 
par  tout  I'Europe  Chretienne  une  douceur  et  une  eivilitie  cxtrsrec.: 
11  n'y  a  que  le  Papisme  qui  ne  se  sent  point  du  changeiiient,  et 
qui  retieut  toujours  son  anciene  et  habituelle  feroeitc.  Nous  nous 
imaginions  nous  autres  [ejitre  ?]  Auglois,  que  e'etoit  une  bete 
aprivoissee,  un  leup  et  un  tigre  qui  avoit  oublie  son  naturel  sau- 
vage ;  mais  Dieu  merei  aux  Convertisseurs  de  France  nous  noas 
sommes  desabusez,  et  nous  savons  a  qui  nous  aurions  a  faire  si 
notre  sort  etoit  entre  leurs  mains. — Pesans  bien  cela  et  coiiside- 
rons  quel  mallieur  nous  pendroit  sur  la  tete,  si  nous  l<iissions 
croitre  le  Papisme  dans  ce  bieu  heureux,  cliniats,  Je  ne  veux  pas 
que  cela  nous  porte  a  faire  aucunes  represailles  sur  les  papistes; 
non  je  detesteccs  imitations;  je  souhaite  seulementqu'Is  n'aquie- 
rent  pas  la  force  d"exeeuter  sur  nous  ce  qu'ils  savent  f;iirf\"  Ut 
snpra,  xv.  xviii.  xix. 

JS'ote  II.  p.  231. 

The  following  extracts  from  the  Records  of  the  Toun  Council 
of  Edinburgh  shew  the  attention  which  they  paid  to  the  support 
and  accommodation  of  their  minister. 

May  8,  ±560.  The  provost,  baillies,  and  council  ordain  the 
treasurer  to  pay  the  sum  of  40/.  Scots  far  furnishing  of  the  minis- 
ter John  Knox  in  his  household,  and  because  he  had  been  furnisi:- 
ed  on  David  Forrester's  expenses  since  his  coming  to  this  town, 
for  the  space  of  fifteen  days,  ordains  to  receive  David's  accompls^ 
and  make  payment. — ''Penultima  Octobris  1560.  The  qnhiJk 
day,  the  provost,  baillies,  and  counsaill  ordanis  James  Barrona 
to  pay  to  John  Knox  the  soulme  of  sax  seoir  pounds  of  the  red- 
diest  money  of  the  solines  being  in  his  lumds,  and  sioklyk  tlie 
soulme  oi'-20L''- — This  last  sum  seems  to  Lave  been  allotted  for 
repairs  on  his  house. — "  12th  Dee.  1560.  The  provost,  biiilliess 
and  coujjsill  ordanis  James  Barroun  (Dean  of  Guild  of  last  year) 
K<>  j)ay  and  deliver  to  Johue  Knox.  mintst!»-.  iho  soume  *»f  fiflin 


48S  NOTES. 

pound  for  supporting  of  his  charges,  and  that  incontinent  after 
the  sight  heirof,  and  gif  it  beis  funden  that  the  said  James  be 
superexpendit,  after  the  making  of  his  aceonipt,  precepts  shall 
be  given  in  maist  strait  forme,  commanding  the  treasurer  to  mak 
him  gud  and  thankfuli  payment  of  his  haili  superexpensis,  with- 
in aught  days  nixt  thairafter."  From  the  minutes  of  Dec.  22, 
1560.  April  5,  and  May  28,  1561,  it  appears  that  his  fixed  sti- 
pend was  200/.  a-year;  for  50/.  is  ordered,  each  time,  "for  his 
quarter  payment"  or  "dues."  Dec.  14, 1560,  it  was  agreed  that 
his  house  rent  should  afterwards  be  paid  "at  the  rate  of  15  merks 
a  year." 

"  Peuultimo  Oetobris  (1561.)  The  samine  day  the  provost, 
baillies,  and  counsail  ordanis  the  Dene  of  Gyld,  with  all  diligence, 
to  mak  ane  warme  stuydye  of  dailies  to  the  minister,  Johne 
Knox,  within  his  hous,  abonethe  hall  ofthe  same,  with  lyghtand 
wyndokis  thereunto,  and  all  uther  necessaris :  and  the  expenciss 
disbursit  be  him  salbe  allowit  to  him  in  his  accomptis." "  Ja- 
nuary 1561,  (i.  e.  1562.)  the  provost,  baillies,  and  counsale,  un- 
derstanding that  the  minister,  Jhone  Knox,  is  requyrit  be  the  hale 
kirk  to  passe  in  the  partis  of  Anguss  and  Mearnys,  for  electing 
of  ane  superintendent  thare,  to  the  quhilk  they  theraselfs  hes 
grantit,  thairior  ordains  Alexander  Guthrie,  Dene  of  Gjld,  to 
pass  in  companie  with  him  for  furnishing  of  the  said  ministeris 
charges,  and  to  deburse  and  pay  the  same  of  the  readeast  of  the 
townis  gudis  in  his  handis,  quhilk  salbe  allowit  in  his  accomptis  : 
And  further  haist  the  said  minister  hame,  that  the  kirk  hear  be 
not  dcsolait." 

To  these  extracts  respecting  Knox,  I  may  add  one  from  the 
same  records  respecting  Willock,  who  officiated  in  his  place  as 
minister  of  Edinburgh,  during  the  civil  war.  "29  August  1560 
The  counsail  ordains  their  treasurer  to  deliver  to  John  Willock 
22crownes  ofthe  soue  for  recompense  of  the  great  traveill  sus- 
tenitbe  him  this  haill  yiere  bygane,  in  preching  and  administriug 
the  sacramentis  within  this  burgh,  and  ordanis  ane  of  the  counsail 
to  thank  him  for  his  grcit  benevolence,  and  for  the  greit  travaill 
forsaid.-'  Previous  to  this  they  had  remunerated  John  Cairns, 
with  whom  that  minister  had  lodged. 

In  the  text  1  have  mentioned,  that,  after  the  arrangement  aiadt? 
by  tiie  privy  council  respecting  the  thirds  of  benefices,  Knox  seems 
(o  have  received  his  stipend  from  the  common  fund.  The  extracts 
whieli  Keith  has  given  from  the  books  of  assignation  mention 
only  two  allowances  made  to  him.  "  To  John  Knox,  minister, 
Wheat  2  c.  [halders,]  beam  c.  meal  o.  oafs  4  c.*'  Whether  this 
was  for  the  vear  1585.  or  not.  Keith  does  not  sar.     He  add?  in  a 


NOTES.  483 

note,  "For  the  year  1568, 1  see  333/.  6s.  8c?.  gi%'en  to  Mr.  Knox." 
History,  App.  1S8.  His  stipend  at  the  time  of  his  death  has  been 
mentioned  above,  p.  393,  394.  Keith  has  inserted,  from  the  same 
books,  the  prices  of  the  principal  articles  of  living  at  that  time, 
from  which  an  idea  of  the  value  of  money  may  be  formed.  Ibid. 
189.  The  following  are  a  specimen.  In  Fyfe,  Lothian,  Merse  and 
Teviotdale,  for  1573,  wheat,  26/.  13s.  4rf.  the  chalder;  bear, 
2il.  6s.  8f/. ;  meal,  16/.  oats.  20  merks.  Or,  according  to  another 
account,  without  expressing  any  county,  wheat,  l/.  the  boll; 
bear,  l/.  13s.  id. ;  meal  the  same;  oats,  10s.  malt,  2I. ;  rye,  and 
pease  and  beans,  the  same;  mairts  of  Aberdeen  2/.  13s.  4c?.  the 
piece;  slieep,  9s.  poultry,  4s.  the  dozen;  geese  Is.  the  piece; 
cheese  6s.  sd.  the  stone. 

Note  KK.  p.  255. 

"  10  April  1562 — The  same  day  the  counsale  understanding  the 
tedious  and  havie  labours  suiFeritbe  the  minister,  Jhone  Knox,  in 
preiching  tlirise  in  the  oulk,  and  twise  on  Sounday,  ordains  w  ith 
ane  consent  to  solist  and  persuade  Maister  Jhone  Craig,  present- 
lie  minister  of  the  Canongait,  to  accept  upoun  him  the  half 
chargis  of  the  preaching  of  the  said  kirk  of  Edinburgh  for  sie 
gud  deid  as  thai  can  aggre  on." — That  this  measure  was  not  car- 
ried into  effect  for  some  time  after,  appears  from  the  following  act 
of  council.  "  ISth  June  1563. — After  lang  reasoning  upon  the 
necessities  of  ministers,  finds  that  there  salbe  ane  uther  minister 
elected  be  the  provost,  baillies  and  counsale,  dekynes  and  elderis 
of  this  burgh,  and  addit  to  Johne  Knox,  minister."  From  the 
same  act  and  subsequent  measures,  it  is  evident  that  the  want  of 
necessary  funds  was  the  cause  of  the  delay.  For  the  council  re- 
solved, that  "  for  susteaning  of  thame  baith,  togidder  with  Johne 
Cairns  reider,"  the  deacons  should  meet  with  the  trades,  and  the 
merchants,  to  see  what  they  would  be  willing  to  give.  The  re- 
ports made  to  the  council  did  bear,  that  if  they  would  fix  a  par- 
ticular stipend,  the  trades  were  willing  to  pay  ^  fifth  of  it,  accord- 
ing to  old  custom.  But  although  Craig  had  not  been  translated 
from  the  Canongate,heseems  to  have  performed  apart  of  the  duty 
in  Edinburgh;  for,  in  the  same  month,  I  find  the  council  appoint- 
ing a  number  of  persons  "to  go  aniaug  the  faithfull  who  had 
communicate"  and  make  a  collection  for  "Johne  Craig  and 
Johne  Cairns,  who  had  received  nothing  for  a  lang  tyme."  This 
expedient  they  were  obliged  afterwards  to  repeat.  On  the  26 
September,  1561,  the  council  had  agreed  to  give  "  to  John  Cairns, 
lector  of  morning  prayeris,  100  merks  a  yeai',  in  tyme  to  c«m." 
Records  of  Town  Council. 


di 


484  NOTES. 

Note  LL.  p.  257. 

Very  different  and  opposite  accounts  have  been  given  of  the 
book  usually  called  Archbishop  Hamilton's  Catechism.     The  fol- 
lowing is  drawn  up  from  the  catechism  itself,  compared  with  the 
canon  of  the  council  which  authorized  it.     It  does  not  appear  by 
whom  it  was  composed,  but  we  may  readily  conclude  that  it  was 
by  some  person  or  persons  who  had  more  knowledge  of  theology 
than  there  is  any  reason  to  think  the  archbishop  had,  and  who  had 
more  leisure  than  him  to  write  a  book  consisting  of  412  pages 
quarto.     It  was  laid  before  the  provincial  council,  which  met  at 
Edinburgh  in  January  155  1-2,  and  was  adopted  and  approved  by 
them.     The  care  of  printing  it  was  committed  to  the  archbishop, 
to  whom  it  properly  belonged  as  metropolitan  to  set  it  forth;  and 
the  colaphon  at  the  end  of  the  work  informs  us  that  it  was  printed 
by  his  "  command  and  expensis." — "  the  XXIX.  day  of  August, 
the  yeir  of  our  Lord  MD.LII."     Spottiswood  (p.  92,)  has   con- 
founded it  with  a  treatise,  called  by  the  people  The  Twa-penny 
Faith,  which  Knox  informs  us  was  set  forth  by  the  provincial 
council  which  was  sitting  when  he  returned  to  Scotland, in  1559. 
Historic,  p.  109,  110.      The  archbishop's  epistle  to  "  Personis. 
Vicars,  and  Curattis,"  prefixed  to  the  catechism,  informs  us  of 
its  design  and  use.     "First  to  your  awin  instruction. — Secondly. 
According  to  the  decreit  maid  in  our  provincial  counsale,  our  will 
is  that  ye  reid  the  samyn  eatechisme  diligently,  distinctly,  and 
plainly  ilk  aue  of  yow  to  your  awin  parochianaris,  for  thair  com- 
mon instructioun  and  spiritual  edificatioun  in  the  word  of  God, 
neeessarie  of  thame  to  be  knawin."     The  canon  provides  that  it 
be  read, "  omnibus  dominicis  et  festivis,"  which  is  thus  explain- 
ed in  the  close  of  the  archbishop's  epistle :  *'  Everilk  sonday  and 
principal  halydaie,  quhen  yair  cummis  na  precheour  to  thame  to 
schaw  thame  the  word  of  God  to  have  yis  eatechisme  usit  and 
reid  to  thame  insleid  of  prcching,  quhil  Tuntil]  God  of  his  gudnes 
provide  ane  sufficient  nowmer  of  catholyk  and  abil  precheouris, 
quhilk  sal  be  withen  few  yeiris  as  we  traist  in  God."  The  clergy 
were  aroitscd  from  their  lethargy  and  indolence,  by  the  preaching 
of  the  protestants,  and  the  complaints  of  the  people.     But  those 
whose  province  it  was  to  preach,  were  found  generally  incapable 
of  performing  the  task.     Tiiis  book  was  therefore  provided  for* 
theui,  that  they  might  read  it  to  the  people  instead  of  a  ser- 
mon. 

As  it  is  entitled  a  catechism,  was  printed  in^the  vulgar  lan- 
guage, is  said  to  be  designed  for  the  instruction  of  the  people,  and 
no  prohibition  of  its  use  is  mentioned  in  the  book  itself,  we  might 


NOTES.  483 

be  apt  to  conclude,  that  it  was  intended  to  be  circulated  among 
the  people,  and  promiscuously  read.     But  this  was  very  far  from 
being  the  design  of  those  who  approved  and  set  it  forth.     On  the 
contrary,  the  canon  of  the  council  expressly  provides,  "  That  all 
the  copies  not  required  for  the  use  of  the  clergy  be  kept  in  safe 
custody  ffirma  custodiaj  by  the  archbishop,"  that  he  might  dis  = 
tribute  them,  "  prout  tempus  et  necessitas  postulaverint."    The 
clergy  are  charged  not  to  communicate  their  copies  to  secular 
persons,  except  with  the  allowance  of  their  ordinaries  (the  bish- 
ops,)  who  were  permitted  to  give  copies  to  certain  honest,  grave, 
faithful,  and  discreet  laics,  especially  such  as  seemed  to  desire 
them  for  the  sake  of  instruction  rather  than  out  of  curiosity. 
"  Caveant  vero  ipsi  rectores,  viearii,  et  curati,  ne  sua  exeraplaria 
secularibus  quibuscunque  indiscrete  communicent,  nisi  exjudicio, 
consilio,  et  discretione  sui  ordinarii ;  qubus  ordinariis  lieebit  non- 
nullis  probis,  gravibus,  bonae  fidei,  ac  discretis  viris  laicis,  ejus- 
den>  catechismi  exemplaria  communicari,  et  iis  potissimum,  qui 
videbuntur  potius  suae  instructionis  causa,  quam  curiositatis  cu- 
juscunque,  eadem  expetere."     Wilkius,  Concilia,  IV.  72,  and 
Lord  Hailes,  Provincial  Councils,  p.  36.      Lord   Hailes    had 
therefore  reason  for  saying  (in  opposition  to  Mackenzie's  tale 
of  the  archbishop  allowing  ''  the  pedlars  to  take  two  pennies  for 
their  pains  in  hawking  it  abroad")  that  the  council  "  uses,  as 
many  precautions  to  prevent  it  from  coming  into  the  hands  of 
the  laity,  as  if  it  had  been  a  book  replete  with  the  most  pestilent 
heresy."    It  would  have  been  imprudent  to  insert  the  prohibition 
in  the  book  itself,  copies  of  which,  notwithstanding  all  their  cau- 
tion, would  come  into  the  hands  of  improper  persons j    but  the 
canon  of  the  council  remained  the  rule  for  regulating  the  clergy 
in  the  use  of  it.     Nor  is  there  any  thing  in  the  catechism  which 
is  inconsistent  with  the  canon,  or  which  implies  that  it  was  to 
come  into  the  hands  of  the  people.     It  is  all  along  supposed  that 
they  were  to  be  instructed  by  hearing,  not  by  reading'  it.      This 
is  particularly  evident  from  the  concluding  address.     '•'  O  chris- 
tin  pepil  we  exhort  yow  with  all  diligence,  heir,  understand,  and 
keip  in  your  remembrance,  the  halie  wordis  of  God,  quhilk  in 
this  present  catechisme  ar  trewly  and  catholykly  exponit  (o  your 
spiritual  edification."     And  again:  '•  Gif  ye  persaif  be  frequent 
heiring  heirof  your  self  spiritually  instrucktit  mair  than  ye  haif 
bein  in  tymes  bygane,  geve  the  thankis  thairof  only  to   God." 
Fol.  ccvi.     If  any  of  the  hearers  moved  any  controversy  about  its 
contents,  he  was  to  be  delivered  up  to  the  Inquisitors.    Wilkins, 
at  supra,  p.  73. 


486  NOTES. 

Lord  Hailes  has  animadverted  on  Keith  for  saying  that  the 
author  of  the  catechism  shews  "  his  wisdom  and  moderation,  in 
handsomely  eviting  to  enter  upon  the  controverted  points,"  and  he 
has  given  extracts  from  it  asserting  the  doctrine  of  transubstantia- 
tion,  the  propriety  of  withholding  the  cup  from  the  laity,  and  of 
prayers  to  the  saints.  Provincial  Councils,  ut  supra,  p.  35,  36. 
The  use  of  images  in  worship,  purgatory,  prayers  for  the  dead, 
the  removal  of  original  sin  by  baptism,  the  sinlessness  of  concu- 
piscence after  baptism,  the  mystical  signification  of  the  ceremo- 
nies practised  in  that  ordinance,  the  exorcism,  or  blowing  upon 
the  child  at  the  church  door,  and  making  the  sign  of  the  cross  on 
its  brow  and  breast,  putting  salt  into  its  mouth,  anointing  its 
nostrils  and  ears  with  spittle,  and  its  breast  and  back  with  oil, 
with  the  application  of  chrism  to  the  forehead,  the  clothing  of  it 
with  the  cude  or  w  bite  linen  cloth,  and  putting  a  lighted  torch  or 
candle  into  its  hand ;  these,  w  ith  other  doctrines  and  ceremonies 
of  the  popish  church,  are  all  stated  and  vindicated.  At  the  same 
time,  w  hile  the  opinions  peculiar  to  popery  are  stated  and  defend- 
ed, there  is  an  evident  design  of  turning  away  the  attention  of 
the  people  from  these  controversies,  as  to  which  they  are  often 
reminded  of  their  duty  to  "  belief  as  the  haly  catliolic  kirk  be- 
liefis,"  and  a  great  part  of  the  book  is  occupied  in  declaring  du- 
ties and  general  doctrines,  about  which  there  was  no  question. 
Considerable  art  is  also  used  by  introducing  some  of  the  most 
exceptionable  articles  of  popery  under  the  cover  of  unquestion- 
able truths.  Thus  under  the  question,  "Quhat  thing  suld  move 
us  to  belief  the  word  of  God?"  The  first  reason  which  is 
given  is,  "  Ye  eternal  and  infallible  verite  of  God,  fra  quhom  na 
lesing  may  procede,  na  mair  than  myrknes  may  cum  fra  the 
cleir  scheuaud  Sonne."  But  how  gradually  and  artfully  are  the 
people  led  away  from  the  scriptures  in  what  follows !  "  The  se- 
cund  thing  that  suld  move  us  to  belief  the  word  of  God,  quhilk 
jirthe  haly  bukis  quharin  the  word  of  God  is  contenit,  and  quhat 
is  the  true  sence  of  tlie  same  bukis,  is  ye  consent  and  autoritie  of 
our  mother  the  haly  kirk,  fra  the  apostils  tyme  hitherto,  and  spe- 
cially quhen  it  is  lawfully  gadderit  be  the  haly  spirit  in  ane  ge- 
neral counsel,  quharof  saiuct  Augustine  sais  thus:  'I  wald 
nocht  gif  credence  to  the  evangel,  except  ihat  the  universal  kirk 
warnis  me  sa  to  do.'  And  thairfor  leir  Ihir  twa  lessoiiis.  The 
ane  is,  quhatsoevir  the  haly  spirit  rcvelis  and  schawis  to  us,  other 
in  the  bukis  of  haly  scripture,  or  in  the  determinatiouns  and  diffi- 
nitiouuis  of  general  counsilles,  lawfully  gadderit  for  the  corrobora- 
cion  and  maintenans  of  our  faith,  we  suld  belcif  ve  same  to  be 


NOTES.  187 

the  trew  word  of  God,  and  thairto  gif  ferme  eredens  as  <o  the  ve- 
rite  that  is  infallible.  The  secund  lesson,  ye  that  ar  simple  and 
unleirnit  men  and  women  suld  expressly  belief  a)  the  artickils  of 
your  Crede,  as  for  al  utherhie  misteries  and  matteris  of  the  scrip- 
ture ye  aucht  to  beleif  generally  as  the  kirk  of  Godbeleiffis.  And 
this  faith  is  suffient  to  you.  for  the  perfectioun  of  that  faith  quhilk 
ye  ar  bund  to  haif."  Fol.  xiiii.  b.  xv.  a.  A  specimen  of  the  same 
kind  occurs  on  the  question,  How  is  the  true  sense  of  the  scrip- 
ture to  be  discerned  ?  where  after  being  gravely  taught  the  use- 
fulness of  the  collation  of  one  place  with  another,  and  the  connex- 
ion of  the  passage,  the  people  are  told  that  this  belongs  to  those 
who  have  the  gift  called  interpretatio  sermoman,  and  are  then 
devoutly  set  down  at  the  feet  of  the  doctors  of  the  church,  and 
taught  implicitly  to  receive  the  decisions  of  councils.  "  Quarfor, 
he  that  will  nocht  heir,  resaif,  and  obey  the  diffinitionis  and  de- 
terminationis  of  lauchful  general  counsellis  concerning  materis 
of  our  faith, he  is  nocht  to  be  accountit  a  true  Christin  man,  ac- 
cording to  the  wordis  of  our  salviour,  '  Gif  he  will  nocht  hear  the 
kirk,  lat  him  be  to  the  as  ane  infidele,  unchristinit,  and  ane  pub- 
lican.' Thus  ye  haif  quha  is  an  herityk.  and  how  he  brekis  the 
first  command."     Fol.  xviii.  b.  xix. 

As  all  who  question  the  infallible  decisions  of  the  church  are  pro- 
nounced guilty  of  a  breach  of  the  first  commandment,  the  Roman 
Catholics  are,  with  no  less  ease,  exculpated  from  a  breach  of  the 
second,  by  throwing  in  a  convenient  parenthesis.  The  reader 
will  observe,  that,  according  to  a  division  of  the  law  first  counte- 
nanced by  x\ugustine,  and  of  which  the  popish  church  is  ex- 
tremely fond,  the  first  and  second  commandments  are  thrown  into 
one,  and,  to  make  up  the  number,  the  tenth  is  divided  into  two; 
although  the  compilers  of  the  Catechism  found  it  impracticable 
to  keep  to  this  last  division  in  their  explication.  The  following 
is  their  enunciation  of  the  first  commandment,  ••  I  am  the  Lord 
thi  God,  quhilk  hais  broeht  yc  fra  the  land  of  Egypt,  fra  the  house 
of  bondage.  Thou  sail  haif  ua  other  goddis  but  me,  tliou  sail 
nocht  mak  to  thee  fas  gods )  ony  gravit  ymage,  notlier  ony  simi- 
litude of  ony  thing  that  is  in  the  hevin  above,  or  in  the  erd  be- 
neth,  nor  of  ony  thing  that  is  in  the  watter  under  tlie  erd.  Thou 
sail  nocht  adorne  yame  nor  worship  yame  [as goddis.'')  Fol.  xii.  a. 
It  is  fair,  however,  to  hear  the  explication  which  the  authors  of 
the  Catechism  give  respecting  images.  "  Ar  ymages  aganis  the 
first  command  ?  Na,  sa  liiai  be  weil  usit.  Quhat  is  the  rycht  use 
of  ymagis  ?  Iniagis  to  be  made  na  haly  writ  forbiddis.  (says  vene- 
rabil  Bede)  for  the  sycht  of  thame,  ospecialiy  of  the  erucifixe 
giSfts  greit  compunction  to  thame  quhilk  behaldis  it  with  fuith  iu 


488  NOTES. 

Christ,  and  to  thame  yat  are  unletterat,  it  giffis  a  quik  remem- 
brance of  the  passion  of  Christ.  Salomon  in  time  of  his  wisdome, 
nocht  without  the  inspiration  of  God,  made  ymagis  in  the  temple. 
Moyses  the  excellent  prophet  and  trew  servand  of  God,  made  and 
erecktit  a  brassin  ymage  of  a  serpent,  (quhilk  figurit  the  liftyng 
up  of  our  salviour  Jesus  Christe  upon  the  crosse)  and  als  be  the 
command  of  God,  eausit  mak  the  imagis  of  twa  angellis  callit 
Cherubinis,  quhilk  thing  thir  twa  sa  excellent  men  in  wisedome 
wald  nevir  haif  done,  gif  the  raakin  of  imagis  war  aganis  the  com- 
mand of  God. — Bot  utterly  yis  command  forbiddis  to  mak  ymagis 
to  that  effeck,  that  thai  suld  be  adornit  and  wirschippit  as  god- 
dis,  or  with  ony  godly  honour,  ye  quhilk  sentence  is  expremit  bi 
thir  wordis  :  Non  adorabis  ea  neq.  coles.  Thou  shall  nocht 
adorne  thame  nor  wirschip  thame  as  goddis.  Now  we  suld  nocht 
gif  goddis  honour,  or  Christis  honour  to  ony  ymage,  bot  to  God 
allanerly,  representit  be  ane  ymage."     Fol.  xxiii.  b. 

In  the  explication  of  the  fifth  article  of  the  Creed,  is  a  parti- 
cular account  of  the  four  places  in  hell;  infernus  damnatorunij 
puerorum,  purgmidorum,  et  patrum.  The  following  proof  is 
given  of  our  Saviour's  descent  into  hell,  to  deliver  the  saints  who 
had  been  confined  in  the  last  mentioned  place  until  the  time  of 
his  death.  "  Also  the  same  deliverance  was  prophesit  bi  the  pro- 
phet Osee  :  Ero  mors  tua,  o  mors,  ero  morsus  tuus  o  inferne.  O  dede 
(sais  our  salviour)  I  sail  be  thy  dede — O  hel  I  sal  byte  the.  The 
man  yat  bytes  ony  thing,  he  takis  part  to  him,  and  lattis  part  re- 
mane  behind.  Sa  our  salviour  passand  doune  to  hel,  he  fulfyllit 
this  prophesic,  takaud  part  of  saulis  out  fra  hell  with  him,  and 
liefFand  part  behind  him.  Quhom  tuk  he  with  him  ?  bot  thame 
that  was  haly  and  gud,  quhilk  was  haldin  thair  as  presonaris." 
Fol.  cviii.  Upon  the  whole,  this  Catechism  has  been  written  with 
great  care,  and  the  style  is  by  no  means  bad.  It  is  singular  that 
it  should  have  been  so  little  noticed  at  that  time.  I  have  not  ob- 
served that  it  is  mentioned  by  any  of  the  writers  of  that  age,  ei- 
ther Popish  or  Protestant.  This  niiglit  induce  us  to  conclude  that 
it  was  very  little  used,  even  in  the  way  directed  by  the  canon  of 
the  provincial  council. 

After  the  particular  account  which  I  have  given  of  the  preced- 
ing work,  it  is  not  necessary  to  add  large  extracts  from  the  Com- 
imidious  Tractive  of  Kennedy,  abbot  of  Crossraguel.  Having 
quoted  John  V.  .39,  he  says :  "  Markc  (gude  redare)  the  Scripture 
to  occupy  tJie  place  of  anc  ivytnes,  and  not  the  place  of  ane  jMg-e." 
A.  iiij.  In  a  posterior  part  of  tiie  work,  he  seems  disposed  to  qua- 
lify what  he  had  stated  respecting  the  church  being  judge  of  all 
matters  in  religion,  "  Wc  never  say  in  all  our  lytle  tractive,  that 


NOTES.  489 

tke  kirk  is  juge  to  the  Scripture,  bot  yat  the  kirk  is  juge  to  dis- 
cern quhilk  is  the  trew  scripture  of  God,  and  to  mak  mauifest  to 
the  congregation  the  trew  understandyng  of  the  samyn."  H.  v. 
This  explication  does  not  mend  the  matter;  for  certainly  he  who 
has  the  power  of  calling  what  witnesses  he  pleases,  and  of  putting 
what  sense  he  pleases  upon  their  testimony,  is  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  the  judge  of  the  witnesses,  as  well  as  the  pannel.  The 
abbot  repeatedly  testifies  the  great  reluctance  with  which  he  was 
compelled  to  prove  his  principles,  by  persons  who  were  "swa  re- 
ligious and  clene  fyngerit,  that  thair  wil  na  thing  perswade  thaim 
without  testimony  of  Scripture."  He  gives  this  easy  advice  to 
those  whose  consciences  were  distressed  with  the  '' harbour  and 
commoun"  sayings  of  the  Protestants,  implying  that  every  Chris- 
tian should  be  satisfied  in  his  own  mind,  as  to  the  doctrines  of 
Scripture.  "  All  Christin  men  havand  ane  generale  understand- 
ing of  the  articles  of  our  faith  (conforme  to  the  understanding 
that  the  kirk  hes  teacheit  ws :)  the  ten  commandments,  the  prayer 
of  the  Lord  callit  the  Pater  noster.  It  suffices  to  thame  to  quhanie 
it  does  not  appertene  of  thair  office  nor  vocatioun,  to  occupy  the 
place  of  the  prechairis  or  techearis  in  the  congregatioun.  As  to 
the  gaereraentis,  and  all  uther  secretis  of  the  Scripture,  stand  to 
the  jugementof  thy  pasture,  without  curious  ressoning  or  eersing 
of  the  secretis  of  Godis  word,  quha  beiris  thy  burding  in  all  mate- 
ris  doutsum  abone  thy  knawledge,  conforme  to  the  saying  of  the 
apostle,  'Obey  unto  your  superioris,  &c.'  And  in  cais  they  be 
negligent,  ressave  doctryne  of  the  kirk,  as  the  tyme  teicheis  ws. 
Be  this  way  (quhilk  is  conforme  to  Godis  word  and  al  veritie)  it 
sal  be  asie  to  all  men,  quhat  place  or  estait  in  the  congregatioun 
that  ever  he  occupy,  to  beir  his  awin  burding."  Ane  Compendius 
'tractive,  &c.  D.  vii. 

In  p.  259,  I  mentioned  it  as  probable  that  the  book  Mhich 
George  Hay  published  on  the  sacrament  of  the  supper  was  an 
answer  to  Kennedy's  treatise  on  that  subject.  That  it  was  so,  ap- 
pears from  Ames,  Typographical  Antiquities,  vol.  iii.  p.  1487. 

Note  MM.  p.  268. 
In  the  prologue  to  the  Reasoning  betwixt  Jo.  Knox  and  tlie  ab- 
bote  of  Crossraguel,  Knox  adverts  to  the  cavils  of  the  papists 
against  the  validity  of  the  call  of  the  reformed  ministers,  and 
intimates  his  intention  of  returning  an  answer  to  the  questions 
on  this  head  which  had  been  proposed  to  him  by  Ninian  Wing- 
et,the  Procutour  for  the  Papists.  There  are  some  general  re- 
marks on  this  subject  in  his  answer  to  Tyrie's  Letter,  but  I  do 
not  think  that  he  ever  published  any  thing  professedly  en  the  pniju. 


490  NOTES. 

There  is  a  ridiculous  tale  told  by  a  popish  writer  concerning  a 
pretended  convention  among  the  reformed  ministers  in  Scotland 
to  determine  in  what  manner  they  should  proceed  in  the  admis- 
sion of  ministers.  Willock  proposed  as  a  weighty  difficulty,  that 
if  they  used  imposition  of  hands,  or  any  other  ceremony  usually 
practised  in  the  church,  they  would  be  asked  to  shew  that  they 
themselves  had  been  admitted  by  the  same  ceremonies,  and  thus 
the  lawfulness  of  their  vocation  would  be  called  in  question. 
«' Johann  kmnox  ansuerit  maist  resolutelie,  Buf.  buf,  man,  we  ar 
lines  entered,  let  se  cfiha  darputus  out  agane  ;  meaning  that  thair 
was  not  sa  monie  gunnis  and  pistollis  in  the  countrie  to  put  him 
out  as  was  to  intrud  him  with  violence.  Sua  Johann  kmnox,  to 
his  awin  confusion,  entered  not  in  the  kirk  be  ordinar  voeatione 
or  imposition  of  handis,  but  be  imposition  of  hullutis  and  poul- 
dir  in  ciilringis  and  lang  gunnis  ;  sua  ye  mister  not  to  troubii 
you  farder  in  seiking  out  of  Johann  kmnox  voeatione." — This 
story  "  1  understude  (says  the  author)  of  ane  nobil  and  honorabil 
man,  quha  can  yit  heir  witnes  gif  I  lea  or  not."  But  he  takes 
care  not  to  give  the  name  of  the  nobleman.  Nicol  Burne's  Dis- 
putation, p.  129.     Parise,  1581. 

Note  NN.  p.  269. 

The  order  prescribed  by  the  General  Assembly  for  the  public 
repentance  of  Paul  Methven  was,  that  he  should  appear  at  the 
church-door  of  Edinburgh,  when  the  second  bell  rang  for  wor- 
ship, clad  in  sackcloth, bare-headed  and  bare-footed;  should  stand 
there  until  the  public  prayers  were  over,  after  which  he  should 
be  brought  into  (he  church  to  hear  the  sermon,  during  which  he 
was  to  be  "■  placeit  in  the  publick  spectakell  above  the  people." 
This  appearance  he  was  to  make  on  three  preaching-days,  and 
on  the  last  (which  was  to  be  a  Sabbath-day,)  after  sermon  he 
was  to  profess  his  sorrow  before  the  people,  and  request  their 
forgiveness;  which  being  done  he  was  to  be  again  "clad  in  his 
awin  apparell,"  and  received  into  the  society  of  the  church. 
He  was  to  go  tlirough  the  same  course  at  Dundee  and  Jedburgh, 
in  both  which  places  he  had  acted  as  a  minister.  Buik  of  the 
Universall  Kirk,  p.  ^.  Keith,  559,500.  This  form  of  satisfac- 
tion was  appointed  for  all  who  had  been  excommunicated  for 
murder,  adultery,  incest,  or  other  aggravated  crimes.  The  mur- 
derer was  to  bear  in  his  hand  "  the  same  or  lyke  weapoun  whair- 
with  the  murther  was  eommittit."  Buik  of  the  Univ.  Kirk,  p. 
38.  The  other  rules  observed  in  cases  of  discipline  may  be  seen 
in  Knox's  Liturgy,  p.  55 — GT.  edition,  1611,  and  in  Dunlop's 
Confessions,  ii.  Toi — 75G.     Impartiality,  as  well  as  severity,  dis- 


NOTES.  491 

tihguished  the  discipline  of  these  times.  "  Gryt  men  offending 
iu  sicklcryraes  as  deserves  seekclaith,  they  suld  receave  the  same 
als  Weill  as  the  pure. — Na  superiutendant  nor  commissioner, 
with  advyee  of  any  particular  kirk  of  yair  jurisdiction,  may  dis- 
pense with  the  extreamitie  of  sackcloth,  prescrivit  be  the  actes 
of  the  generall  discipline,  for  any  pecuniall.sum  or  paine  ad  pios 
usus."  Ibid,  ad  August  1573.  Dunlop,  ii.  753.  This  was  not 
a  mere  theoretic  proposition.  For  in  15 63  we  find  the  lord  Trea- 
surer making  public  satisfaction  (Keith  245,  539  ;)  in  1567,  tlic 
countess  of  Argyle  (Buik  of  the  Univ.  Kirk,  p.  37;)  and  in  1568, 
the  bishop  of  Orkney  (Anderson's  Collections,  ii.284.)  Let  not 
pur  modern  fashionables  and  great  ones  be  alarmed  at  hearing  of 
such  things.  These  days  are  gone,  and  w  ill  not,  it  is  likely,  soon 
return. 

It  is  a  mistake,  however,  to  represent  the  ecclesiastical  courts^ 
as  inflicting  corporal  punishments  upon  offenders.  The  parlia- 
ment, or  the  magistracy  of  particular  burghs,  enacted  punishments 
of  this  kind  against  certain  crimes  which  were  ordinarily  tried  in 
the  church  courts.  Some  of  these  existed  before  the  reformation, 
and  some  of  them  were  posterior  to  it;  but  the  infliction, as  well 
as  the  enacting  of  them,  pertained  to  the  civil  magistrate.  Kuox^ 
p.  269.  The  following  extract  will  explain  the  occasion  of  the 
mistake,  and  the  true  state  of  the  case.  "  What  you  bring  (says 
Mr.  Baillie  in  his  answer  to  bishop  Maxwell)  of  pecuniary  mulcts, 
imprisonments,  banishments,  jogges,  cutting  of  haire,  and  sueh 
like,  it  becomes  neither  you  to  charge,  nor  us  to  be  charged  with 
any  such  matters:  No  church-assembly  in  Scotland  assumes  the 
least  degree  of  power,  to  inflict  the  smallest  civill  punishment 
upon  any  person ;  the  Generall  Assembly  it  seife  iuilh  no  power 
to  tine  any  creature  so  much  as  in  one  groat:  It  is  true,  the  iawes 
of  the  land,  appoint  pecuniary  mulcts,  imprisonment,  joggs,  pil- 
lories, and  banishment  for  some  odious  crimes,  and  the  power  of 
putting  these  laws  in  execution  is  placed  by  the  pariianieut  in  the 
hands  of  the  inferior  magistrates  in  burroughs  or  sJiires,  or  of 
others  to  whom  the  counsel  (able  gives  a  speciall  commission  for 
that  end  ;  ordinarily  some  of  these  civill  persons  are  ruJijig  elders, 
and  sit  w  ith  the  eldership  :  So  when  the  eldership  have  cognosced 
npon  the  scandall  alone  of  crimiuidi  persons,  ant!  have  used  their 
spirituall  eeiisures  only  to  bring  the  party  to  repeutacce,  some  of 
the  ruling  elders,  by  vertue  of  their  civill  office  or  commission, 
will  impose  a  mulct,  or  send  to  prison  or  stocks,  or  banish  out  of 
the  bounds  of  some  little  circuit,  according  as  the  acts  cf  pjrlia- 
mcnt  or  connsell  do  appoint  it.     Eut  thut  the  eldership  should 


49S  NOTES. 

impJoy  its  eeclesiastick  and  spirituall  power  for  any  such  end, 
none  of  us  doe  defend.  That  either  in  Scotland  or  any  where  else 
in  the  worid  the  haire  of  any  person  is  commanded  to  be  cut  by 
any  church  judicatory  for  disgrace  and  punishment,  is  (as  I  take 
it)  but  a  foolish  fable.  That  any  person  truely  penitent  is  threat- 
ned  in  Scotland,  with  church  censures  for  non-payment  of  mo- 
nies, is  in  tbe  former  category  of  calumnies."  Historical  Vindi- 
cation of  the  Government  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  p.  l7,  18. 
Lond.  1646.  I  have  in  my  possession  (extracted  from  the  re- 
cords of  a  kirk -session)  a  ct)mmission,  granted  in  1701,  by  the 
sheriffe-depute  of  Berwickshire,  constituting  one  of  the  elders 
session-baillie,  for  executing  the  laws  against  prophaneness,  agree- 
ably to  an  act  of  parliament  authorizing  the  appointment  of  such 
an  officer  in  parishes  within  which  no  ordinary  magistrate  re- 
sided. 

Note  00.  p.  281. 

The  whole  account  which  Mr.  Hume  has  given  of  the  conduct 
f..f  the  protestant  clergy  towards  Mary,  from  her  arrival  in  Scot- 
land until  her  marriage  with  Darnly,  is  very  remote  from  sober 
rHid  genuine  history.  It  is  rather  a  satire  against  the  reformation, 
■which  he  charges  with  rebellion  ;  the  presbyterian  church,  whose 
5:enius  he  describes  as  essentially  productive  of  fanaticism  and 
vulgarity  ;  and  his  native  country,  the  inhabitants  of  which,  with- 
out exception,  he  represents  as  over-run  with  rusticity,  strangers 
in  the  arts,  to  civility,  and  the  pleasures  of  conversation.  History, 
I?cign  of  Eliz.  chap.  i.  near  the  close.  "  II  n'est  rien  de  plus  fa- 
cile quand  on  a  beoiicoiip  d'esprit,  et  beaucoup  d'experience  dans 
Tart  de  faires  dcslivres,  que  de  composer  une  Histoire  satyrique, 
ties  meme  faits  qui  ont  servi  a  faire  une  Eloge.  Deux  lignes  sup- 
priinee,  ou  jwur  on  contrc,  dans  I'exposition  d'un  fait,  sont  ea- 
pnljlcsde  faire  paroistre  une  homme  ou  fort  innocent,  ou  fort  coupa- 
ble  :  ef.  coninie  par  la  seule  transposition  de  quelques  mots  on  peut 
fuir(;  d'uii  discours  hrt  saint  ua  discours  inniie;  de  meme  par  la 
seule  transposition  de  quelques  circonstances,  Ton  peut  faire  de 
Taction  la  plus  criminelle,  Tacfiou  la  pliis  vertueuse."  Bayle, 
Critique  Generalo  I'llistoire  du  Calvinismc,  p.  13.  i?  de  edition, 
j683.  This  is  a  charge  to  wliicli  the  Historian  of  England  has 
exposenj  himself  on  more  than  one  occasion. 

j  cannot  here  expose  all  his  mistatements  in  the  passage  to 
uiiic'i  1  have  referred.  He  keeps  out  of  view  the  fixed  resolution 
of  l!ie  qui'cn  to  re-establisii  the  i'ouiish  religion,  witJi  all  the 
perils  to  uhich  the  Protestants  were  exposed.  He  artfully  intro- 
diusiss  his  narrative,  by  placing  her  proclamation  against  altering 
the  Protestant  rcligimi  before  the  symptoms  of  popular  discontent 


NOTES.  493 

at  her  setting  up  mass;    whereas  the  proclamation  was  emitted 
after  these,  and  perhaps  would  never  have  appeared,  had  it  not 
been  found  necessary  to  allay  the  apprehensions  of  the  people. 
KnoXj  285.   Keith,  504,  505.  As  a  proof  that  the  preacLers  "  took 
a  pride  in  vilifying,  even  to  her  face,  this  amiable  princess,"  he 
gives  extracts  from  an  address  to  her  by  the  general  assembly, 
without  ever  hinting  that  this  was  merely  a  draught;  that  every 
offensive  expression  was  erased  from  it:    and  that,  wlieu  it  was 
presented  by  the  superintendents  of  Lothian  and  Fife,  the  queen 
said,  "Here  are  many  fair  words  ;   I  cannot  tell  what  the  hearts 
are."     Knox,  315.     Mr.  H.  goes  on  to  say;  "  The  ringleader iii 
all  these  insults  on  Majesty,  was  John  Knox. — His  usual  appel- 
lation for  the  queen,  was  Jezebel.''    This  is  a  mistake.     Neither 
in  his  sermons,  nor  in  his  prayers,  nor  in  conversation,  did  he  give 
this  appellation  to  Mary,  as  long  as  she  was  queen ;  but  always 
honoured  her  before  the  people,  as  well  as  in  her  own  presence, 
even  when  he  lamented  and  condemned  her  errors.     Afteru  ards, 
indeed,  when  for  her  crimes  (of  whicJi   no  man  was  more  con- 
vinced than  Mr.  H.)  she  was  removed  from  the  governmeiil,  and 
he  no  longer  acknowledged  her  a's  his  sovereign,  he  did  apply  this 
name  to  her.     It  is  so  far  from  being  true,  that  "  the  whole  life 
of  Mary  was,  from  the  demeanour  of  these  men,  filled  with  bil- 
terness  and  sorrow,**  or  that  she  "was  curbed  in  all  amusements 
by  the  absurd  severity  of  these  reformers,"    that  she  retained 
her  "gaiety  and  ease,"  until  by  her  imprudent  marriage  with 
Darnley,  she  with  her  own  hands  planted  thorns  under  her  pil- 
low; while  the  preachers  were  most  free  ia  their  sermons,  she 
enjoyed  all  manner  of  liberty ;    her  mass  Avas  never  taken  from 
her  ;  she  was  allowed  to  indulge  her  "  feasting,  finery,  dancing, 
balls,  and  whoredom,  their  necessary  altendani  :"*    nor  was  she 
ever  interrupted  in  these  amusements,  except  when  her  own  hus- 
band deprived  her  of  her  favourite  Italian  fidier,  a  loss  for  which 
she  afterwards  took  ample  vengeance.     It  is  diincult  to  conceive 
how  one  acquainted  with  the  history  of  that  period,   and   the 
character  of  the  queen,  could  impute  the  "  errurs  of  her  subse- 
quent  conduct"  to  the  "  harsh  and  preposterous  usage  which  she 
met  with"  from  the  refarraers.    Nor  can  there  be  a  greater  satire 
upon  the  general  character  of  ?.lary,  (previous  to  her  first  ma;- 
riage)  than  to  say,  that   "she  found  every   moment  reason  to 
regret  her  leaving  that  country,  from  whose  niauners  she  had, 
in  her  early  youth,  received  the  first  impressions."     It  is  weli 
known  that  the  court  at  v.hieh  she  received  iicr  education  wa.s 
most  dissolute  ;  and  the  supposition  that  she  carried  away  the  in- 
nocent paJish  and  refinement  of  their  manners,  v,  L'hout  cuatracC- 


49^  NOTES. 

ing  their  criminal  contagion,  is  not  only  incredible,  but  contra- 
dicted by  the  confessions  of  her  friends.  Memoires  de  Castelnau, 
augmentez  par  J.  ie  Laboureur,  Prieur  de  Juvigne,  torn.  i.  p.  528, 
A  Bnixelles,  1731.  I  have  no  desire  however  to  dip  into  the  sub- 
ject, nor  to  draw  forth  to  light  facts  unfavourable  to  that  princess^ 
although  the  unwarranted  and  persevering  attacks  which  have 
(been  made  upon  worthy  men,  with  the  view  of  reconciling  the 
♦•^  future  conduct"  of  Mary,  with  "the  general  tenor  of  her  cha- 
racter," would  justify  greater  freedoms  than  have  been  lately 
used  in  this  way. 

"  We  are  too  apt  to  figure  to  ourselves  the  reformers  of  that 
age,  as  persons  of  impolitic  and  inflexible  austerity."  This  is  the 
remark  of  one  who  was  much  better  acquainted  with  their  history 
than  Mr.  Hume.  Lord  Hailes'  Historical  Mem.  of  the  Provin- 
cial Councils  of  the  Scottish  Clergy,  p.  41.  Comp.  Knox,  His- 
toric, p.  310.  Sec  also,  in  addition  to  the  facts  already  produced 
in  this  work,  what  is  contained  in  Note  AAA. 

3Ir.  Hume's  object,  in  the  passage  upon  which  I  have  ani- 
madverted, was  to  blacken  the  reformers,  rather  than  to  exalt 
the  queen,  of  whose  character  he  liad  at  bottom  no  great  opinion. 
•'Tell  Goodall  (says  he,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Robertson)  that  if  he 
can  but  give  up  queen  Mary,  I  hope  to  satisfy  him  in  every  thing 
else  5  and  he  will  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  John  Knox,  and 
the  reformers,  made  very  ridiculous."  Indeed,  he  confessed  to 
Ills  confidential  friends,  that  he  had,  in  his  history,  drawn  the 
character  of  that  princess  in  too  favourable  colours.  "  I  am  afraid, 
(says  he  to  tlie  same  correspondent)  that  you,  as  well  as  myself, 
have  drawn  ^Mary's  character  with  too  great  softenings.  She 
Avas  undoubtedly  a  violent  woman  at  all  times.^^  Stewart's  Life 
of  Robertson,  p.  37,  38.  of  the  separate  edition;  or  as  reprinted 
with  the  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  I.  p.  25.  Lond.  1809. 

Note  PP.  p.  283. 

*'  ISmo  Juiiii,  15G3. — Tiie  saniyn  day  in  presence  of  the  bail- 
lies  and  counsale,  compcrit  Jbone  Gray,  scribe  to  the  kirk,  and 
prescntit  the  supplicatione  following,  in  name  of  the  haill  kirk, 
bering  that  it  was  laitlie  cwaiinen  to  thair  knawlege  bi  the  report 
of  faythfuU  bretherins,  that  within  tliir  few  dayis  Eufame  Dun- 
das,  in  the  pres^ence  of  ane  multitude,  had  ispokin  divers  injurious 
and  sclandarous  wordis,  baitb  of  the  doctrine  and  niinistcris.  And 
in  especiall  of  Jlioiie  Knox,  minister,  sayand,  that  within  few 
dayis  past,  the  said  Jhone  Kisox  was  apprehendit  and  tane  furth 
of  ane  killogye  witli  ane  commoiin  hure  ;  and  that  he  had  bene 
ane  conimone  harlot  all  hi»  dayis.  Quhairfore  it  ^^as  niaist  hum 


NOTES.  495 

blie  desyrit  that  the  said  Eufane  myt  be  eallit  and  examinat  up- 
one  the  said  supplieatione,  and  gif  the  wordis  ahone  writtin, 
spokjn  hi  hir-.  myt  be  knawin  or  tryit  to  be  of  veritie,  that  the 
said  Jhone  Kuox  myt  be  punist  with  all  rigour  without  favour : 
otiierwyse  to  tak  sic  ordour  Avitli  hir  as  myt  stand  with  the  glory 
of  God,  and  that  sclander  myt  be  takin  from  the  kirk.  As  at 
mair  length  is  contenit  in  the  said  supplication.  Quhilk  beaud 
red  to  the  said  Eufane,  personallie  present  in  jugement,  scho 
denylt  the  samyn,  and  Frj'day  the  25  day  of  Junii  instant  assignit 
to  Ml"  to  here  and  see  witnes  prodiicit  for  preving  of  the  allegi- 
ance aboue  expremit.  and  scho  is  warnyt  apud  acta.*'  Records 
of  Town  Council  of  Edinburgh,  of  the  above  date. 

The  minute  of  the  25th  contains  the  account  of  the  proof 
which  Knox's  procurator  led  to  shew  that  Eufiime  Dundas  had 
uttered  the  scandal  which  she  now  denied,  and  the  appointment 
that  the  parties  should  be  "  warnit  literatorie  to  hear  sentence 
given  in  the  said  action."  I  have  not  observed  any  thing  more 
respecting  the  cause  in  the  minutes,  and  it  is  probable,  that  the 
reformer,  having  obtained  the  vindication  of  his  character,  pre- 
railed  on  the  judges  not  to  inflict  punishment  on  the  accuser. 

Note  QQ.  p.  284. 

"  C'est  rendre  sans  doute  (says  Bayle)  quelques  service  a  la 
moire  de  Jean  Knox,  que  de  fair  voir  les  extravagances  de  ceux 
qui  ont  dechire  sa  reputation."  And,  having  referred  to  the 
*' gross  and  extravagant  slanders"  of  one  writer,  he  adds,  '•  tiiis 
alone  is  a  sufticient  prejudice  against  all  which  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholic writers  have  published  concerning  the  great  Reformer  of 
vScotland."  Diet.  art.  Knox.  If  Mons.  Bayle  could  speak  in  this 
manner  upon  a  quotation  from  one  author,  what  conclusion  shall 
we  draw  from  the  following  qnotations  .''  The  first  writer  who 
seems  to  have  attacked  Knox's  character,  after  his  death,  was 
Archibald  Hamilton,  whose  hostility  against  him  was  iufsamedby 
a  personal  quarrel,  as  well  as  by  political  and  religions  consider- 
ations. (See  above,  p.  315.)  His  book  shews  how  much  he  Avas 
disposed  to  recommend  himself  to  the  papists  by  throwing  out 
whatever  was  most  injurious  to  his  former  connexions.  But  there 
were  too  many  alive  at  that  time  to  refute  any  charge  which 
might  be  bronght  against  tlie  Reformers  moral  character.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  he  aimed  the  most  envenomed  llirust  at  his  re- 
putation, Hamilton  masked  it  under  the  name  of  an  ajiprei-.onsion 
or  surmise.  Having  said  that,  upon  the  death  of  Edward  V  J. 
f'he  fled  to  Geneva  with  a  noble  and  rich  ladv'"  fwliich  l)v  tij? 


496  NOTES^ 

bye  is  also  a  falsehood)  he  adds  in  a  parenthesis  *'qaa  simuletfilia 
matris  pellice  familiariter  usus  f aisse  pidabaturJ'^  De  Confusione 
Calvinianae  Seetse,  p.  65,  a.  Parisiis  1577.  What  Hamilton  insi- 
nuated as  a  mere  surmise,  his  successors  soon  converted  into  un- 
doubted certainty.  A  few  years  after  we  find  one  of  them  writ- 
ing in  the  following  terms :  Johne  Kmnox  your  first  apostel,  quha 
caused  ane  young  woman  in  my  lord  Ochiltreis  place  fal  almaist 
dead,  becaus  sche  saw  his  maister  Satthan  in  ane  black  niannis 
likenese  with  him,  throuche  ane  bore  of  the  dure;  quha  was 
also  ane  manifest  adulterare  bringand  furth  of  Ingland  baith  the 
mother  and  the  dochter  whom  he  persuadit  that  it  was  lesum  to 
leveherhousband,  [See  p.  196,197,3  and  adhere  unto  him,  mak- 
ing ane  fleshc  of  himself,  the  mother,  and  the  dochter,  as  if  he 
wald  conjoync  in  ane  religione,  the  auld  synagogue  of  the  Jeuis 
with  the  new  fundat  kirk  of  the  Gentiles."  In  another  place  he 
introduces  the  account  of  his  second  marriage  with  these  words : 
'•  That  renegat  and  perjurit  priest  schir  Johane  Kmnox,  quha, 
efter  the  death  of  his  first  harlot,  quhilk  he  mareit  incurring  eter- 
nal damnation  be  breking  his  vou  and  promiss  of  chastitie,  quhen 
his  age  requyrit  rather  that  with  tearis  and  lamentations  he  sould 
have  chastised  his  flesh  and  bewailit  the  breaking  of  his  vou,  as 
also  the  horribil  incest  with  his  gudmother  in  ane  killogie  of  Had- 
dingtoun."  Burne's  Disputation  concerning  the  Controversit 
Headdis  of  Religion,  p.  102,  143.  Parise,  1581.  But  the  two 
former  writers  were  outstripped  in  calumny  by  that  most  impu- 
dent of  all  liars,  James  Laing,  who  published  in  Latin,  during  the 
same  year  in  which  the  last  mentioned  work  appeared,  an  account 
of  the  lives  and  manners  of  the  heretics  of  his  time.  There  are 
few  pages  of  his  book  in  which  he  does  not  rail  against  our  Re? 
former;  but  in  (what  he  calls)  his  Life,  he  may  justly  be  said  to 
have  exceeded  any  thing  which  personal  malice,  or  religious  ran- 
cour, ever  dictated.  "Statim  (says  he)  ab  initio  sua;  pueritiiie 
omni  gcncre  turpissimi  facinoris  infectus  fuit.  Vix  excesserat 
jam  ex  ephebis,  cum  patris  sui  uxorem  violarat,  suam  novercam 
vitiarat,  et  cum  ea,  cui  reverentia  potissimum  adhibenda  fuerat, 
nefarium  stuprum  fecerat.-'  His  bishop  having,  forsooth,  called 
him  to  account  for  these  crimes,  he  straightway  became  inflamed 
with  tlie  utmost  hatred  to  the  Catholic  religion.  "  Deinde  non 
niodo  cum  profanis,  sed  etiam  cum  quibuscunquc  sceleratissimis> 
perdilissimis,  et  potissimiiai  omnium  haereticus  est  vcreatus,  ct  quo 
quisque  erat  immanior,  sceleratior,  crtulelior,  eo  ei  carior  et  gra- 
ttor  fuit. — Ne  nnum  quidem  diem  sccleratissimus  haereticus  sine 
una  et  item  altera  merelrice  tradnecre  potuit. — Continuo  cum 
tribiis  meretricibus,  qux  vldeb;inf  iir  posse  snflicere  uni  saeerdoti. 


NOTE'S.  497 

IB  Scotia  convolat. — Ceterum  hie  lascivus  eaper,  quern  assidue  se- 
quebatur  lasciva  capella,  partim  perpetuis  crapulis,  partim  vino, 
lustrisque  ita  confectus  fuit,  ut  quotiesennq.  eonscenderet  sugges- 
turn  ad  maledicendum,  velim  precandum  suis,  opus  erat  illi  duo- 
bus  aut  tribus  viris,  a  quibus  elevandus  atq.  susteiidandus  erat.-' 
De  Vita  et  Moribiis  atque  Rebus  Gestis  Hcereticortim  tiostri  tem- 
foris.  Authore  Jacobo  Laingceo  Scoto  Doctore  Sorbonico,  foh 
113,  b.  114,  a,  b.  115,  a.  Parisiis.  1581.  Cum  Privilegio.  Nor 
were  such  accounts  confined  to  that  age.  As  late  as  1628,  we 
find  Father  Alexander  Baillie  repeating,  in  the  English  language, 
all  the  gross  tales  of  his  predecessors,  with  additions  of  his  own, 
in  which  he  shews  a  total  disregard  to  the  best  known  facts  in 
the  Reformer's  life.  ?<  Jhone  Knox  (says  he)  being  chaplane  to 
the  laird  of  Balvurie,  and  accused  for  his  vices  and  leeeherie, 
was  found  so  guiltie  and  culpable  that  to  eschevie  the  just  punish- 
ment prepared  for  him  he  presently  fled  away  in  to  Tngland."  He 
afterwards  says,  that,  after  the  death  of  his  second  wife  [that  is, 
twenty  years  at  least  after  his  own  death,]  Knox  '''shamefully 
fell  in  the  abominable  vice  of  incestuous  adultry,  as  Archb.  Ha- 
milton and  others  doe  witnesse;*'  and  as  a  proof  that  Knox  reck- 
oned this  vice  no  blot,  he  puts  into  his  mouth  a  defence  of  it,  in 
the  very  words  which  Sanders,  in  his  book  against  the  Anglican 
Schism,  had  represented  Sir  Francis  Brian  as  using  in  a  conver- 
sation with  Henry  VJII.  Baillie's  Time  Information  of  the  unhal- 
lowed Offspring,  Progress,  andimpoiaon'd  Fruits  of  our  Scottish- 
Calvinian  Gospel  and  Gospellers,  p.  14,  41.  Wirtsburgh,  1628. 

It  is  evident  that  these  outrageous  and  contradictory  calumnies 
have  been  all  grafted  upon  the  convicted  lie  mentioned  in  the 
preceding  note,  and  on  the  malignant  surmise  insinuated  by 
Archibald  Hamilton.  The  characters  of  the  foreign  reformers 
were  traduced  in  the  very  same  manner  by  the  popish  writers. 
Those  who  have  seen  Bolsec's  Lives  of  Calvin  and  Beza,  or 
others  of  the  same  kidney,  will  be  sufficiently  convinced  of  this. 
Will  it  be  believed  that,  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
a  book  should  have  been  published  under  the  name  of  Cardinal 
De  Rihelieu,  in  which  it  is  asserted  that  "  Calvin  being  condemn- 
ed for  acts  of  incontineney,  which  he  had  carried  to  the  utmost 
extremity  of  vice,  (ses  incontinences  qui  le  porterenf  jusqiies  au\ 
dernieres  extremitez  du  vice)  retired  from  Noyon  (ids  native  city) 
and  from  the  Roman  church,  at  the  same  time?''  And  that  this 
should  have  been  published  after  the  cardinal  himself  had  exa- 
mined the  registers  of  Noyon,  whicJi  stated  facts  totally  iucoii- 
sistent  with  the  charge?     I.a  Defence  de  Calvir.,  par  Charles 


498  NOTES. 

Drelincourt,  p.  10,  11,  33.  Geneve,  1667.  Our  countrymen  of  the 
popish  persuasion  were  careful  (o  retail  all  the  calumnies  against 
rtie  foreign  reformers,  and  they  do  so  in  a  manner  almost  peculiar 
to  themselves.  Nicol  Burne  most  seriously  asserts  that  Luther 
was  begotten  of  the  Devil,  as  to  his  carnal  as  well  as  his  spi- 
ritual generation  ;  and  in  order  to  prove  that  this  was  not  impos- 
sibje,  he  advances  the  most  profane  argument  that  ever  proceed- 
ed fiom  the  mouth  or  pen  of  a  Christian.  Disputation,  ut  supra, 
p.  141.  The  same  thiug  is  asserted  by  James  LaiHg.  De  Vita,  &c. 
Hseretic.  ut  supra,  fol.  1.  b.  In  a  pretended  translation  into  Scots, 
of  a  poem  written  by  Beza  in  his  youth  (which  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics, after  he  left  their  communion,  were  careful  to  preserve 
from  oblivion)  Burne  has  unblushingly  inserted  some  scandalous 
and  disgraceful  lines,  for  which  he  had  not  the  slightest  warrant 
from  the  original.  Disputation,  103,  104f.  Laing,  in  his  Life 
of  Calvin  (of  which  Senebier  has  justly  said  *'that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  believe  that  such  a  libel  had  been  written,  if  it  were 
not  to  be  seen  in  print,")  has  raked  together  all  the  base  asper- 
sions which  had  been  cast  upon  that  reformer,  and  has  spent  a 
number  of  pages  in  endeavouring  to  shew  that  he  was  guilty  of 
stealing  a  sum  of  money.  De  Vita,  &c.  ut  supra,  fol.  76,  b. — 79,, 
b.  Of  Buchanan,  whom  he  calls  "  homo  sacrarum  literaruni 
imperiiissimus,  siuiulque  impudentissimus,"  he  relates  a  number 
of  impieties,  of  which  this  is  the  last,  "  plurimi  etiani  narrant  ilium 
iniserrimiwH  honiinem  quondam  in  sacro  fonte,  quo  infantes  aqua 
hencdicta  ablui  sulent,  adsit  reverentia  dictis,  oletum  fecisse."' 
Ibid.  fol.  40,  a.  One  example  more  may  suffice.  "  Te  admone- 
rem  de  quodam  impio  haeretico  saeerdote  Davidson,  quern  audivi 
his  jam  multis  anuis  pubiice  aum  quadam  meretrice  scortatum 
esse,  quam  fertur  peperisse  prima  nocte,  qua  cum  ilia  dormivit, 
quod  hie  doctores  medici  pro  niagno  niiraculo  habentj  cum  vix 
miilicres  ante  nouum  mensem,  vel  octavuui  parere  soleaiit.  Ibid, 
fol.  3Cy,  b.  37,  a. 

Persons  must  have  had  their  foreheads,  as  well  as  their  con- 
sciences, "  seared  w  ith  a  hot  iron,"  bel\)re  they  could  publish 
AHcli  things  to  the  world  as  facts.  Yet  Laing's  bock  was  ap- 
proved, and  declared  wortljy  of  publication,  by  two  doctors  of  the 
University  of  Paris.  Its  grossest  slanders  against  the  Scottish 
reformers  \\crc  literally  copied,  and  circulated  through  the  con- 
tinent as  undoubted  truths,  by  lleginaldus,  Spondanus,  Julius 
Breigerus,  and  many  oliicr  foreign  popish  authors.  Each  of  these 
tiiii'.ed  sonic  fabrication  of  his  own;  and  one  of  them  is  so  grossly 
ignorant,  as  ti>  rail  against  our  reformer  by  the  name '  of  iVy/7f ::; 
Bayle,  Djctionairo,  art.  Knox,  Note  G. 


NOTES.  499 

I  do  not  wish  to  insinnate  that  all  the  popish  writers  were  of 
the  above  description,  or  that  there  were  not  many  Roman  Catho- 
lics, even  at  that  time,  who  disapproved  of  the  use  of  such  dislio- 
nourable  and  empoisoned  weapons  j  but  the  great  number  of  such 
publications,  the  circulation  which  they  obtained,  and  the  length 
of  time  during  which  they  continued  to  issue  from  the  popish 
presses,  demonstrate  the  extent  to  which  a  spirit  of  lying  and 
wanton  defamation  was  carried  in  the  Romish  church.  And  I 
may  safely  aver,  that  no  honest  and  candid  person,  who  is  duly 
acquainted  with  (he  writings  on  both  sides.  Mill  pretend  that  this 
can  be  accounted  for  from  the  hostility  and  asperity  common  to 
both  parties. 

Note  RR.  p.  295. 

"  Heaving  laid  aside  al  feir  of  the  panis  of  hel,  and  regarding 
na  thing  the  honestie  of  the  warld,  as  ane  bund  sklave  of  the 
Devil,  being kendillit  with  an  nnquenshible  lust  and  ambition,  he 
durst  be  sua  bauld  to  interpryse  the  sate  of  marriage  with  the 
maist  honorabil  ladie,  my  lailie  Fleming,  my  lord  Duke's  eldest 
dochter,  to  the  end  that  his  seid  being  of  the  blude  royal,  and 
aydit  be  thair  father's  spirit,  might  have  aspyrit  to  the  croun. 
And  because  he  receavit  ane  refusal,  it  is  notoriouslie  knawin  how 
deidlie  he  haited  the  hail  hous  of  the  Hamiltonis. — And  this 
maist  honest  refusal  would  nather  stench  his  lust  nor  ambition; 
hot  a  lytel  efter  he  did  persew  to  have  allyance  with  the  honora- 
bill  hous  of  Ochiltrie  of  the  Kyng's  M.  awin  blude ;  Rydand  thair 
with  ane  gret  court,  on  ane  trim  gelding,  nocht  lyk  ane  prophet 
or  ane  auld  decrepit  priest,  as  he  was,  hot  lyk  as  he  had  bene  ane 
of  the  blude  royal,  with  his  bendes  of  taffetie  fcschnit  with  golden 
ringis,  and  precious  stanes :  And  as  is  planelie  reportit  in  the 
countreT,be  sorcerieand  witchcraftd  id  sua  allure  thatpuirgentil 
woman,  that  scho  could  not  leve  wethout  him:  whilk  appeiris 
to  be  of  gret  probabilitie  scho  being  ane  damssel  of  nobel  bind, 
and  he  ane  auld  decrepit  creatur  of  maist  bais  degrie  of  onie  that 
could  be  found  in  the  countrey  :  Sua  that  sik  ane  nobil  hous  could 
not  have  dcgenerat  sua  far,  except  Johaun  kmnox  had  interposed 
the  povvarof  his  maister  the  Devil,  quha  as  he  transfiguris  him 
self  siimtymes  in  an  angel  of  licht:  sua  he  causit  Johann  kmnox 
appeir  ane  of  the  maist  nobil  and  lustie  men  that  could  be  found 
in  the  warld."  Nicol  Burne's  Disputation,  ut  supra,  p.  143,  144. 
But  the  Devil  outwitted  himself  in  his  design  of  raising  the 
progeny  of  the  reformer  to  the  throne  of  Scotland,  if  wc  may 
beiieve  another  popish  v/riler.  -'For  as  tlie  common  and  con- 
stu:!t  brute  of  the  people  reported,  as  writelh  Ili'ghuilci}ts  fa  most 

S  ?, 


iTOO  JfOTES. 

eorapeteut  witness !]  and  others,  it  chanced  not  long  after  the 
marriage,  that  she  [Knox's  wife]  lying  in  her  bed,  and  perceiving 
a  blak,  uglie.  il  favoured  man  busily  talking  with  him  in  the  same 
chamber,  was  sodainely  amazed,  that  she  took  seiknes  and  dyed" 
{^uor  does  the  author  want  honourable  witnesses  to  support  this 
fact,  for  he  immediately  adds:]  "as  she  revealed  to  two  of  her 
friends,  being  ladyes  come  thither  to  visit  her  a  litle  before  her 
decease."  Father  A.  BaiJlie's  True  Information,  ut  supra,  p.  41. 
It  is  unfortunate,  however,  for  the  credit  of  this  "  true  informa- 
tion" that  the  Reformers  wife  not  only  lived  to  bear  him  several 
I'hildren,  but  survived  him  many  years.  James  owed  the  safety 
of  his  crown  to  another  cause,  which  we  have  already  had  occa- 
sion to  notice.     See  above,  p.  396. 

Note  SS.  p.  305. 

Christopher  Goodman,  from  the  intimate  and  long  friendship 
which  subsisted  between  him  and  our  Reformer,  deserves  more 
particular  notice  than  has  yet  been  taken  of  him  in  this  work. 
Heliad  been  a  fellow  student  withCranmer  at  Cambridge,  and  was 
oneof  tliose  learned  men  who,  about  1523,  were  chosen  from  that 
university  to  be  removed  to  the  new  college  erected  by  Cardinal 
Wolsey  at  Oxford.  Soon  after  he  was  thrown  into  prison  for 
heresy,  lie  read  lectures  on  Divinity  in  Oxford  during  the  reign, 
of  Edward  VI.  Strype's  Cranmer,  p.  3.  Strype's  Annals,  i.  124, 
At  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary,  he  retired,  tirst  to  Strasburgh^ 
a!id  afterwards  to  Frankfort.  When  he  was  at  Strasburgh,  he 
joined  in  a  common  letter,  advising  the  exiles  of  Frankfort  to  alter 
as  little  in  the  English  service  as  possible;  but  he  became  after- 
wards so  much  convinced  of  the  propriety  of  alterations,  and  was 
so  much  otTended  at  the  conduct  of  the  Coxian  party,  that  he 
removed  from  Frankfort  to  Geneva,  along  with  those  who  were 
of  the  same  sentiments  with  him,  and  was  chosen  by  them  joint 
minister  with  Knox.  Troubk-s  at  Franckford,  p.  22,  23,  54,  55,  59. 

In  1558,  he  piihlished  tiie  bo«)k  whicli  afterwards  created  him 
a  good  deal  of  trouble.  Its  title  is  :  '"  How  superior  power.'^  os''t 
to  be  obeyd :  of  their  subjects  and  wlierin  they  may  lawfully  by 
God's  worde  be  disobeyed  and  resisted.  Wherin  also  is. declared 
the  cause  of  all  this  preserit  niihorie  in  England,  and  the  onely 
way  to  remedy  the  same.  By  Christopher  Goodman.  Printed 
;it  Geneva  by  John  Crispin,  MDEVllI."  In  this  book  he  sub- 
scribed to  the  opinion  respecting  female  government,  which  his 
colleague  had  published  only  a  i'vw  utonths  before,  lie  pro- 
nounced the  power  of  kings  and  magistralcs  to  be  limitted,  and 


notes/  501 

that  they  might  lawfully  be  resisted,  deposed,  and  pimished  by 
their  subjects,  if  they  became  tyrannical  and  wicked.  These 
principles  he  particularly  applied  to  the  government  of  the  En- 
glish Mary.  A  copy  of  verses  by  William  Kethe  (who  translated 
some  of  the  Psalms  into  English  metre)  is  added  to  the  work,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  specimen. 

Whom  fury  long  fostered  by  suflPrance  and  awe. 
Have  right  rule  subverted,  and  made  will  their  law,. 
Whose  pride  how  to  temper,  this  truth  Avill  thee  tell; 
So  as  thou  resist  may'st,  and  yet  not  rebel. 

Goodman  came  to  England  in  1559,  but  he  found  queen  Eliza- 
beth so  much  displeased  at  his  publication,  that  he  kept  himself 
private-    Burnet,  iii.  Append.  274.    On  this  account,  and  in  com- 
pliance with   the  urgent  request  of  our  Ueforraer,  he  came  to 
Scotland.     Whe'Ji  the  lords  of  the  congregation  chose  him  one 
of  the  council  for  matters  of  religion,  tiie  earl  of  Arran  endea- 
voured to  appease  the  resentment  wliieh  tiie  English  queen  still 
entertained  against  him.     Sadler,  i.  510  511,  532.     In  1562,  the 
earl  of  Warwick  repeatedly  interceded  for  him,  and  for  his  being 
recalled  from  Scotland;    "of  whom  (says  he)  1  hi.ve  lieard  suche 
good  commendation  both   of  tlie  lord  James   of  Scotland   and 
others,  that  it  seemeth  great  pittie,  that  our  countrye  sitould  want 
«o  worthie  and  learned  an  iustrument."     Forbes's  State  Papers, 
•ii.  235.     Calvin  urged  Goodman  not  to  leave  Scotland  until  the 
reformation  was  completely  established.    Epist.  566.   Haunovix, 
1597.     When  he  did  return  to  his  native  country  in  1565,  it  was 
with  some  difficulty  that  he  was  received  into  favour,  notwith- 
standing the  friends  he  had  at  court.     He  was  obliged  to  make  a 
retractation  of  the  offensive  doctrines  in  his  publication.  He  pro- 
tested and  coufessed  tliat  -'good  and  godly  women  may  lawfully 
govern  whole  realms  and  nations  ;*'  but  lie  quaiined  aiid  explain- 
ed, rather  than  recanted,  what  he  had  taugiit  resjiectiuir  the  pu- 
nishment of  tyrants.     Strype  has  inserted  the  d(»cuusent,  in  his 
Annals,  i,  126;    but  he  has  eerfainly  placed  it  under  the  wrong 
year.  Collier  thinks  it  •'  a  lame  recantation."  Eccl.  Hist,  ii,  440. 
In  1571,  he  subscribed,  in  the  presence  of  the  queen's  ecclesiasti- 
cal commissiouers,  a  more  ample  protestation  of  his  obedience  to 
Elizabeth.     Strype's  Aunah,  ii.  95,  98.     He  was  also  harrassed 
on  account  of  his   non-conformity  to  the  English  ceremonies. 
Life  of  Griudal,  170.     Life  of  Parker,  325,  .326.      Knox  corre- 
sponded with  his  friend  after  he  left  SeotKuui,  aiid  Calderwood 
has  preserved  a  lettei  which  he  v.rotc  to  hinj  in  l.'Cf.  iri  which 


503  NOTES. 

he  alludes  to  the  troubles  which  he  understood  he  was  exposed 
to.  MS.  ii.  270.  He  was  alive  in  1580,  and  resided  in  Chester, 
from  which  he  sent  his  salutations  to  Buchanan.  Buchanaui 
Epistolse,  30,  31.  Oper.  Rud.  Goodman's  book  was  quoted,  but 
for  very  different  purposes,  both  by  Bancroft,  (Dangerous  Posi- 
tions, B.  ii.  chap,  i.)  and  by  Milton,  (Tenure  of  Magistrates, 
apud  Prose  Works  by  Symmons,  vol.  iii.  p.  196.) 

Goodman  was  not  the  only  person  belonging  to  the  English 
church  who  published  free  sentiments  respecting  civil  govern- 
ment. About  the  same  time  with  his  book,  there  appeared  an- 
other on  the  same  subject,  entitled  "  A  Short  Treatise  of  Politique 
Pouuer,  and  of  the  true  Obedience  which  subjects  owe  to 
Kynges."  The  author  of  it  was  Dr.  John  Ponet,  bishop,  first  of 
Rochester,  and  afterwards  of  Winchester,  under  Edward  VI. 
Ames,  iii.  1594.  He  discusses  the  questions  respecting  the  origin 
of  political  authority,  its  absolute  or  limited  nature,  the  limits  of 
obedience,  and  the  deposition  and  punishment  of  tyrants.  "  This 
hook  (says  Strype)  M'as  not  over-favourable  to  princes.  Their 
rigors  and  persecutions,  and  the  arbitrary  proceedings  with  their 
peaceable  subjects  in  these  times,  put  them  upon  examining  the 
extent  of  their  power,  which  some  were  willing  to  curtail  and 
straiten  as  much  as  they  could — This  book  was  printed  again  in 
the  year  1642^  to  serve  the  turn  of  those  times."  Memorials  of 
the  Reformation,  iii.  32S,  329.  Collier  (who  was  a  keen  Tory) 
calls  it  '•  a  most  pestilent  discourse."  He  wished  to  believe  that 
bishop  Ponet  was  not  the  author,  but  it  is  evident  from  what  he 
says,  that  he  could  see  no  reason  for  departing  from  the  common 
opinion.  History  ii.  363,  Ponet  was  a  superior  scholar.  He 
read  the  Greek  lecture  in  the  University  of  Cambridge  about 
1635,  and  was  among  the  first  who  adopted  the  new  metliod  of 
pronouncing  that  language  introduced  by  Sir  Thomas'  Smith. 
He  wrote  several  books  on  mathematics  and  other  subjects,  whieli 
were  greatly  esteemed.  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  p.  26,  27, 
Ames,  Typ.  Autiq.  i.  599.  ii.  753, 1146.  iii.  1587. 

Note  TT.  p.  307. 

^  In  this  note  I  purposed  to  have  inserted  some  extracts  from 
the  Treatise  of  Fast 'nig  ^  with  (he  view  both  of  exemplifying  the 
style  in  which  it  is  written,  and  shewing  the  apprehensions  under 
which  the  protestants  laboured.  But  the  notes  have  already 
swelled  so  much  beyond  my  expectation,  that  I  must  omit  these. 
The  passage  which  I  had  particularly  in  my  eye,  n^ay  be  seen  in 


NOTES.  503 

Knox's  Liturgy,  p.  157 — 160.  edit.  1611 ;  or  in  Dunlop's  Confes- 
sions, ii.  661 — 664. 

Note  FU.  p.  319. 

The  proceedings  of  the  committee  are  to  be  found  in  Robertson's 
Records  of  the  Parliament  of  Scotland.  Almost  the  only  eccle- 
siastical propositions  of  the  committee  which  were  not  adopted 
by  the  subsequent  parliament  were  such  as  respected  the  patri- 
mony of  the  church.  I  shall  extract  one  or  two  respecting  the 
commonwealth  which  did  not  obtain  a  parliamentary  sanction. 
"Als  it  is  thocht  expedient  that  in  na  tymes  cuming  ony  women 
salbe  admittit  to  the  publict  autoritie  of  ye  realme,  or  function 
in  publict  government  within  ye  same."  On  the  margin,  opposite 
to  this,  is  written,  "Fund  gude;"  which  is  expressive,  as  I  un- 
derstand it,  of  the  committee's  approbation  of  the  motion.  Ut 
supra,  p.  795.  As  Knox,  at  a  period  subsequent  to  this,  declared 
from  the  pulpit  that  he  had  never  ''entreated  that  argument  in 
publict  or  in  prevat"  since  his  last  arrival  in  Scotland,  (Banna- 
tyne's  Journal,  p.  UT.)  it  appears  that  this  motion  had  been 
made  by  some  other  member  of  tiie  committee.  The  late  miscon- 
duct of  queen  Mary  must  have  had  a  great  etFect  in  inclining  them 
to  give  this  advice.  The  23d  article  does  great  honour  to  the 
enlightened  views  of  the  movers.  It  proposes  that  all  hereditary 
jurisdictions  throughout  the  kingdom  should  be  abolished.  On 
the  margin  is  written  ''Apprevit,"  and  farther  down, '•  Super- 
cedis."  Ibid.  A  long  time  elapsed  before  this  measure,  so  ne- 
cessary to  the  wise  administration  of  justice,  was  adopted  in 
Scotland.  The  following  was  a  proposed  sumptuary  law:  '"lleni, 
that  it  be  lauchfuU  to  na  wemen  to  weir  abone  yair  estait  except 
howris."  On  the  margin  of  this  is  written  :  '•  This  act  is  verray 
gude."     Ut  supra,  p.  798. 

The  ministers  appointed  on  this  committee  v.ere  'Olaister 
Johne  Spottiswood,  Maister  Johue  Craig,  Jolme  Knox,  Maister 
John  Row,  and  Maister  David  Lindesay."  It  will  be  observed 
that  our  Reformer  is  the  only  one  who  has  not  '-Maister"  prefix- 
ed to  his  name.  This  title  was  expressive  of  some  academical 
degree.  It  was  commonly  given  in  that  age  to  Doctors  of  Law, 
and  in  their  subsciiptions  they  often  put  the  letter  M.  before 
'their  names. 

Note  XX.  p.  329. 

1  am  not  moved  \>ith  the  Jinfavonrable  representations  which 
the  partizans  of  3Iary  have  ^\\en  of  the  regent  Murray,  r.or  am 


5OI  NOTES. 

I  surprized  at  the  cold  manner  in  which  Mr.  Hume  has  spoken  (tf 
him  :  but  I  confess  that  it  pains  me  to  think  of  the  manner  in  which 
Dr.  Robertson  has  drawn  his  character.     The  faint  praise  which 
he  has  bestowed   on  Lini,  the   doubt  which  he  has  thrown  over 
his  moral  qualities,  and  the  unqualified  censures  which  he  has 
pronounced  upon  some  parts  of  his  conduct,  have,  I  am  afraid, 
done  more  iajurv  to  the  regents  memory,  than  the  exaggerated 
accounts  of  his  adversaries.     History  of  Scotland,  vol.  ii.  p.  315, 
316.  Loud.  1809.  Haling  .*aid  this  much,  it  will  be  expected  that 
1  shall  be  more  particu'ar.    In  addition  to  those  qualities  M'luch 
"cAcn  his  enemies  alio  v  him  to  have  possessed  in  an  eminent 
degree,"  Dr.  R.  mentions  his  humanity,  and  his  distinguished  pa- 
tronage  of  learning,  and    impartial    administration    of  justice. 
"Zealous  for  religion  (he  adds)  to  a  degree  which  distinguished 
him  e\en  at  a  time  when  professions  of  that  kind  were  not  un- 
common."    This  is  what  every  writer  must  have  allowed,  but  it 
eertainly  is  far  from  doing  justice  te  this  part  of  the  regent's  cha- 
racter.    His  professions  of  religion  were  uniformly  supported, 
in  a!I  the  difterent  situations  in  which  he  was  placed;  his  strict 
regard  to  divine  institutions  was  accompanied  with  the  most  cor- 
rect and  exemplary  morals;    his  religious  principle  triumphed 
over  a  temptation  which  proved  too  powerful  for  almost  all  the 
protestant  nobility.     (See  above,  p.  270.)    When  there  exist  such 
proofs  of  sincerity,  to  withhold  the  tribute  due  to  it  is  injurious 
not  only  to  the  individual,  but  to  the  general  interests  of  religion. 
After  bearing  a  decided  testimony  to  tlie  "  disinterested  passion 
for  the  liberty  of  his  country"  which  prompted  Murray  to  oppose 
the  pernicious  system  of  the  princes  of  Lorrain,  and  the  "  zeal 
and  affection"   with  which  he  served  Mary  on  her  return  into 
Scotland,  the  historian  adds:  "  But,  on  the  other  hand,  his  ambi- 
tion was  immoderate;    and  events  happened  that  opened  to  him 
vast  projects,  which  allured  his  enterprizing  genius,  and  led  him 
to  actions  inconsistent  with  the  duty  of  a  subject.     That  his  am- 
bition was  immoderate  does  not,  I  think,  appear  from  any  evidence 
which  has  been  produced.     Dr.  R.   has  defended  him  from  the 
charge  as  brought  against  him  at  an  earlier  period  of  his  life,  and 
we  have  met  with  facts  that  serve  to  corroborate  the  defence. 
(See  above,  p.  -ioS,  459.)      The  ''vast  projects"  that  opened  to 
him  must  be  limited  to  the  attainment  of  the  regency  ;  for  I  do  not 
think  that  Dr.  R.  ever  for  a  moment  gave  credit  to  the  ridiculous 
tales  as  to  his  design  of  setting  aside  the  young  king,  and  seating 
himself  upon  the  throne.     His  accept;. ncc  of  the  regency  cannot 
be  pronounced  ''inconsistent  viilh  tiie  duty  of  a  subject,"  without 
doti'rraiuing  the  question,  M'hether  the  nation  v.  as  warranted,,  by 


NOTES.  005 

the  miseoaduet  and  crimes  of  Mary,  in  removing  her  from  the 
"overnment,  and  crowning  her  sou.  "  Her  boldest  advocates  (sayi 
Mr.  Laing)  will  not  venture  to  assert,  that  on  the  supposition 
of  the  fact  being  fully  proved,  that  she  was  notoriously  guilty  of 
her  husband's  murder,  she  was  entitled  to  be  restored."  History  of 
Scotland,  i.  137,  second  edition.  Murray  was  fully  satisfied  of 
her  guilt  before  he  accepted  the  regency.  Never  was  any  person 
raised  to  such  a  high  station  with  less  evidence  of  his  having 
ambitiously  courted  the  preferment.  Instead  of  remaining  in  the 
country  to  turn  the  embroiled  state  of  affairs  to  his  j>ersonal  ad- 
vantage, he,  within  two  months  after  the  murder  of  the  king, 
left  Scotland,  not  clandestinely,  but  after  having  asked  and  ob- 
tained leave.  And  whither  did  he  retire.''  Xot  into  England,  to 
concert  measures  Avith  that  court,  or  the  more  easily  to  carry  on 
a  correspondence  with  the  friends  whom  he  had  left  behind  him; 
but  into  France,  where  his  motions  could  be  watched  by  the  friends 
of  Mary.  Ibid.  p.  59 — 61.  The  association  for  revenging  the 
king's  murder,  and  for  the  safety  of  the  young  prince,  the  sur- 
render of  Mary,  and  her  imprisonment  in  Lochlevin,  followed  so 
unexpectedly  and  rapidly,  that  they  could  not  proceed  from  hi* 
direction.  When  he  returned  to  Scotland,  he  found  that  the  queen 
had  executed  formal  deeds  resigning  the  government  to  her  son, 
and  appointing  him  regeut  during  his  minority,  and  that  the  young- 
prince  was  already  crowned.     Hume,  vol.  v.  Note  K. 

"His  treatment  of  the  queen,  to  whose  bounty  he  was  so  mueb 
indebted,  was  unbrotherly  and  ungrateful,"  To  the  charge  -of 
ingratitude,!  can  only  reply,  by  repeating  what  I  have  said  in  the 
text,  that  all  the  honours  which  she  conferred  upon  Iiini  were 
not  too  great  a  reward  for  the  important  services  which  he  had 
rendered  to  her.  How  many  persons  have  been  celebrated  for 
sacrificing  parental  as  well  as  brotherly  affection  to  the  public 
good!  The  probable  reasons  for  Murray's  interview  with  the 
queen  in  Lochlevin  have  been  stated  by  Mr.  Laing,  i.  119 — 121. 
But  '■'  he  deceived  and  betrayed  Norfolk  with  a  baseness  unwor- 
thy of  a  man  of  honour."  To  this  harsh  censure  I  may  oppos«  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Hume,  who  will  not  be  suspected  of  partiality  to 
the  regent.  '•  Particularly  (says  he,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Rohertsois 
written  after  the  publication  of  his  History  of  Scotlaiul)  1  could 
almost  undertake  to  convince  you  tliat  the  ear!  of  Murray's  eon- 
diiet  with  the  duke  of  Norfolk  was  nu  u-pij  dishonourable.  Stew- 
art's Life  of  Robertson,  apud  History,  at  supra,  i.  158.  Sl^s  also 
^'.Part  of  a  Letter  from  the  Karl  of  Murray  to  L.  B."  ias,erted  in 


5Q6  NOTES. 

vol.  ii.  Append.  No.  xxxiii. — "His  elevation  to  such  unexpected 
dignity  inspired  him  with  new  passions,  with  liaughtiness  and 
reserve;  and  instead  of  his  natural  manner,  which  was  blunt  and 
open,  he  affected  the  arts  of  dissimulation  and  refinement.  Fond, 
towards  the  end  of  his  life,  of  flattery,  and  impatient  of  advice, 
his  creatures,  by  soothing  his  vanity,  led  him  astray,  while  his 
ancient  friends  stood  at  a  distance,  and  predicted  his  approaching 
fall."  Certainly  the  facts  stated  by  Dr.  R.  in  the  preceding  part 
of  his  narrative,  do  not  prepare  the  mind  of  his  reader  for  these 
charges.  The  severity  of  the  regent's  virtues  had,  indeed,  been 
mentioned,  and  it  had  been  asserted  that  his  deportment  had 
become  distant  and  haughty.  The  authority  of  Sir  James  Melvil 
was  referred  to  in  support  of  this  statement;  and  I  am  satisfied 
that  it  was  upon  his  testimony  chiefly  that  the  historian  proceed- 
ed, when  he  gave  the  above  account  of  Murray's  conduct  during 
the  latter  part  of  his  life.  1  submit  to  the  reader  the  following 
remarks  as  to  the  degree  of  credit  which  is  due  to  the  authority 
of  Melvil. 

In  the  first  place,  there  is  every  reason  to  think,  either  that 
Melvil's  Memoirs  have  been  unfaithfully  published  by  the 
editor,  or  that  the  author  acted  unfaithfully,  in  the  narrative 
which  he  has  given  of  affairs  from  the  queen's  marriage  with 
Bothwell  to  the  death  of  the  earl  of  Murray.  I  shall  not  take 
npou  me  to  determine  which  of  these  is  the  most  probable  suppo- 
sition, but  am  of  opinion  that  either  the  one  or  the  other  must  be 
admitted.  The  charge  which  was  brought  against  queen  Mary 
of  participation  in  the  murder  of  her  husband,  with  all  the  proofs 
pi'oduced  in  snpport  of  it,  is  suppressed,  and  studiously  kept  out 
of  view,  in  the  Memoirs.  There  is  not  one  word  in  them  respect- 
ing the  celebrated  letters  to  Bolliwcll,  although  tljcy  formed  the 
grand  vindication  of  the  regent  and  his  friends. — The  same  infer- 
ence may  be  drawn  from  the  ridiculous  account  given  of  the  ap- 
pearance made  by  the  regent  before  the  commissioners  at  York, 
when  he  presented  the  nameless  accusation  against  Mary  (Me- 
moirs, 96,  97,  Loud.  16S3;  an  account  whicli  is  completely  dis- 
credited by  the  journals  of  both  parties,  and  which  neither  Hume 
nor  Robertson  thought  worthy  of  the  slightest  regard.  It  is 
observable,  that  Melvil  could  not  be  ignorant  of  the  real  transac- 
tion, as  he  was  present  at  York;  and  that  the  design  of  this  as 
well  as  of  the  subsequent  part  of  his  narrative  is  to  represent  the 
regent  as  weakly  suft'ering  himself  to  be  duped,  and  misled,  by 
(!e^ignjtlg  and  violent  counsellors.  Mr.  Laing  has  adverted  to 
both  of  these  tilings  as  discreditable  to  the  Memoirs.  History,  ut 
s  inra,  i.  1  is. — I  siiall  produce  onlv  one  other  instance  of  the  same 


NOTES.  507 

kind.     Speaking  of  the  queen's  marriage  with  Bothwell,  he  says : 
*'I  cannot  tell  how  nor  by  what  law  he  parted  with  his  own  wife, 
sister  to  the  earl  of  Huntly."     Mem.  80.     Is  it  credible,  that  one 
who  was  in  the  midst  of  the  scene,  and  acquainted  even  with  the 
secrets  of  state  at  that  time,  could  be  ignorant  of  that  which  was 
proclaimed  (o  all  the  world  ?  If  it  should  be  alleged  that  Melvil, 
writing  in  his  old  age,  might  have  forgotten  this  glaring  fact, 
(the  excuse  commonly  made  for  his  inaccuracies)  I  am  afraid  that 
the  apology  will  detract  as  much  from  the  credibility  of  his  Me- 
moirs as  the  charge  which  it  is  brought  to  repel.      2.  In  estimat- 
ing the  degree  of  regard  due  to  the  censures  which  Melvil  has 
passed  on  the  regent's  conduct,  we  must  keep  in  view  the  political 
course  which  he  himself  steered.      Sir  James  appears  to  have 
been  a  man  of  amiable  dispositions,  whose  mind  was  cultivated 
by  the  study  of  letters;    but  those  who  have  carefully  read  his 
Memoirs  must,  I  think,  be  convinced  that  his  penetration  was  not 
great,  and  that  his  politics  were  undecided,  temporizings  and  in- 
consistent.    He  was  always  at  court,  and  always  tampering  with 
those  who  were  out  of  court.      We  find  him  exposing  himself  (o 
danger  by  dissuading  his  mistress  from  marrying  Bothwell,  and 
yet  countenancing  the  marriage  by  his  presence  ;    a  little  after 
acting  as  an  agent  for  those  who  had  imprisoned  the  queen,  and 
yet  intriguing  with  those  who  wished  to  set  her  at  liberty;  carry- 
ing a  common  message  from  the  king's  lords  to  the  earl  of  Murray 
upon  his  return  out  of  France,  and  yet  secretly  conveying  an- 
other message  tending  to  counteract  the  design  of  the  former  j^ 
supporting  Murray  in  the  regency,  and  yet  tratticking  with  those 
who  wished  to  undermine  his  authority.     I  do  not  call  in  question 
tiie  goodness  of  his  intentions  in  all  this;  I  am  willing  to  believe 
that  a  desire  for  the  peace  of  the  country,  or  attachment  to  the 
queen,,  induced  him  to  go  between,  and   labour  to  reconcile  the 
contending  parties;  but  when  parties  are  discordant,  when  their 
interests,  or  the  objects  at  which  they  shoot,  are  diametrically 
opposite,  to  persevere  in  such  attempts  is  preposterous,  and  cannot 
fail  to  foster  and  increase  confusions.     Who  believes  that  the 
Hamillons  were  disposed  to  join  with  the  king's  party,  or  that  the 
latter,  when  unassured  of  the  assistance  of  England,  were  not 
extroiiiely  .inxious  for  a  junction  with  them  ?    Yet  Melvil  asserts 
;he  contrary.     Mem.  8^5,  86,  %Q.     WJio  thinks  that  there  was  the 
smallest  foasability  in  what  lie  proj)os(nl  to  the  regent  as  "a  pre- 
sent remedy  for  his  preservation,-'   or  believes  tluit  Maitiand 
woulfl  have  consented  to  go  into  France,  and  Kircaldy  to  deliver 
up  the  t-astle  of  Edinburgh  ?    The  regent  heard  him  patiently-  he 
respected  the  goodness  of  the  man  ;  but  he  saw  that  he  was  the  dupe 

T3 


508  NOTES. 

of  Maitland's  artifices^  and  he  followed  his  own  superior  judg'- 
nient.  For  rejecting  such  advices  as  this  (and  not  the  religious 
proverbs,  and  political  aphorisms,  which  he  quoted  to  him  from 
Solomon,  Augustine,  Isocrates,  Plutarch,  and  Theopompus)  has 
Melvil  charged  him  with  refusing  the  Counsel  of  his  oldest  and 
wisest  friends.     Mem.  102 — 104. 

3.  What  were  the  errors  committed  by  the  regent  which  pre- 
cipitatetl  his  fall P    There  are  two  referred  to  by  Melvil;   the 
imprisonment  of  the  Duke  and  lord  Herries,  and  the  accusation 
of  Maitland  and  Balfour.   Mem.  100, 101.     In  vindication  of  the 
former  step,  I  have  only  to  appeal  to  the  narrative  which  Dr. 
Robertson  has  given  of  that  affair.    Vol.  ii.  p.  296 — 299.     Mait- 
land was  at  that  time  deeply  engaged  in  intrigues  against  the 
regent,  (Ibid.  p.  307  ;)  there  is  not  a  doubt  that  both  he  and  Bal- 
four were  accessory  to  the  murder  of  Darnly,  (Laing,  i.  28,  13i5, 
ii.  22 ;)    and  they  were  arrested  and  accused  at  this  time  in  con- 
sequence of  the  recent  confession  of  one  of  Bothwell's  servants. 
Ibid.  ii.  37.  4.  Who  were  the  unworthy  favourites  by  whose  flattery, 
and  evil  counsel,  the  regent  was  led  astray  ?  Dr.  Robertson  mentions 
"  Captain  Crawford  one  of  his  creatures."     This  is  the  same  per- 
son whom  he  afterwards  calls  "  Captain  Crawford  of  Jordan-hill, 
SI  gallant  and  entcrprizing  officer,"  who  distinguished  himself  so 
much  by  the  surprize  of  the  castle  of  Dunbarton.  History,  ii.  307, 
331.  comp.  Laing,  ii.  297,  298.     Morton,  Lindsay,  Wishart  of 
Piltarow,  Macgill  of  Rankeillor,  Pitcairn,  abbot  of  Dunfermline, 
Bal naves  of  Hallhill,  and  Wood  of  Tilliedavy,  were  among  the 
regent's  counsellors.      5.  Who  Mere  his  old  friends  who  lost  his 
favour  ?    They  could  be  no  other  than  Sir  James  Balfour,  Mait- 
land, Kircaldy,  and  Melvil  himself.     Of  the  two  former  I  need 
not  say  a  word.     Kircaldy  of  Grange  was  a  brave  man,  and  had 
long  been  the  intimate  friend  of  the  regent;  but  he  was  already  cor- 
rupted by  Maitland  and  had  secretly  entered  into  his  schemes  for 
restoring  the  queen.  Robertson,  ii.  307.  Of  Melvil  1  have  already 
spoken:  nay,  he  himself  testifies  that  the  regent  continued  to  the. 
last  to  listen  to  his  good  advices.     "The  most  part  of  these  sen- 
tences (says  he)  drawn  out  of  the  Bible,  I  used  to  rehearse  to  him 
at  several  occasions,   and  he.  took  better  ivith  these  at  my  hands, 
who  he  knew  had  no  by-end,  than  if  they  had  proceeded  from  the 
most  learned  pldlosopher.      Therefore  at  his  desire  I  promised  to 
put  them  in  writing,  to  give  him  them  to  keep  in  his  pocket;  but 
he  was  slain  before  I  could  meet  with  him."     Mem.  104.     How 
this  is  to  be  reconciled  with  other  assertions  in  the  Memoirs,  I 
leave  others  to  determine.     It  required  no  great  sagacity  in  his 


NOTES.  509 

ancient  friends  to  "  juedict  his  approaching  fall,-'  by  assassinU' 
tion  ;  M'hen  repeated  attempts  had  already  been  made  on  his  life, 
and  some  of  them  were  privy  to  the  design  then  formed  against 
it ;  and  it  says  little  for  their  ancient  friendship,  that  they  ''  stood 
at  a  distance,-'  and  allowed  it  to  he  carried  into  execution. 

There  are  three  honourable  testimonies  to  the  excellence  of  the 
regent's  character  which  must  have  weight  with  all  candid  per- 
sons. The  first  is  that  of  the  great  historian  Thuanus.  He  not 
only  examined  the  histories  which  both  parties  had  published 
concerning  the  transactions  in  Scotland,  which  made  so  much 
noise  through  Europe,  but  he  carefully  conversed  with  the  most 
intelligent  Scotsmen,  papists  and  protestants,  whom  he  had  the 
opportunity  of  seeing  in  France.  When  this  part  of  his  history 
Avas  in  tlie  press,  he  applied  to  his  friend  Camden  for  advice,  ac- 
quainting him  how  much  he  was  embarrassed,  and  that  he  was  ap- 
prehensive of  displeasing  king  James,  who,  he  understood,  was 
very  hostile  to  Buchanan.  "  I  do  not  wish  (says  he)  to  incur  the 
charge  of  imprudence  or  malignity  from  a  certain  personage  who 
has  honoured  me  with  his  letters,  and  encouraged  me  to  publish 
the  rest  of  my  history,  with  the  same  candour,  and  regard  for 
truth."  Camden,  in  reply,  exhorted  him  to  use  moderation,  and 
told  him  the  story  which  he  had  received  from  his  master,  imput- 
ing the  disturbances  in  Scotland  chiefly  to  the  ambition  of  Mur- 
ray. Durand,  Historic  du  XVI.  Siecle,  torn.  vii.  contenant  la 
Vie  de  Monsieur  De  Thou,  p.  226 — 231.  But  notwithstanding 
the  respect  which  he  entertained  for  Camden,  and  the  desire 
which  he  felt  to  please  James,  Thuanus  found  himself  obliged, 
by  a  sacred  regard  to  truth,  to  reject  the  above  imputation,  and 
to  adopt  in  the  main  the  narrative  of  Buchanan.  I  shall  merely 
quote,  from  his  answer  to  Camden,  the  character  which  he  draws 
of  Murray.  Having  mentioned  the  accusation  brought  against 
liim,  he  says:  "This  is  constantly  denied  by  all  the  credible 
Scotsmen  with  whom  I  have  had  opportunity  to  converse,  not 
p.ven  excepting  those  who  otherwise  were  great  enemies  to  Murray 
on  a  religious  account;    for  they  aftirm-  that,  religion  apart,  he 

WAS  A  MAX  WITHOUT  AMBITIOX,  WITHOUT  AVARICE,  INCAPABLE 
OF  IVOING  AN  INJURY  TO  ANY  ONE,  DISTINGUISHED  BY  HIS  VIR- 
TUE,   AFFABILITY,  BENEFICENCE,  AND  IRNOCENCE  OF  LIFE;    and 

that,  had  it  not  been  for  him,  those  who  tear  his  memory  after 
his  death,  would  never  have  attained  that  authority  «hich  they 
now  enjoy."  Ut  supra,  p.  218,  and  Bulkley's  Thuanus,  apud 
Laing,  ii.  92.  A  second  testimony  of  a  very  strong  kind  in  favour 
of  the  regent  is  that  of  archbishop  Spottisivood.     He  must  have 


510  NOTES. 

conversed  with  many  who  were  personally  acquainted  with  him; 
he  knew  the  unfavourable  sentiments  which  James  entertained 
respecting  him,  M'hich  had  been  published  in  Camden's  Annals, 
and  he  had  long  enjoyed  the  favour  of  that  monarch ;  yet,  in  his 
history,  he  has  drawn  the  character  of  Murray  in  as  flattering 
colours  as  Buchanan  himself  has  done.  The  last  testimony  to 
Mhich  I  shall  appeal,  is  the  Voo"  Pojmli,  strongly  expressed  by 
the  title  of  The  Good  Regent,  M'hich  it  imposed  upon  him,  and 
bv  which  his  memory  was  handed  down  to  posterity.  Had  he, 
elated  by  prosperity,  become  haughty  and  reserved,  or,  intoxi- 
cated with  flattery,  yielded  himself  up  to  unprincipled  and  ava- 
ricious favourites,  the  people  must  soon  have  felt  the  effects  of 
the  change,  and  would  never  have  cherished  his  name  with  such 
enthusiastic  srratitude  and  admiration. 


a 


Note  YY.  p.  332. 

The  regent's  monument  is  yet  entire  and  in  good  order.  It 
stands  in  that  part  of  St.  Giles  now  called  the  Old  Church,  (the 
former  aisle  being  taken  into  the  body  of  the  church  when  it  was 
lately  fitted  up.)  at  the  back  of  the  pulpit,  on  the  east  side.  At 
the  top  is  the  figure  of  an  eagle,  and  below  it  "  1570"  the  date  of 
the  erection  of  the  monument.  lu  the  middle  is  a  brass  plate,  on 
which  the  following  ornaments  and  inscriptions  are  engraved : 
The  family  arms,  with  the  motto  ''  Salus  per  Christum"  (Salva- 
tion through  Christ.)  On  the  one  side  of  the  arms,  is  a  female 
figure  Avith  a  cross  and  Bible,  the  word  "  Religio"  above,  and 
below  '•  Pietas  sine  vindice  luget"  (Piety  mourns  without  a  de- 
fend-er:)  on  the  other  side,  another  female  figure,  in  a  mourning 
posture,  with  the  head  reclining  on  the  hand,  the  word  "  Justica" 
above,  and  below  •' Jus  exarmatum  est"  (Justice  is  disarmed.) 
Underneath  is  the  foUowiug  inscription  or  epitaph.: 

23  Janvarii  1569. 

JACOBO  •  STOVARTO  "  MORAVIiE  *  COMITI  '  SCOTIjE  * 
PROREGI  ■  VIRO  •  jETATIS  *  SVjE  *  LONttE  *  OPTIMO  ' 
AB  •  INIMICIS  •  OMNIS  *  MEMORI^  *  DETERRIMIS  * 
EX  •  INSIDIIS  •  EXTINCTO  *  OEV  *  PATRI  ' 
COMMVXl        •         PATRIA         *       MOEREXS       '       POSVIT  ' 

To  James  Shiart,  Earl  of  Jfurray,  Hegent  of  Scotland,  by  fur 
the  best  man  of  his  age,  treacherously  cut  off  by  enemies  of  most  de- 
testable memory,  his  grieving  country  hath  erected  this  monument, 
as  to  a  common  father. 


NOTES.  8il 

Knox,  among  others,  warned  the  regent  of  the  designs  which 
Lis  enemies  had  formed  against  his  life.  "  When  the  Mr.  of 
Orahame  come  and  drew  him  to  Dumhartane,  he  planelie  said  to 
the  regent  then,  that  it  was  onlie  done  for  a  trane  be  tliat  meanis 
to  cut  him  off,  as  it  come  to  pas ;  also  when  he  was  in  Stirveling, 
heing  returned  from  Dumhartane.  he  sent  me  to  my  ladie  the 
regentis  wife,  tuo  sundrie  tymes,  and  desyrit  her  to  signifio  my 
lord  her  husband,  that  he  suld  not  come  to  Lyniythgow.  So  that 
gif  his  counsall  had  bene  followed,  he  had  not  died  at  that  tyme. 
And  my  ladie  the  last  tyme  sent  Mr.  Jhoone  Wood,  to  desyre 
him  to  avoid  Lyniythgow.  But  God  thought  vs  not  worthy  of 
sic  a  rewlare  above  vs,  and  also  he  wald  therby  hav  the  wickitnes 
of  vtheris  knawin,  whilk  then  was  hid  ;  and  therefore  did  God 
then  tak  himfra  us.  But  lat  the  Hamiltonis,  the  lard  of  Grange, 
with  the  rest  of  that  factione,  lay  tliair  eompt  and  reeken  thair 
advantage  and  wining  since."  Bannatyne's  Journal,  p.  428, 429. 
The  intrepidity  of  Murray  prompted  him  to  despise  these  pru- 
dential admonitions,  and  defeated  the  precaution  of  his  friends. 

Mr.  Scot  has,  by  a  poetical  license,  introduced  the  Reformer  as 
present  at  Linlithgow,  to  grace  the  Regent's  fall. 

From  the  wild  border's  humbled  side, 
In  haughty  triumph  marched  he, 
While  Knox  relaxed  his  bigot  pride, 
And  smil'd  the  traitorous  pomp  to  see. 

Ballads  and  Lyrical  Pieces,  p.  52.  Edin.  18 lo. 

Note  ZZ.  p.  348. 

The  Scottish  reformers  never  ascribed  or  allowed  to  civil 
rulers  the  same  authority  in  ecclesiastical  matters  ^^hich  the  En- 
glish did.  In  particular,  they  resisted  from  tlie  beginning  the 
claim  of  ecclesiastical  supremacy  granted  to  the  English  mo- 
narchs.  On  the  Tth  July  1jG8.  '"It  was  dehitit  and  fund  that 
Thomas  Bassindcn,  printer  in  Edinburgh  imprentit  au  buik,  in- 
titulat  The  Fall  of  the  Roman  R'irk,  naming  our  King  and  Sove- 
rane  Sjipreame  Head  of  the  primitive  Kirk. — The  haill  assem- 
hlie  ordaint  the  said  Thonjas  to  call  in  againe  all  the  foirsaidis 
buiks  yat  he  lies  sauld,  and  keip  t!ie  rest  unsauld,  until  he  alter 
the  forsaid  tide.  Atlour.  the  assemblie  appoyntit  Mr.  Alex. 
Arbuthuot  to  revise  the  rest  of  the  forsaid  tractat  and  report 
to  the  kirk  quhat  doctrine  he  findis  thairin."  Buik  of  the  Uni- 
versal! Kirk,  p.  38,  39.  The  General  Assembly  were  frequently 
occupied  in  settling  the  bounds  between  civil   and  ecclesiastical 


51S  NOTESi 

jiirisiliction,  and  in  March  1570-1,  arranged  the  objects  which 
pertained  to  the  latter  under  six  heads  :  inchiding,  among  other 
things,  the  judgment  of  doctrine,  administration  of  divine  ordi- 
nances, the  election,  examination,  admission,  suspension,  &c.  of 
ministers,  and  all  cases  of  discipline.  The  following  is  the  conclud- 
ing article:  *' And  because  the  conjunctioun  of  marriages  pertain- 
eth  to  the  ministrie,  the  causis  of  adherents  and  divorcements 
aucht  also  to  perteine  to  thame,  as  naturallie  annexit  thairto." 
Buik  of  the  Universal!  Kirk,  p.  51.  Aetcs  of  the  General  Assem- 
blies, prefixed  to  The  First  and  Second  Booke  of  Discipline, 
printed  anno  1621,  p.  3,  4'. 

On  occasion  of  some  encroachments  made  on  the  liberties  of 
the  church  in  1571,  John  Erskine  of  Dun,  superintendent  of  An- 
gus and  Mearns,  addressed  two  letters  to  the  regent  Mar.  They 
are  w  ritten  in  a  very  clear,  spirited,  and  forcible  style,  contain  an 
accurate  statement  of  the  essential  distinction  between  civil  and 
e.celesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  should  be  read  by  all  who  wish 
to  know  the  early  sentiments  of  the  church  of  Scotland  on  this 
subject.     See  Bannatyne's  Journal,  p.  279 — 290. 

Note  AAA.  p.  351. 

The  following  particulars  respecting  our  Reformer,  during  his* 
residence  at  St.  Andrews,  are  extracted  from  the  MS.  Diary  of 
Mr.  James  Melville.  "Ther  wer  twa  in  St.  Androis  wha  war 
his  aydant  heirars,  and  wrait  his  sermons,  an  my  condiscipule, 
Mr.  Andro  Young,  minister  of  Dumblane,  who  translated  sum 
of  them  into  Latin,  and  read  thame  in  the  hall  of  the  college 
insteid  of  his  orations."  The  other  was  a  servant  of  Mr.  Robert 
Hamilton,  but  with  what  view  he  took  notes  Melville,  could  not 
say.  Diary,  p.  28. — "  Mr.  Knox  wald  sum  tymes  cum  in,  and 
repast  him  in  our  collage  yeard,  and  call  ws  schollars  unto  him 
and  blis  ws,  and  exhort  ws  to  knaw  God,  and  his  wark  in  our 
countrey,  and  stand  be  the  guid  caus,  to  use  our  tyme  weill,  and 
learn  the  guid  instructiones  and  follow  the  guid  example  of  our 
maisters.  Our  haill  collag  [St.  Leonard's]  maisters  and  schollars 
war  sound  and  zelus  for  the  guid  caus,  the  uther  twa  collages  not 
sa."  p.  23.  "  This  yeir  in  the  moneth  of  July.  Mr.  Jhone  David- 
sone,  an  of  our  regents,  maid  a  pley  at  the  marriage  of  Mr.  Jhone 
Colvin,  quhilkl  saw  playit  in  Mr.  Knox  presence,  wharin,  accord- 
ing to  Mr.  Knox  doctrine,  the  castle  of  Edinburgh  was  besieged, 
takin,  and  the  captin,  with  ane  or  twa  with  him,  hangit  in  efli- 
gie,"  p.  24.  This  seems  to  have  been  an  exercise  among  the  stu- 
dents at  the  university.     The  following  extract  shews  that  the 


NOTES.  Sidt 

iineavts  were  not  uncultivated,  and  that  the  professors  and  stu- 
dents attended  to  them  in  their  recreations.  "  I  leruit  singing  and 
pleying  on  instruinenlis  passing  weill,  and  wald  gladlie  spend 
tyme,  vvhar  the  exercise  thairof  was  within  the  collag;  for  twa  or 
thrie  of  our  coudisciples  pleyed  fellin  weili  on  the  virginals,  and 
another  on  the  lut  and  githorn.  Our  regent  had  also  the  pinalils 
in  his  chalmer,  and  lernit  sum  thing,  and  I  efter  him."  Melville 
adds,  that  his  fondness  for  music  was,  at  one  period,  in  danger  of 
drawing  away  his  attention  from  more  important  studies,  but  that 
he  overcame  the  temptation,  p.  2j. 

I  may  add  an  extract  from  the  same  Diary,  relating  an  incident 
in  the  life  of  one  who  entertained  a  high  respect  for  Knox,  and 
afterwards  became  a  distinguished  minister  in  the  church.  ''The 
ordor  of  four  kirks  lo  a  minister,  then  maid  be  the  er!e  of  Morton, 
now  maid  regent,  against  the  quhilk  Mr.  J  hone  Davidsone,  an 
of  the  regents  of  our  collag,  maid  a  buik  called  The  Conference 
betwLv  the  Clark  and  the  Courtier ;  for  the  quhilk  lie  was  sum- 
moned befor  the  Justice  Air  in  Haddinton  this  winter  [1573]  the 
lest  of  our  course,  and  banished  the  country,"  p.  21.  The  Gene- 
ral Assembly,  in  October  1577,  presented  a  supplication  to  the  re- 
gent Morton,  requesting  him  to  allow  Mr.  Davidson  to  return 
home  from  England.     Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  70. 

Note  BBB.  p.  356. 

John  Craig,  upon  his  removal  from  Edinburgh,  went  to  Moat- 
rose.  After  continuing  there  two  years  he  was  removed  to  Aber- 
deen, and  had  the  inspection  of  the  churches  in  Buehan  and  Mar 
committed  to  him.  In  1579,  he  was  called  to  be  the  king's  minis- 
ter, which  situation  he  held  until  his  death.  Spottiswood,  464. 
The  General  Assembly,  July  1580,  when  informed  of  the  choice 
which  his  majesty  had  made,  "blessed  the  Lord,  and  praised  the 
king  for  his  zeal."  Row's  MS.  Historic,  47;  of  copy  in  the  Di- 
vinity Library,  Edinburgh.  Li  a  paper  given  in  by  the  king  (o 
the  Assembly,  27th  June,  1595,  it  was  said  that  "  Mr.  John  Craig 
is  awayting  quhat  hour  it  sail  pleise  God  to  call  him,  and  is  alto- 
gether unhabile  to  serve  any  longer."  Buik  of  theUni-v.  Kirk. 
Petrie,  ii.  509.  Spottiswood  says  that  he  died  at  Edinburgh  Dec. 
12, 1600,  in  the  88th  year  of  his  age.  That  historian  lias  given  a 
particular  account  of  his  early  life,  the  means  of  his  conversion 
from  popery  (by  accidentally  falling  upon  a  copy  of  Calvin's  In- 
stitutions in  the  library  of  the  Inquisition  at  Bologna,)  and  of  his 
remarkable  deliverance  from  the  Inqu!sit(trial  prison  at  Rome, 
and  subsequent  preservation.     History.  463.    A  similar  account 


514  NOTES. 

is  given  by  Row,  who  says  that  he  received  it  "from  the  wife  of 
Mr.  Craig,  who  survived  her  husband  a  long  time,  living  in 
Edinburgh  until  the  year  1630,  where  she  was  well  known  under 
the  name  of  Dame  Craig.''''  MS.  Historie,  ut  supra,  compared 
with  a  copy  transcribed  in  1726.  Mr.  Craig  is  well  knowTi  as  the 
person  who  drew  up  the  Catechism,  appointed  by  the  General 
Assembly  to  be  used  in  churches  and  families,  and  the  JVationa!- 
Covenant,  so  frequently  sworn  and  renewed  in  Scotland. 

Note  CCC.  p.  372. 

Beza  has  inserted  no  verses  to  the  memory  of  our  Reformer,  in 
the  account  which  he  has  given  of  him  in  his  Icones,  id  est,  Verce 
Imagines  Virorum  Doctrina  simid  et  Pietate  Illustriitm,  published 
by  him  in  Latin,  Anno  1580.  Ee.  iij.  But  "  of  this  work,  a 
French  version  m  as  published  under  the  title  of  Les  Vrais  Pour- 
traits  des  Uommes  Illustres  en  Piete  et  Doctrine.  Geneve,  1581, 
4fo.  In  the  translation  are  inserted  original  verses  on  Knox, 
&c."  Irving'S  ^Memoirs  of  Buchanan,  p.  234.  Having  never  seen 
this  translation,  I  cannot  say  whether  the  verses  which  it  con- 
tains coincide  with  these  which  I  am  about  to  quote,  or  not. 

Jacobus  Verheiden  published  *•  Pr?estantium  aliquot  Theologo- 
rum,  qui  Romee  Antichristum  oppugarant.  Effigies,  quibus  addita 
eorem  Elogia,  librorumque  Catalogi.  Hag.Comit.  1602.  A  new 
edition  of  this  was  published  by  Fredericus  Roth-Scholtx,  under 
the  title  of  "  Jacobi  Verheidenii  Haga-Comitis  Imagines  et 
Elogia,  &c.  Hagee-Comitura,  A''.  1725."  In  this  work  the  fol- 
lowing lines  are  placed  under  the  portrait  of  Knox. 

Scottorum  primum  te  EccJesia,  Cnoxe,  docentem. 
Audiit,  auspiciis  estque  redacta  tuis. 
Nam  te  c?elestis  pietas  super  omnia  traxit, 
Atqiie  Reformatie  Religionis  amor. 

To  thee,  Knox,  the  Scottish  church  listened  as  her  first  instructor, 
and  tinder  th^-  aiispices  was  restored.  For  celestial  piety,  and  lov- 
of  the  reformed  religion,  attracted  thee  above  all  things. 

To  the  account  of  his  life  and  writings,  in  the  same  work,  is 
raided  an  epigram,,  in  Greek,  and  in  Latin,  which,  according  to 
a  common  custom  in  such  compositions,  consists  of  a  play  upon, 
the  sound  of  his  name,  and  that  of  his  country,  in  the  way^of 
contrast;  representing  Knox  as  driving  the  nocturnal  crows,  or 
Scotican  sophists  from  Scotland     As  the  author  informs  us  that 


NOTES.  515 

the  Batavian  youth  amused  themselves  in  ma.kino*  these  epi- 
grams, ami  thinks  that  some  of  them  will  amuse  tlie  reader,  I 
shall  not  withhold  this  specimen  in  both  languages. 

a'  AA«  rt  Xvyp  H'»s  ^(uyet  uXe^tKXx.®-', 
O' vTui  in.ev  KNOSOS  (r)te7<e"K?  Svotpixm  re   c-ofii^xi 
Ev  [fxl  "ZkOTHI  TTXT^if)  \y,QxXi  Xxu/xoi^iv^, 

Nocturnos  corvos,  noctem  obseuramque,  volantes 

Mures  Aurora  ut  cetera  dira  fugat : 
Sic  Cnoxvs  Scotieos  simul  obseurosque  Sophistas 
Ex  Seotiea  lucens  ejicit  hie  patria. 

Verheidenii  Imagines  et  Elogia,  p.  59,  70. 
Hagfe-Comitum,  1725. 

A  poem  to  the  memory  of  our  Reformer,  of  considerable  ex- 
lent,  was  composed  in  the  Scottish  language  by  one  of  his 
countrymen,  and  published  the  year  after  his  death.  If  a  copy 
»f  this  poem  could  have  been  procured,  it  would  have  thrown 
additional  light  upon  his  life,  the  principal  events  of  which  it 
seems  to  have  been  designed  to  commemorate.  But  I  must  be 
contented  with  giving  the  account  of  its  title  and  general  con- 
tents from  one  who  examined  it.  '•  Ane  breif  commendatioun  of 
vprichtnes,  in  respect  of  the  surenes  of  the  same  to  all  that  walk 
in  it,  amplifyit  chieflie  be  that  notabill  document  of  Goddis 
michtie  protectioun,  in  preseruinghis  maist  ^-pricht  seruand.  and 
feruent  messinger  of  Christis  Euangell.  Johne  Knox.  Set  fiirth 
in  Inglis  meter  be  M.  Johne  Dauidsone,  Regent  in  S.  Leonard's 
College.  Quhairunto  is  addit  in  the  end  ane  schort  discurs  of 
the  estaitis  quha  lies  cans  to  deploir  the  deith  of  this  excellent 
seruand  of  God.  Psalme  xxxvii.  Mark  the  vpricht  man,  and 
behauld  the  just,  for  the  end  of  that  man  is  peace.  Imprentit 
at  Sanet  Androis  be  Robert  Lekpreuik.  Anno  1573."  The 
dedication  to  "  the  maist  godlie,  ancient  and  worthie  Schir 
Johne  Wisehart  of  Pittarrow  Knieht"  is  dated  "from.  Sanctan- 
drois,  the  xviii.  of  Febr."  The  Commendation  is  in  47  octave 
stanzas;  the  Lamentation  of  the  States  in  19  nine-lined  stanzas. 
It  concludes  with  a  decastichon  of  Latin  verses,  ''Quam  tutum 
sit  propugnaculum  Deo  sine  fuco  inservire,  ex  mirifica  eximii 
Dei  servi  Joannis  Knoxii,  in  tranquillum  vitee  exitum,  illusis 
omnibus  impiorum  conatibus,  conseruatioue,  et  ejus  exemplum 
sequi  momemur. — Fini*.  Quod   M.  J.   D.''  4to.  W.    H.   Ames, 

i:  ?, 


Bi^  NOTES^, 

Typoejr.  Aiitiq.  vol.  p.  1818.  This  cannot,  surely,  be  a  different 
book  from  that  mentioned  by  Pinkerton,  in  his  Inconograghin 
Scotica,  although  he  has  spoken  of  it  as  if  it  had  a  different 
title. 

Note  DDD.  p.  373. 

The  slanders  propagated  by  the  popish  writers  against  our 
Reformer's  character  have  been  stated  in  Note  QQ.  After  the 
specimen  there  ^iven,  it  will  not  be  expected  that  I  shall  dwell 
upon  the  equally  extravagant  and  incredible  accounts  which 
they  circulated  concerning  the  manner  of  his  death.  I  shall, 
however,  abridge  the  account  of  Archibald  Hamilton,  the  ori- 
ginal picture  from  which  so  many  copies  Mere  taken.  "  The 
opening  of  his  mouth  (he  says)  was  drawn  out  to  such  a  length 
of  deformity,  that  his  face  resembled  that  of  a  dog,  as  his  voice 
did  the  barking  of  that  animal.  The  voice  failed  from  that 
tongue,  which  had  been  the  cause  of  so  much  mischief,  and'  his 
death,  most  grateful  to  his  country,  soon  followed.  In  his  last 
sickness,  he  was  occupied  not  so  much  in  meditating  upon  death, 
as  in  thinking  upon  civil  and  worldly  affairs.  When  a  number 
of  his  friends,  mIio  held  him  in  the  greatest  veneration,  were 
assembled  in  his  chamber,  and  anxious  to  hear  from  him  some- 
thing tending  to  the  confirmation  of  his  former  doctrine,  and  their 
comfort,  he  perceiving  that  his  death  approached,  and  that  he 
could  gain  no  more  advantage  by  the  pretext  of  religion,  disclosed 
to  them  the  mysteries  of  that  Savoyan  art  [Sabaudic(v  disciplines 
magic.)  which  he  had  hitherto  kept  secret;  confessed  the  in- 
justice of  that  authority  which  was  then  defended  by  arms  against 
the  exiled  queen,  and  declared  many  things  concerning  her  re- 
turn, and  the  restoration  of  religion,  after  his  death.  One  of  the 
company  who  had  taken  tlie  pen  to  record  his  dying  sayings, 
thinking  that  he  was  in  a  delirium,  desisted  from  writing,  upon 
which  Knox,  with  a  stern  countenance,  and  great  asperity  of 
language,  began  to  upbraid  liim.  Thou  good-for-nothing  man  ! 
K-hy  dost  thou  leave  off  writing  what  my  presaging  mind  foresees- 
as  about  to  happen  in  this  kingdom?  Dost  thou  distrjistme?  Dost 
thou  not  believe  that  all  ivhich  I  say  shall  vwst  certainly  happen? 
But  that  I  may  attest  to  thee  and  others  how  undoubted  these  things 
which  I  have  just  sjwken  are,  Go  out  all  of  you  from  me,  and  J 
ivill  in  a  moment  confirm  them  all  by  a  new  and  unheard  off  proof , 
They  withdrew  at  lengtli,  though  reluctantly,  leaving  only  the 
lighted  candles  in  the  chamber,  and  soon  returned,  expecting  to 
witness  some  prodigy:  When  they  saw  the  lights  extinguished, 
and  his  dead  body  lying  prostrate  on  tlie  ground.-'     Hamilton 


NOTES.  517 

adds,  tliat  the  spectators,  after  recovering  from  tlieir  astonisu- 
meut,  replaced  the  dead  body  in  the  bed,  and  entered  into  an 
agreement  to  conceal  what  they  had  witnessed  ;  bnt  God,  unwill- 
ing that  such  a  document  should  be  unkown,  disclosed  it,  -'both 
by  the  amanuensis  himself  [Robertus  Kambell  a  Pinkincleugh,] 
soon  after  taken  off  by  a  similar  death,  and  by  others,  although 
miwillingly,  making  clear  confessions."  De  Confusione  Calvin. 
Sectfe  apud  Scotos,  fol.  66.  67.  Those  who  have  not  access  to 
the  work  itself,  will  find  the  original  words  extracted,  although 
with  some  slight  inaccuracies,  by  Mackenzie.  Lives  of  Scottish 
Writers,  iii.  131,  132.  "All  the  rest  of  the  Romish  writers  (says 
Mackenzie)  insist  upon  such  like  ridiculous  stories  that  are  alto- 
gether improbable."  Hamilton's  fabrications  gave  occasion,  how- 
ever, to  the  publication  of  that  minute  and  satisfactory  narrative 
of  the  last  illness  and  death  of  Knox,  drawn  up  by  one  who  wait- 
ed on  him  all  the  time;  and  added  by  principal  Sraeton  to  thp 
answer  A\hich  he  made  to  that  virulent  writer.  See  above,  p.  360. 
Yet  the  popish  writers  continued  to  retail  Hamilton's  story  until 
a  late  period.  It  was  published  by  Knot  in  his  Protestancy  Con- 
demned, Doway,  1654;  and  in  The  Politician' s  Catechism,  printed 
at  Antwerp,  1658.  Permissu  siiperiornm.  Those  who  wish  to 
see  the  variations  which  it  had  undergone  by  that  time,  may  be 
satisfied  by  looking  into  Strype's  Life  of  Archbishop  Parker, 
p.  367. 

The  miserable,  horrible,  detestable  and  execrable  deaths"  of 
Luther,  Calvin,  and  other  heretics  of  that  time  are  particularly 
recorded  by  James  Laing,  in  the  work  to  which  I  have  repeatedly 
referred. 

Note  EEE.  p.  393. 

The  tw  0  sons  of  our  Reformer,  Nathanael  and  Eleazar,  were 
inroUed  in  the  matriculation-book  of  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge, December  2,  1572,  eight  days  after  their  father's  death. 
JVathanael,  the  eldest,  was  made  Bachelor  of  Arts,  anno  1576, 
admitted  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College  in  1577,  made  Master  of 
Arts  in  1580,  and  died  the  same  year.  Eleazar,  the  youngest  son, 
was  made  Bachelor  of  Arts  in  l577,admittedFellovvof  St.  John's 
College  March  22, 1575,  made  Master  of  Arts  in  1581,  Mas  one  of 
the  preachers  emitted  by  the  university  in  1587-8,  made  vicar  of 
Clacton-Magna,  May  1587,  and  created  Bachelor  of  Divinity  in 
1588  :  he  died  in  1591,  and  was  buried  in  the  chapel  of  St- 
John's  College,  Cambridge.  Newconrt's  Repert.  Lond.  ii.  154. 
and  Communications  from  Mr.  Thomas  Baker,  apud  Life  of 
Knox,  prefixed  to  his  Historic  of  the  Reformatioun,  edit.  Anno 
1732.  p.  xli.  xlii. 


518  NOTES. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  Life,  I  have  adopted  the  opinion  that 
our  Reformer  was  born  in  the  GifFord-gate  of  Haddington,  and 
not  in  the  village  ofGiflford,  according  to  the  statement  of  Beza, 
and  other  old  writers.  I  have  since  been  inclined  to  suspect  that 
opinion,  or  at  least  the  solidity  of  the  principal  argument  upon 
which  it  is  founded.  The  house  in  the  Giftord-gate,  in  which 
he  was  born,  (it  was  said)  is  still  shewn  by  the  inhabitants,  and, 
together  with  some  adjoining  acres  of  land,  had  belonged  to  a 
family  of  the  name  of  Knox  (claiming  kindred  to  the  Reformer) 
until  about  50  years  ago,  when  it  was  sold  to  the  Earl  of  Wey- 
myss.  As  the  sons  of  the  Reformer  died  without  issue,  there  is 
no  reason  to  think  that  this  family  was  lineally  descended  from 
him;  still,  however,  the  property  might  have  belonged  to  his 
elder  brother,  which  is  consistent  with  the  supposition  of  his 
being  born  in  the  house  which  tradition  has  marked  out.  But  I 
have  lately  been  favoured  with  extracts  from  the  title  deeds  of 
that  property,  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Earl  of  Weymiss, 
extending  from  the  year  1598  downwards.  On  the  18th  February 
1598,  William  Knox  in  Morehame^  and  Elizabeth  Schortes  his 
"wife,  were  infeft  in  subjects  in  Nungate  (of  Haddington,)  in  virtue 
of  a  crown  charter.  This  charter  contains  no  statement  of  the 
warrants  on  which  it  proceeded,  farther  than  that  the  lands  for- 
merly belonged  to  the  Abbacy  of  Haddington,  and  were  annexed 
to  the  croAvn.  Having  communicated  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Scott  of 
Perth  the  names  of  the  persons  mentioned  in  the  first  charter  and 
subsequent  deeds,  with  a  request  to  be  informed,  if  any  such  names 
occur  in  the  genealogy  of  the  Knox  family  which  belonged  to  the 
late  Mr.  Knox,  minister  of  Scoon,  1  have  been  favoured  with  an 
answer,  saying,  that  neither  the  name  of  William  KnoxatMore- 
hame,  nor  that  of  any  other  person  answering  to  the  description  in 
my  letter  is  to  be  found  in  that  genealogy.  But  farther,  the 
charter  expressly  states,  that  the  lands  in  question  belonged  to 
the  Abbacy  of  Haddington,  and,  as  they  must  have  been  annexed 
to  the  crown  subsequent  to  the  Reformation,  they  could  not  be  the 
property  of  the  family  at  the  time  of  our  Reformer's  birth.  The 
tradition  of  his  having  been  born  in  the  Gifford-gate  is  therefore 
supported  merely  by  the  possibility,  that  his  parents  might  have 
resided  in  that  house  while  it  was  the  property  of  the  Abbey.  In 
opposition  to  this  we  have  the  authorities  mentioned  in  page  first. 

I  may  add  (although  it  rests  on  traditional  authority)  that  the 
house  in  which  our  Reformer  resided  in  Edinburgh  is  said  to  be 
that  which  is  situated  at  the  bottom  of  the  High-Street,  with  the 
inscription 0«o<,i>fMS,  God.  The  proprietor  has  put  up  the  word 


NOTES.  519 

Knox  in  gilt  letters.     It  is  also  said  that  the  chair  on  wliich  the 
moderator  sits  in  the  General  Assembly  belonged  to  Knox. 


Note  FFF.*  p.  393. 

Mr.  Matthew  Crawfurd,  in  his  life  of  Knox,  prefixed  to  the 
edition  of  his  Historic,  printed  in  l732,  thinks  it  improbable  that 
Mrs.  Pont  was  a  daughter  of  Knox  by  his  second  marriage ; 
"  for  no  doubt  (says  he)  Mr.  Pont  was  an  old  man,  before  any  of 
that  marriage  could  be  of  age."  p.  xlii.  But  if  ever  Knox  had 
any  daughters  by  his  first  Avife,  they  were  not  alive  when  he 
composed  the  prayer  which  he  published  along  with  his  Answer 
to  Tyrie.  The  following  is  the  clause  in  it  respecting  his  family: 
"  Let  thy  mercyfull  providence  luke  upon  my  desolate  bed-fellow, 
the  frute  of  hir  bosome,  and  my  two  deir  children,  Nathanael  and 
Eleezer."  From  this  it  appears  that  the  two  sons  mentioned 
were  the  only  children  which  he  had,  besides  those  who  were 
born  to  him  by  his  second  wife.  At  the  end  of  the  volume  of  MS. 
Letters,  in  my  possession,  this  prayer  is  inserted  (but  evidently 
by  a  different  hand)  under  the  title  of"  The  last  Will  and  Words 
of  John  Knox,  at  St.  Andros,  May  13,  1573."  But  in  the  preface 
to  the  publication  above  mentioned,  he  himself  says  :  "  I  have 
added  unto  this  preface  a  meditatioun  or  prayer  thrawin  furtli  of 
my  sorrowful  heart,  and  pronounced  be  my  half  dead  toung, 
befoir  I  was  compelled  to  leave  my  flocke  of  Edinburgh,  who  now 
ar  dispersed,  suffering  lytill  les  calaniitie  then  did  the  faithfull 
efter  the  persecutioun  of  Stephen."  After  the  prayer  is  this  date, 
•'  At  Edinburgh  the  12  of  March  15f)5,  i.  e.  15G6,  according  to 
the  modern  reckoning;  from  which  it  appears  that  this  prayer 
was  composed  by  him  when  he  left  Edinburgh  as  related  iu 
p.  309. 

"To  return  to  Mr.  Pont :  although  he  was  not  a  young  man 
when  Knox's  oldest  daughter  by  the  second  marriage  came  of  age, 
there  have  often  been  instances  of  greater  disparity  of  age  in 
matrimonial  connexions.  The  name  of  Pont  often  occurs  in  the 
account  of  ecclesiastical  transactions  during  the  remainder  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  The  writer  of  Additional  Notes  to  Lord 
Haile's  Catalogue  of  the  Lords  of  Sessions,  calls  him,  by  mistuke, 
"the  first  presbyterian  minister  of  the  West  Kirk,"  p.  8.  Pidin- 
burgh,  1798.     William  Harlaw  preceded  him  in  that  situation. 

*  Foi"  the  Catalogue  of  Knox's  Woi'ks  see  the  following-  Note ;  Fl-T. 
having  been  referred  to  in  p.  400,  by  mistake,  instead  of  CiGG. 


5S0  NOTES. 

Keith,  498.  At  tlie  request  of  the  regent  Mar,  the  assembly,  or 
convention,  which  met  at  Leith  in  January  1571-2,  allowed  Mr. 
Robert  Pont,  on  account  of  his  great  knowledge  of  the  laws,  to  act 
as  a  Lord  of  Session.  Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,p.  51.  But  in 
March  1572-3,  tlie  regent  Morton  having  laid  before  them  a 
proposal  for  appointing  some  ministers  Lords  of  Session,  the 
Assembly  "  votit  throughout  that  naine  was  able  nor  apt  to  bear 
the  saides  twa  charges."  They  therefore  inhibited  any  minister 
from  accepting  the  place  of  a  Senator;  from  this  inhibition  they 
however  excepted  Mr.  Pont.  Ibid.  p.  56.  He  was  commissioner 
of  Murray,  and  provost  of  Trinity  College  Edinburgh.  Upon  the 
death  of  the  earl  of  March,  James  VI.  offered  him  the  bishopric 
of  Caithnes,  but  he  declined  accepting  it.  Keith's  Scottish  Bi- 
shops, 129.  He  was  the  author  of  several  publications,  besides 
the  Sermons  "  ag^ainst  Sacrilege"  repeatedly  mentioned. 

The  time  of  his  death,  and  his  age,  appear  from  the  following 
inscription  on  his  tomb-stone,  in  St.  Cuthbert's  Church-yard. 

Hie  ego  Robertus  Pontanus,  in  hoc  prope  sacra 
Christi  qui  fueram  pastor  gregis,  auspice  Christo, 
^ternse  hie  recubans  exspecto  resurgere  vitae. 

Obiit  octavo  die  mensis  Maii,  Anno  D.  1608.  iEtatis  81. 
Maitland's  History  of  Edinburgh,  178^  179 


Note  GGG.  p.  400. 

The  following  Catalogue  of  the  Reformer's  Works  will,  I 
trust,  be  found  more  correct  and  complete  than  any  one  which 
has  hitherto  appeared.  The  titles  have  been  accurately  copied 
from  the  books  themselves,  when  I  could  possibly  procure  them, 
and  at  the  end  oi  each  I  have  mentioned  where  a  copy  may  be 
seen.  For  such  as  1  could  not  get  access  to  I  have  had  recourse 
to  the  best  authorities,  as  marked  after  each  article.  I  have  also 
noticed  those  of  which  there  are  copies  in  the  MS.  volume  in  my 
possession. 

1.  '•  An  admonition,  or  warning,  that  the  faithful  Christians  in 
London,  Newcastle,  Barwycke  and  others,  may  avoide  God's  ven- 
geance both  in  thys  life  and  in  the  life  to  come.  Compyled  by  the 
servaunt  of  God,  John  Knokcs."  A  cut  of  truth,  poor  woman, 
handcuffed  and  fastened  in  the  stocks  with  a  halter  about  her 
neck,  held  by  Tyrraunye,  on  the  one  hand;  while  Crueltye,  with 


NOTES. 

a  cornered  cap,  is  threatening  her  with  a  rod,  on  the  other. 
Beneath  the  cut.     "  The  persecuteth  speaketh 

''  I  fear  not  death,  nor  passe  not  for  bands : 

Only  in  God  put  I  ray  whole  trust, 

For  God  will  reqiiyre  my  blod  at  your  hand», 

And  this  J  know  that  once  dye  I  must, 

Only  for  Chryst,  my  lyfe  if  I  give  : 

Death  is  no  death,  but  a  meane  for  to  leyve.'* 

Under  these  verses  in  ancient  writing  '■'  John  Frythe  boke  Red 
and  send  yt  agayne."  E.  in  eights.  "From  AVittonburge  by 
Nicholas  Doreastor.  Anno  m.d.liiii.  the  viii  of  May.  Cnm 
privilegio  ad  impriraendum  solum."  W.  H.  (Ames  by  Herbert, 
p.  1576.)  sixteens.  Comp.  Tauneri  Bibliotheca  Britannico-Hiber- 
nica,  p.  460.     See  Life,  p.  105,  note. f 

2.  "  A  faythfull  admonition  made  by  Jolin  Knox,  unto  the  pro- 
fessours  of  God's  truthe  in  England,  whereby  thou  myest  learne 
howe  God  wyll  have  his  churche  exercised  with  troubles,  and 
how  he  defendeth  it  in  the  same.  Esaie  ix.  After  all  this  shall  not 
the  Lordes  wrath  ceasse,  but  yet  shall  hys  hande  be  stretched  out 
styll.  Ibidem.  Take  hede  that  the  Lorde  roote  thee  not  out  both 
heade  and  tayle  in  one  daye." 

On  the  back  of  title  :  "  The  epistle  of  a  banyshed  manne  out 
of  Leycestershire  sometime  one  of  the  preachers  of  Goddes  wotde 
there,  to  the  Christen  reader  wysheth  health,  deliveraunce,  and 
felicitie." 

"  Iraprynted  at  Kalykow  the  20  daye  of  Julii  1554.  Cum  gratia 
e4:  privilegio  ad  Imprimendum  solum.''  French  black  letter, 
extends  to  I.  and  makes  63  leaves.  iVdvocates  Library.  A  copy 
of  this  in  MS.  Vol. 

3.  "  A  godly  letter  sent  too  tlie  fiiythefull  in  London,  Newcas- 
tell,  Barwyke,  and  to  all  other  within  the  realme  of  Englande, 
that  love  the  comingof  our  Lorde  Jesus  byjhon  knox.  Matth.x. 
He  that  continueth  unto  the  ende  shall  be  saved.  Imprinted  in 
Rome,  before  the  Castel  of  S.  Aungel,  at  the  signe  of  Sainct  Peter. 
Ill  the  moueth  of  July,  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1554.""  D.  28 
leaves,  Fr.  bl.  letter.    Advocates  Library.    A  copy  in  MS.  Vol. 

4.  "  A  confession  and  declaratio  of  praiers  added  therunto,  bv 
Jhon  Knox,  minister  of  Christes  most  sacred  Evangely,upon  the 
death  of  that  moste  famous  king  Edward  the  VI.  kynge  of  Eng- 
lande. Fraunee,  and  Ireland,  in  v.hich  confession,  the  sayde  Jhon 
doth  accuse  no  lesse  hys  owae  offences,  th^n  the  ofteuce?  of  others, 


33S  NOTES. 

to  be  the  cause  of  the  awaye  takinge,  of  that  moste  godly  prince, 
nowe  raininge  with  Christ  whyle  we  abyde  plagues  for  our  un- 
thdfulnesse.  Imprinted  in  Rome,  before  the  Castel  of  S.  Aungel, 
at  t!ie  sigiie  of  Sainct  Peter.  In  the  moneth  of  July,  in  the  yeare 
of  our  Lorde,  1.554."  C.  19  leaves.  Fr.  black  letter.  Avocates 
Library. 

The  "Confession"  is  inserted  in  NoteQ.  The  "Declaration 
of  Praiers"  is  in  MS.  Vol.  see  Note  I,  p.  419.  Another  edition 
ivas  licensed  1580,  see  Ames,  p.  1146. 

5.  "  The  Copie  of  a  Letter  sent  to  the  ladye  Mary  Dowagire, 
Regent  of  Scotland,  by  John  Knox,  in  the  yeare  1556.  Here  is 
also  a  notable  Sermon,  made  by  the  sayde  John  Knox ;  wherein 
is  evydentlye  proved  that  the  masse  is,  and  alwayes  hath  ben 
abhominablc  before  God,  and  idolatrye^.  Scrutamini  Scripturas.^^ 
(In  sixty-four  leaves,  blaek-letter.)  twelves. 

"  x\fter  that  letter  to  Queen  Mary,  exhorting  her  to  reform 
her  church  and  prelates,  follows  the  said  Sermon,  or  Confession, 
which  Knox,  on  the  4  of  April  1550,  made  before  the  council, 
<§"c.  among  whom  was  present  the  bishop  of  Durham,  and  his 
doctors;  wherein  our  said  author  maintained  the  mass  to  be 
idolatry.  And  the  whole  concludes  with  his  Declaration  of  the 
opinion  we  Christians  have  of  (he  Lord's  Supper.  Catalogue  of 
Pamphlets  in  the  Harlelan  Library,  Number  iv.  105.  Ames  (p. 
15ST,)  introduces  this  book  as  printed  in  1556,  but  without  alleg- 
ing any  authority;  and  (p.  1834.)  he  speaks  of  the  Sermon 
against  the  Mass  as  printed  in  1550,  for  which  he  quotes  T. 
Baker's  MaunRell,  p.  101.  Ail  the  tracts  mentioned  in  this  ar- 
ticle are  in  MS.  Vol. 

6.  "The  Co])ie  of  a  Leltre  delivered  to  the  ladie  Marie,  Re- 
gent of  Scotland,  from  Johne  Knox  minister  of  Goddes  worde,  in 
the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1556,  and  nowe  augmented  and  explaned 
by  the  author  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1558."  Device :  two 
arches,  one  narrow,  the  other  broad ;  over  the  narrow  one  is  a 
<irowu  of  laurel,  over  the  broad  one  flames  of  fire,  with  this  mot- 
to aI)out  them,  "Enter  in  at  the  streit  gate  :  for  wide  is  the  gate, 
and  brode  is  the  way,  that  leadeth  to  destruction,  Matth.  vii." 
Printed  at  Geneva,  by  James  Poullain,  and  Antonie  Rebul. 
iM.D.Lviii.  D,  extends  to  28  leaves.  Rom.  Letter,  16mo.  Ad- 
vocates Library. 

7.  The  First  Blast  of  the  Trumpet  against  the  Monstruous  Re- 
gcment  of  Women.  Veritas  temporis  filia.  m.d.lviii.  56  leaves, 
Itom.  Letter.     Advocates  Library. 

8.  "The  Appellation  of  John  Knox  from  the  cruell  and  most 
unjust  sentence  pronounced  against  him   liv  the  fiilse  bishoppee 


APPENDIX.  531 

that  thi  presence  efter  may  be  mair  delectabill !  how  canest  thou 
bring  tbi  Sanctis  lowe,  that  thou  may  carrie  tbame  to  glorie 
everlasting!  how  canis  thou  suffer  thi  Strang  faithfull  messen- 
geris  in  many  thingis  yit  to  wressil  with  wreachit  iufirmitie  and 
febill  weakness,  ye  and  sumtymes  permittis  thou  thame  horribillie 
to  fall,  partlie  that  ua  flesche  sail  have  whairof  it  may  glorie 
befoir  the,  and  partlie  that  utheris  of  smaller  estait  and  meaner 
giftis  in  thi  kirk  myght  resave  sum  consnlationn,  albeit  thay  find 
in  thame  selves  pickit  motiouns  whilk  thay  ar  not  abill  to  expel!  i' 
My  purpois  was,  befoir  I  ressavit  your  letter,  to  have  exhortit 
you  to  pacience  and  to  fast  adhering  to  Godis  promisis  albeit  that 
your  flesche,  the  divill,  and  uther  your  enemyis,  wald  persuad 
you  to  the  conlrare,  for,  by  the  artis  and  subteliteis  that  the  ad- 
versarie  useth  aganis  me,  I  not  onlie  do  conjecture,  but  also 
planelie  dois  sie  your  assaltis  and  trubiK  And  sa  lykwys  in  the 
bovvellis  of  Christis  mercie  maist  ernistlie  I  beseik  you  by  that 
infirmitie  that  ye  knaw  remaneth  in  me  (wars  I  am  than  I  can 
wryt)  pacieutlie  to  beir,  albeit  that  ye  haif  no  sic  perfectioun  as 
ye  wald,  and  albeit  also  yourmotionis  be  sic  as  be  maist  vyle  and 
abominabill,  yet  not  to  sorrow  abuf  measure.  Gif  I  to  whom  God 
has  gevin  greatter  giftis  (1  wryt  to  his  prais)  be  yit  sa  wrappit  into 
miserie,  that  what  I  wald  I  can  not  do,  and  what  I  wald  not  that 
with  sanet  paule,  I  say,  daylie  ye  everie  hour  and  moment  I  de- 
vys  to  do,  and  in  my  hart,  ficht  I  never  sa  fast  in  the  contrarie, 
1  perform  and  do.  Gif  sic  wreachit  wickitnes  remane  in  in  Godis 
cheif  rainisteris,  what  wonder  albeit  the  same  remane  in  yow. 
Gif  Godis  strangest  men  of  war  be  beattin  bak  in  thair  face,  that 
what  thay  wald  thay  can  not  destroy  nor  kill,  is  it  any  sic  offence 
to  you  to  be  tossit  as  ye  compleane,  that  thairfoir  ye  suld  distrust 
Godis  frie  proraissis  I  God  forbid,  deir  mother !  the  power  of  God 
is  knawn  be  oiire  weaknes,  and  theis  doloris  and  infirmiteis  be 
maist  profitabill  to  ws,  for  by  the  same  is  our  pryde  beattin  doun, 
whilk  is  not  easie  utherwayis  to  be  done.  By  thame  ar  oure  mi- 
sereis  knawin,  sa  that  we  acknawiedging  our  selves  misterfuJ! 
seikis  the  phesitioun.  By  thame  cum  we,  be  the  operatioun  of 
the  halie  spreit,  to  the  hatred  of  syn,  and  by  thame  cum  we  to  the 
hunger  and  thrist  of  justice,  and  to  dcsyre  to  be  desolved  and  sa 
to  ring  with  oure  Chryst  Jesus,  whilk  without  this  battel!  and 
sorrow  this  licsehe  culd  never  do.  And  sa  fra  the  doloris  I  pro- 
oeid  to  the  comfort. 

As  the  caussis  of  dolour  be  two,  whilk  ar  present  syn,  and  the 
lack  of  sic  company  as  in  wliom  we  maist  culd  delyt,  sa  is  the 
caussis  of  my  comfort  not  ymagiuit  of  my  brane,  but  pronuneit 
first  be  God,  and  efter  grafcit  in  the  hariis  of  Godis  children  by 


5S^  APPENDIX. 

his  lialie  spreit.  Thay  ar  lykwys  two ;  whilk  is  a  justice  invio- 
lable orterit  be  our  flesche  befoir  the  trone  of  oure  heavinlie  fa- 
ther, and  ane  assurit  hoip  of  that  i^enerall  assemblie  and  gather- 
inc;  togither  of  Godis  dispersit  flok  in  that  day  when  all  teairs 
salbe  wipit  fra  oure  eis,  when  deth  salbe  vincuist,  and  may  na 
mair  dissever  sic  as  feiring  God  this  day  in  the  flesche  murni* 
under  (he  burdene  of  syn.  Off  oure  present  justice,  notwithstand- 
iusj  syu  remane  in  oure  mortall  bodeis,  ar  we  assurit  by  the  faith- 
full  witnes  of  Jesus  Chryst,  Johne  the  apostill,  saying,  "gif  wc 
confes  our  svnis,  faithfull  and  Just  is  God  to  remit  and  forgive 
our  synnis."  Mark  tlie  wordis  of  the  apostill,  gif  we  confes  oure 
synnis  God  man  forgive  thame,  becaus  hie  is  faithfull  and  just. 
To  confessioun  of  synnis  ar  theis  thingis  requisit,  ffirst  we  man 
acknawledge  the  syn,  and  it  is  to  be  notit  that  sumtymes  Godis 
verie  elect,  albeit  they  have  synnit  maist  haynouslie,  dois  no*. 
acknawledge  sin,  and  thairfoir  can  not  at  all  tymes  confes  the 
same,  for  syn  is  not  knawin  unto  syctime  as  the  vale  be  takinfra 
the  conscience  of  the  ofiender,  that  hie  may  sie  and  behald  the 
filthines  of  syn.  what  punisment  be  Godis  just  jugementis  is  dew 
for  the  sam.  And  then  (whilk  is  the  2  thing  requisit  to  confes- 
sione)  beajyunis  the  hatred  of  sin  and  of  oure  selves  for  contemp- 
nying  of  God  and  of  his  halie  law,  whairof  last  springis  that 
whilk  we  call  hoip  of  mercie,  whilk  is  nathing  els  but  a  sob  fra  a 
trubillit  hart,  confounded  and  aschamit  for  syn,  thristing  remis- 
siounand  Godis  frie  mercie,  whairupon  of  necessitie  man  follow 
this  eonclusioun,  God  has  remittit  and  frelie  forgevin  the  syn^ 
and  why?  for  "  hie  is  faithfull  and  just"  sayeth  the  apostill. 
Comfortabiil  and  mervelous  caussis !  first,  God  is  faithful,  ergo 
hie  man  forgive  syn,  A  comfortable  consequent  upon  a  maist  sure 
ground!  for  Godis  fidelitie,  can  na  mair  faill  nor  can  him  self. 
Then  lat  this  argument  be  gatherit  for  oure  comfort,  the  office  of 
the  faithfull  is  to  keip  pronieis  but  God  is  faithfull,  ergo  he  man 
keip  promcis.  That  God  lies  promissit  remissioun  of  synis  to 
sic  as  be  repentant,  Ineid  not  now  recit  the  places.  But  let  this 
collectioun  of  the  promisis  be  maid,  God  promissis  remissioun  of 
synis,  to  all  that  confessis  the  same,  hut  1  confes  my  synnis,  for  1 
sie  the  filthines  thairof,  and  how  jusllie  God  may  condcmp  me 
for  my  iuiqnitie.-».  I  sob  and  lament  for  that  1  can  not  be  quyt  and 
red  of  sj  n,  1  desyre  to  leif  aniair  perfyt  lyfc.  Thir  ar  infallible 
sigiiis,  seiilis,  and  takenis  that  God  has  remittit  tl:e  syn,  for  God 
is  faithfull  that  sa  hes  promiissit,  and  can  na  mair  deceave  nor  hie 
can  ceis  to  be  God.  But  what  reasoue  is  this.  God  is  just,  thair- 
foir he  man  forgive  syn  ?  A  wonderQ|is  cans  and  reasone  in  deid  ! 
ffor  the  flesche  aud  uaturall  man  can  understand  nathing  but  the 


I 


APPENDIX.  533 

coutiar,  for  this  man  it  reasone  :  the  justice  of  God  is  offendit  be 
jixy  sinis,  sa  God  man  ncidis  have  a  satisfaetioim,  and  requyrc  ane 
punissment.  Gif  we  understand  of  whome  God  requjris  satis- 
factioun,  whether  of  ws,  or  of  the  handis  of  his  oulie  sone,  and 
whais  punisment  is  abill  to  reeompeus  our  synnis,  than  sail  we 
haif  greit  cans  to  rejose,  remembering  that  God  is  a  just  God,  for 
the  office  of  the  just  man  is  to  stand  content  when  he  hes  ressa- 
vit  his  dewtie.  But  God  hes  ressavit  alredie  at  the  handis  of 
his  onlie  sone  all  that  is  dew  for  our  synis,  and  sa  can  not  his 
justice  requyre  nor  craif  any  mair  of  ws  atiier  satisfactioun  or  re- 
compensatioun  for  our  synnis.  Advert,  mother,  the  sure  pilleris 
and  foundatioun  of  onre  salvation  to  be  Godis  faithfulnes  and  jus- 
tice. Hie  that  is  faithful  has  promissit  frie  remissioun  to  all 
penitent  syuneris,  and  he  that  is  just,  hes  ressavit  alredie  a  full 
satisfaction  for  the  synis  of  all  thais  that  imbrace  Chryst  Jesus 
to  be  the  onlie  saviour  of  the  warld.  What  restis  than  to  ws  to 
be  done,  nathing  but  to  acknawledge  oure  miserie  ane  wreched- 
nes,  whilk  na  tiesche  can  do  sa  un  feindlie  as  they  that  daylie 
leillis  the  wecht  of  syn.  Aud  uther,  mother,  cans  haifwenane 
of  disperatioun,  albeit  the  divill  rage  never  sa  cruellie,and  albeit 
the  flesche  be  never  sa  fraill,  daylie  aud  hourlie  lusting  aganis 
Godis  halie  commandementis,  ye  stryving  aganis  the  same.  This 
is  not  the  time  of  justice  befoir  oure  a«n  eis,  we  luke  for  that 
whilk  is  promissit,  the  kin^dome  everlasting,  preparit  to  ws  fra 
the  begyning,  whairof  we  ar  maid  airis  be  Godis  apoyntment, 
reabillit  [legitimated  or  restored^  thairto  be  Chrystis  death,  to 
whome  we  sail  be  gatherit,  when  cfter  we  sail  never  depart,  whilk 
to  remember  is  my  singular  comfort,  but  thairof  now  I  can  not 
wryt.  My  commendaticnis  to  all  whom  efteiris.  I  commit  you 
the  protectioun  of  the  Omnipotent. 

At  Loudoun  the  23d  of  June,  1553,  your  sone  unfeaned, 

Johne  Knox. 
No.  11.  [MS.  Letters,  p.  333.] 
To  raarjorie  bowis  wha  was  his  lirst  wyfe. 

Deirlibelovit  sister  in  the  commoun  faith  of  Jesus  our  saviour. 
The  place  of  Johne  forbidding  ws  to  salut  sic  as  bringeth  not  the 
hailsome  doctrine,  admonisseth  ws  what  danger  cumeth  be  fals 
teacheris,  eviu  the  destructiouu  of  bodie  and  saule;  whairfoir  the 
gpreit  of  God  willeth  ws  to  be  sa  cairfull  to  avoyd  the  company 
of  all  that  teachis  doctrine  contrarie  to  the  treuth  of  Christ,  that 
we  communicat  with  thame  in  nathing  that  may  appeir  to  man- 
teane  or  defend  thame  in  thair  corrupt  opinioun.for  hie  that  bidis 
thame  Godspeid,  communicatis  with  thair  sin,  that  is,  hie  that 
apeiris  be  keiping  thame  company,  or  assisting  unto  thame  in 
thair  proceidingis  to  savour  thair  doctrine  is  giltie  befoir  God  of 


534  APPENDIX. 

thair  iniqintie,  Laltli  becaus  hie  doitli  confirme  thame  in  thair 
error  be  his  silence,  and  also  confirmes  utheris  to  credit  thair 
doctrine  becaus  hie  opponis  not  himself  thairto  and  sa  to  bid 
thame  Godspeid  is  not  to  spcik  unto  thame  commounlie  as  we  for 
civill  honestie  to  men  unknawn,  but  it  is  efter  we  have  hard  of 
their  fals  doctrine  to  be  conversant  with  thame  and  sa  intreat 
thame  as  thay  had  not  ofFendit  in  thair  doctrine.  The  place  of 
Jamis  teachis  ws  belovit  sister  that  in  Jesus  Chryst  all  that  un- 
feandlie  profas  him  ar  equall  befoir  him  and  that  ryches  nor 
•warldlie  hououris  ar  nathing  regairdit,  in  his  sys^ht,  and  thair- 
foir  Avald  the  spreit  of  God  speiking  in  the  apostill  that  sic  as  ar 
trew  Cliristianis  suld  have  mair  respect  to  the  spirituall  giftis 
Avhairwith  God  had  doteth  his  mcssingeris  nor  to  externall  ryches 
whilk  oftymes  the  wicket  possessis  the  having  whairof  makis  man 
nether  nobill  nor  godlie,  albeit  sa  judge  the  blind  afFectionis  of 
men.  The  apostill  dampneth  sic  as  preferis  a  man  with  a  goldin 
chayne  to  the  pure,  but  heirof  will  I  speik  no  more.  The  spreit 
of  God  sail  instruct  your  hart  what  is  maist  comfortable  to  the 
trubillit  conscience  of  your  mother,  and  pray  ernistlie  that  sa 
maybe.  AVhair  the  adversarie  objectis,  'sche  aucht  not  think 
wicket  thoughts,'  answer  thaii  to  that  is  trew,  but  seing  this  oure 
nature  is  corruptit  with  syn  wliilk  enturit  be  his  sugsjestioun, 
it  must  think  and  wirk  wiekitlie  be  his  assaltis,  but  hie  sail  beir 
the  condigne  punisment  thairof.  becaus  be  him  syn  first  enturit, 
and  also  be  him  itdoithcontinew  whillisthiskarkais  be  resolved. 
And  whair  hie  inquyris  what  Chryst  is,  answer  hie  is  the  seid  of 
the  woman  promissit  be  God  to  break  down  the  serpentis  heid, 
whilk  hie  hath  done  alreadie  in  him  self  appeiring  in  this  oure 
flesche,  subject  to  all  passionis  that  may  fall  in  this  oure  nature 
onlie  syn  exceptit,  and  efter  the  death  sufFerit  hie  hetli  be  power 
of  his  godheid  rissin  agane  triumphant  victour  over  deth,  heli  and 
syn,  not  to  him  self,  for  thairto  was  hie  na  dettour,  but  for  sic  as 
thristis  salvatioun  be  him  onlie,  whom  hie  may  na  mair  Ics,  nor 
lie  may  ceas  to  be  tlie  sone  of  God  and  the  saviour  of  the  warld. 
And  whair  hie  wald  perswade  that  sche  is  contrarie  the  word 
thairunto,  hie  leis  according  to  his  nature,  whalrin  thairin  is  na 
treuth,  for  gif  sche  wor  contrarie  the  word,  or  dcnyit  it,  to  what 
effect  sa  ernistlie  suld  schedcsyrc  the  company  of  sic  as  tcacheth 
and  professeth  i(.  Thair  is  na  dout  but  hie,  as  hie  is  the  aceu- 
satour  of  ail  Godis  elect,  studielh  to  trubill  her  conscience,  that 
according  to  hir  desyre,  sche  may  not  rest  in  Jesus  oure  Lord.  Be 
vigilant  in  prayer.  I  think  this  be  the  first  letter  that  ever  J. 
wrait  to  you. 

Iij  great  haist  your  brother, 

Johne  Knox,. 


APPENDIX.  6^5 

No.  III.  [MS.  Letters,  p.  283.] 
Ffrom  the  eis  of  his  Sanctis  sal  the  Lord  wjpe  away  all  tciris 
and  murnyng.  (See  p.  93.) 
Dear  mother  and  spous  unfeanidlie  belovit  in  tlie  bowells  of 
oure  Saviour  Chryst  Jesus,  with  my  very  hartlie  conimendationis 
I  peruisit  baith  your  letteris,  not  only  direetit  to  me,  but  also  it 
that  sorrowfullie  compleanis  upon  the  unthankfulnes  of  your  bro- 
ther as  also  of  myne,  that  ye  suld  not  Iiave  bene  equallie  maid 
privie  to  my  coming  in  the  countrle  with  utheris,  whairof  the 
enemy  wald  persuad  yow  (ane  argument  maist  fals  and  uiitre«) 
that  we  judge  you  not  to  be  of  our  uoumber.  Deir  mother,  be  not  sa 
suddanlie  moveit,  hie  is  your  enemy  that  sa  vi  aid  persuad  you, 
God  I  tak  to  recorde  in  my  conscience  that  nane  is  this  day  with- 
in the  realme  of  Ingland,  with  whome  I  wald  mair  gladlie  speik 
(onlie  sche  whome  God  hath  offerit  unto  me,  and  commandit  me 
to  lufe  as  my  awn  flesehe,  exceptit)  than  with  you.  For  your 
eausis  principallie  interpryse  I  this  jurucy.  for  herin-:^  my  scr- 
vand  to  be  stayit,  and  his  letteris  to  be  lakin,  [  euld  na  wys  be 
pacifeit  (for  the  maist  part  of  my  letteris  was  for  your  instrue- 
tioun  and  comfort)  till  farther  knawledge  of  your  estait,  and  that 
ye  wer  nasoner  advertisit  onlie  want  of  a  faithful!  messinger  was 
the  cans,  for  my  coming  to  the  countrey,  was  sa  sone  noysit 
abrod  that  with  greit  difficultie  culd  I  be  couvoyit  fra  a  place  to 
another.  I  knew  na  sic  danger  as  was  suspectit  be  my  brethrene; 
ffor  as  for  my  letteris  in  them  is  nathing  conteanid,  except  cxiior- 
tatiouu  to  constancie  in  that  treuth  wliilk  God  lies  opinlie  laid 
befoir  our  eis.  whilkl  am  not  myndit  to  deny  whenever  sie  ques- 
tioun  sal  be  demandit  of  me.  But  the  cans  moveing  me  that  ffor 
a  tyme  I  wald  have  bene  clos,  was,  that  I  purposit  (gif  sa  had 
bene  possible)  to  have  spokin  with  my  wyfe,  whilk  now  I  per- 
save  is  nathing  apeirand,  whill  God  offer  sum  belter  occasioun. 
My  bretl'.reu,  partlie  be  admonitioiin,  and  parflie  by  teiris,  com- 
pellis  me  to  obey  sumwhat  contrair  to  my  awn  mynd,  for  never  can 
I  die  in  a  mair  honest  quarrel,  nor  to  suffer  as  a  w  itnes  for  that 
treuth  whairof  God  hes  maid  me  a  messinger,  whilk  with  hart  I 
belive  maist  assuredlic.  (the  halie  Gaist  b<  uiug  witnes  to  my  con- 
science) and  with  mouth  I  trust  to  God  to  confes  iu  presence  of 
the  warld  the  onlie  doctrine  of  lyfe.  Notwithstanding  this  my 
mynd,  gif  God  sail  prepair  the  way,  I  will  obey  the  voce  of  my 
brethrene,  and  will  gif  place  to  the  furie  and  rage  of  Sathan  for 
a  tyme.  And  sa  can  I  uot  espy  how  that  ether  of  yow  baith  I 
can  speik  at  this  lynie.  But,  gif  Gcd  pleis  preserve  me  at  this 
tyme,  whairof  I  am  not  yet  resolved,  then  sal  yow  lak  in  me  na 
gud  wil.  that  ye  may  knaw  the  place  of  my  residence,  and  farther 


536  APPENDIX. 

©f  my  tnynd.  Ilistuow  dear  mother  haif  we  caus  to  rejos,  for 
oiire  hcavenlie  i''ather,  who  callit  us  be  grace  to  wryt  in  ourc 
hartis  the  sigiiis  i.nd  seallis  of  our  eleetioun  in  Chryst  Jesus  his 
sone,  heginnis  now  to  correct  our  eruikedness,and  to  mak  us  lyke 
in  suffering  afdictionis,  schame  and  rebuke  of  the  warld,  to  the 
greit  bischope  of  our  saullis,  wha  by  mekill  tribulatioun  did  enter 
in  his  glorie,  as  of  ueeessitie  man  everie  ane  to  whome  that 
kingdonie  is  apoyntit.  And  thairfor,  mother  be  nathing  abasched 
of  theis  maist  dolorous  dayis,  whilk  schortlie  sal  have  end  to  oure 
everhisting  comfort.  Thay  ar  not  cropiu  upon  ws  without  knaw- 
ledge  and  foursight  how  oft  have  ye  hard  theis  dayis  foirspokin, 
thairfoir,  now  grudge  not,  but  pacientiic  abyd  the  Lords  delyver- 
auce.  Hie  that  foirspak  the  trubill,  promissis  everlasting  plea- 
sure by  the  same  word,  albeit  the  flesche  complene,  dispair 
nathing,  for  it  must  follow  the  awn  nature,  and  it  is  not  dampna- 
bill  in  the  syglil  of  oure  Father,  albeit  the  corrupt  fraill  flesche 
draw  bak  and  refuse  tlie  croee,  for  that  is  as  naturall  to  the  flesh, 
as  m  hunger  and  thrist  to  covet  rasonable  sustenance.  Onlie 
follow  not  the  afiectionis  to  comit  iniquytie,  nether  for  feir  of 
deth,  nor  for  love  of  life,  comit  ye  idolatrie,  nether  yet  gif  your 
presence  wiiair  the  same  is  eommittit,  but  hait  it,  avoid  it,  and 
^He  from  it.  But  your  leter  maks  menfion  that  ye  haif  pleasure 
aiid  delyt  in  it,  na  mother  espy  the  contrarie,  for  ye  compleane 
and  lament  that  sic  motions  ar  within  you,  this  is  na  sing  that  ye 
delyt  in  thame,  for  na  man  compleanis  of  that  whairin  hie  delytis. 
Ye  ar  in  na  wors  eas,  Luiching  that  point,  nor  yet  tuiching  that 
uther  whairof  ye  desyre  to  be  red  than  was  the  apostill,  when 
with  grouyng  and  angusche  of  hart  liie  did  cry,  '  O  unhappieman 
that  1  am,  vi  ha  sal  delyver  me  fra  this  bodie  of  syn;'  reid  tlie  haill 
chapter,  and  yif  glorie  to  God  that  lettis  you  knaw  your  awn 
snfirmiiie,  that  from  Chryst  allone  ye  may  be  content,  to  ressave 
that  whiik  never  renianit  in  eorriiptibill  flesche,  that  is  the  jus- 
tice whilk  is  acceptabill  befoir  God,  the  justice  by  faith  and  not 
by  workis,  that  ye  may  glorie  iri  Iiim  wha  frelie  gives  that  whilk 
we  deserve  not.  And  thus  nether  feir  that,  nor  utlier  assaltis  of 
the  diviil,  sa  lang  as  in  bodie  ye  obey  not  his  persuasiouis. 
Seho^rtnes  of  time,  and  multitude  of  cairis  will  not  let  me  wryt  at 
this  present  sa  plentifuHie  as  I  wald,  yc  will  me  to  charge  you  in 
such  thingis  as  1  mister,  God  grant  that  ye  may  be  abill  to  releif 
the  uedie,  ye  may  be  sure  that  1  wald  l)e  bold  i»pon  you,  for  of  your 
gude  hart  1  am  persuadit,  but  of  yorir  power  aiid  abilitic,  I  greitlie 
dout.  1  will  not  mak  you  privie  how  ryche  I  am^,  but  ofFIiOundoun 
I  dcpartit  with,  les  money  than  ten  groltis,  but  God  lies  sence  pro- 
vydit,  and  will  provyd  1  dout  not  heireftt'r  aboundautUe  for  this 


APPENDIX.  537 

lyfe.  Ather  tlie  queuis  majestic,  or  sum  thesaurer  will  be  XL 
pounds  rycher  by  me  for  samekill  lack  I  of  deiitie  of  my  pateiitis^ 
But  that  littill  trubillis  me.     Rest  in  Chryst  Jesus,     your  sone^ 

John  Knox. 
No.  IV.     [MS.  Letters,  p.  303.] 
To  his  mother  in  law,^  Mrs.  Bowis. 
Blissit  be  thais  that  mourne  for  ryghteousnes  sake,  &e. 
Belovit  mother  with  my  hartlie  coramendatioun  in  tlie  Lonh 
Let  not  your  present  dulnes  discorage  yow  above  meastsre,  the 
wisdome  of  our  God  knawis  what  is  maist  expedient  for  our  fraill 
nature  ;  Gif  the  bodie  suld  alwayis  be  in  traveil  it  suld  faynt  and 
be  unabill  to  continew  in  labour,  the  spreit  lies  his  traveil  wliilk 
is  a  sobbing  and  mournyng  for  syn,  fra  whilk  unles  it  sumtymes 
suld  rest,  it  suddanlie  suld  be  consumit.     It  doith  na  mair  offend 
Godis  maicstie  that  the  spreit  sumtynie  ly  as  it  were  asleip,  nether 
having  sence  of  greit  dolour  nor  greit  comfort  mair  than  it  doith 
offend  him  that  the  bodie  us  the  naturall  rest  ceassing  fra  all  ex- 
ternall  exercis.     Ye  sail  consider,  mother,  that  the  cis  of  God  dois 
pers  mair  deiplie  than  Ave  be  war  of,  we  according  to  the  blind  ig- 
norance whilk  lurketh  within  ws,  do  judge  but  as  we  feil  for  the 
present,  but  hie  according  to  his  etemall  wisdome  dois  judge 
thingislangbefoir  thay  cum  to  pas.     We  judge  that  caldncs  and 
augusche  of  spreit  arhurtfull  becaus  wesienot  the  end  wliairfoir 
God  dois  suffer  avs  to  be  troubillit  with  sic  temptationiy,  but  his 
maiesiie  wha  onlie  knawis  the  mass  whairofmanis  maid,  and 
causeth  all  thingis  to  work  to  the  profit  of  his  elect,  knawis  also 
how  necessarie  sic  troubillis  ar  to  dautoun  the  pryd  of  oure  cor- 
rupt nature.     Thair  is  a  spirituall  pryd  whilk  is  not  hastelie^ 
suppressit  in  Godis  verie  elect  children  as  witnesses  Sanct  Paule. 
God  hath  wroth  greit  thingis  be  yow  in  the  syght  of  uthir  men. 
Without  whilk  (unles  the  mell  cf  inward  augusche  did  beat  them 
doun)  ye  might  be  steirit  up  to  sum  vane  glorie  whilk  is  a  ven- 
uourae  mair  subtill  than  ony  man  do  espy.     I  can  wryt  to  yow  be 
my  awn  experience.     I  have  sumtymes  bene  in  that  securitie  thai 
I  felt  not  dolour  for  syn,  nether  yit  displeasure  aganis  my  self  for 
any  iniquitie  in  whilk  I  did  offeiul,  but  rather  my  vane  hart  did 
this  flatter  my  self,  (I  writ  the  treuth  to  my  awn  confusioun  and 
to  the  glorie  ofmyheavenlie  father  through  Jesus  Christ.)  "  Thou 
hes  sufferit  great  troubill  for  professing  of  Chrystis  treuth.  God 
hes  done  great  thingis  for  the,  delivering  the  fra  tiiat  maist  cruell 
bondage,  [^galleis'  in  the  margin,^  hie  has  piaceit  the  in  a  maist 
honorabill  voeatioun  and  thy  labours  ar  not  without  frute,  thair- 
foir  Ihnw  aueht  rej«s  audgif  prais  unto  God,-'    O  mother  this  was 


538  APPENDIX. 

a  subtill serpent  wlia  this  euld  pour  in  vennounie,  Inotperceaving 
it;  but  blissit  be  my  God  wha  perniittetli  me  not  to  sleip  lang  in 
that  estait.  I  drank  schortlie  efter  this  ttatterie  of  myself  a  cupe 
of  contra  poysone,  the  bitternes  whairof  doith  yitsa  remane  in  my 
breist,that  whatever  1  have  sufFerit  or  presentlie  dois,  I  reput  as 
doung,  yea  and  my  self  Morthie  of  dampnatioun  for  my  ingrati- 
tude towardis  my  God.  The  lyke,  mother,  may  have  cumin  to 
yow.  gif  the  secreit  brydill  of  afflictioun  did  not  refranc  vane  co- 
gitationis,  but  of  this  I  have  written  to  yow  mair  planelie  in  my 
other  letteris.  And  this  I  commit  you  to  the  proteetioun  of  the 
Omnipotent  for  ever. 

Yours  at  his  power, 

Johne  Knoxv 
jS'o.  V.  [MS.  Letters,  p.  352.] 
To  his  brethren  in  Scotland  efter  he  had  bene  quyet  amangthame. 
The  comfort  of  the  halie  Gaist  for  salutatioun.  (See  p.  140.) 
Not  sa  mekill  to  instruct  yow  as  to  leave  with  yow,  dearlie  be- 
lovit  brethren,  sum  testimony  of  my  love,  I  have  thought  gud 
to  communicat  with  you,  in  theis  few  lynes,  my  w  eak  consall.  how 
I  wald  ye  suld  behaive  yourselves  in  the  middis  of  this  wickit  ge- 
neratioiin,  tniching  the  exercis  of  Godis  niaist  halie  and  sacred 
word,  without  the  whilk,  nether  sal  knowledge  incres,  godlines 
apeir,  nor  fervencie  continew  amang  yow.  For  as  the  word  of 
God  is  the  begyning  of  lyfe  spirituall,  w ithout  whilk  all  flesche 
is  deid  in  Godis  presence,  and  the  lanterne  to  our  feit,  without 
th.e  bryghtnes  whairof  all  the  posteritie  of  adame  doith  walk  in 
darkues.  And  as  it  is  the  fundament  of  faith  without  the  whilk 
na  man  understandeth  the  gud  will  of  God,  sa  is  it  also  the  onlie 
organe  and  instrument  whilk  God  useth  to  strenthin  the  weak,  to 
comfort  the  afflictit,to  reduce  to  mercie  be  repentance  sic  as  have 
s-liddiu,  and  finallie  to  preserve  and  keip  the  verie  lyfe  of  th© 
saule  in  all  assaltis  and  temptationis,  and  thairfoir  yf  ye  desyr 
your  knawledge  to  be  iucressit,  your  faith  to  be  confirmit,  your 
conseiencis  to  be  quyetit  and  conifortit,  or  finallie  your  saule  to 
be  preservit  in  life,  lat  your  exercis  be  frequent  in  the  law  of  your 
Lord  God;  despis  not  that  precept  whilk  moses,  (wha,  be  his 
awn  experience  had  learnit  what  comfort  lyeth  hid  within  the 
word  of  God)  gave  to  the  israelitis  in  theis  wordis:  '< Theis 
wordis  whilk  I  command  the  this  day  salbe  in  thi  hart,  and  thou 
sal  exercis  thi  children  in  thame,  thou  sal  talk  of  thanie  when 
thou  art  at  home  in  thi  hous,  and  as  thou  walkest  be  the  way, 
and  when  thou  lyis  down,  and  when  thou  risis  up,  and  thou  sal 
hind  *}ianie  for  a  sisne  iipoJi  thi  hand,  and  t,b;iy  saihe  papcris  of 


APPENDIX.  580 

lememberancebetwene  thieis,  and  thou  sal  wryt  thame  upon  the 
postis  of  thi  hous  and  upon  thi  gatis."  And  moses  in  another  place 
commandis  thame  to  remember  the  law  of  the  Lord  God,  to  do  it, 
that  it  may  be  weill  unto  thame  and  with  thair  children  in  the 
land  whilk  the  Lord  sal  gif  thame;  meanjTig  that,  lyke  as  fre- 
quent memorie  and  repetitioun  of  Godis  preceptis  is  the  middis 
whairby  the  feir  of  God,  whilk  is  the  begynning  of  all  wisdome 
and  filicitie,  is  kcipit  recent  in  mynd,  sa  is  negligence  and  obli- 
vioun  of  Godis  benefitis  ressavit  the  first  grie  of  defectioun  fra 
God ;  now  yf  the  law  whilk  be  reasone  of  our  weaknes  can  work 
nathing  but  wraith,  and  anger  was  sa  effectuall  that,  rememberit 
and  rehersit  of  purpois  to  do  it,  brought  to  the  pepill  a  corporall 
benedictioun,  what  sal  we  say  that  the  glorious  gospel  of  Chryst 
Jesus  doth  work,  sa  that  it  be  with  reverence  intreatit.  St.  Paule 
calleth  [it]  the  sweit  odour  of  lyfe  unto  thois  that  suld  resaif  lyfe, 
borrowing  his  similitude  fra  odoriferous  herbis  or  precious  urgui- 
mentis,  whais  nature  is  the  mair  thay  be  touchit  or  nioveit  to 
send  furth  thair  odour  mair  pleasing  and  delectabill:  even  sic, 
deir  brethren,  is  the  biysit  evangell  of  our  Lorde  Jesus  ;  for  the 
mair  that  it  be  intreatit,  the  mair  comfortable  and  mair  plysant 
is  it  to  sic  as  do  heir,  read,  and  exercis  the  sam.  I  am  not  igno- 
rant that,  as  the  isralitis  lothit  manna  becaus  that  evcrie  day 
thay  saw  and  eat  but  ane  thing,  so  sum  thair  be  now  a  dayis 
(wha  will  not  be  halden  of  the  worst  sort)  that  efter  anis  reiding 
sum  parcellus  of  the  scriptures  do  convert  thame  selves  altoge- 
ther to  prophane  autors  and  humane  letteris  becaus  that  the  va- 
rietie  of  matteris  thairih  conteaynit  doith  bring  with  it  a  daylie 
delectatioun  whair  eontrariwys  within  the  simpill  scriptures  of 
God  the  perpetuall  repetitioun  of  a  thing  is  fascheous  and  weri- 
some.  This  temptation  I  confess  may  enter  in  Godis  verie  elect 
foratyme.  but  impossibill  is  it  that  thairin  thay  continew  to  the 
end  :  for  Godis  electioiin,  besydis  other  evident  signis,  hath  this 
ever  joynit  with  it  that  Godis  elect  ar  callit  frome  ignorance;  I 
speak  of  thois  that  ar  cum  to  the  yeiris  of  knawledge,  to  sum 
taist  and  feiling  of  Godis  mercie,  of  whilk  (liay  ar  never  satis- 
feit  in  this  lyfe,  but  fra  tyme  to  tyme  thay  hunger  and  thay  thrist 
to  eat  tlie  bread  that  deseendit  fra  the  heavin,  and  to  drink  the 
water  lliat  springeth  unto  lyfe  everlasting,  ^vhilk  thay  cannot 
do  but  be  the  meauis  of  faith,  and  faith  luketh  ever  to  the  will 
of  God,  revealht  he  his  word,  sa  that  faith  hath  baith  her  begyn- 
inj;  anil  oontincwance  be  the  word  of  God,  and  sa  1  say  that  im- 
possiljill  it  is  tliat  Godis  chosin  children  can  dcspys  or  reject  the 
word  of  tliair  salvalion  Ijc  any  lang  eontinewunce,  nether  yit  luth 
of  it  to  t!u' end.     Often  it  is  that  Godis  elect  ar  liahlcn   iu  sic 

Y   3 


540  APPENDIX. 

bondage  and  thraUonie  that  thay  cannot  have  the  bread  of  lyfe 
brolciii  unto  thame,  nether  yit  libertie  to  exereis  thame  selves  in 
Godis  balie  word,  but  then  doith  not  Godis  deir  children  loth, 
but  maist  gredilie  do  thay  covet  the  fude  of  thair  saullis :  then 
do  they  accuise  thair  former  negligence,  then  lament  and  be- 
waill  thay  the  miserable  afflictioun  of  thair  brethren,  and 
than  cry  and  call  thay  in  thair  hartis  (and  openlie  whair  thay 
dar)  for  frie  passage  to  the  gospell,  this  hunger  and  thrist 
doith  argue  and  purife  the  lyfe  of  thair  saullis.  But  gif  sic  men 
as  having  libertie  to  reid  and  exereis  thame  selves  on  Godis  halie 
scripture,  and  yet  do  begin  to  wearie  becaus  fra  tyme  to  tyme  thay 
reid  but  a  thing;  I  ask  why  wearie  thay  not  also  everie  day  to 
drink  wyne,  to  eat  bread,  everie  day  to  behald  the  bryghtnes  of 
the  sone,  and  sa  to  us  the  rest  of  Godis  creatures  vvhilk  everie 
day  to  keip  thair  awn  substance,  cours  and  nature,  thay  sal 
anser,  I  trust,  becans  sic  creatures  have  a  strenth  as  oft  as  thay 
ar  usit  to  expel  hunger,  and  quenebe  thrist,  to  restoir  streulh,  and 
to  preserve  the  lyfe.  O  miserable  wreachis,  wha  dar  attribut 
mair  power  and  strength  to  the  corruptible  creatures,  in  nurisch- 
ing  and  preserving  the  mortal  karcas,  than  to  the  eternall  word 
of  God  in  nurissment  of  the  saule  whilk  is  immortall !  To  reasone 
with  thair  abominable  unthankfulnes  at  this  present  it  is  not  my 
purpois.  But  to  yow,  deir  brethrene,  I  wryt  my  knowledge,  and 
do  speik  my  conscience,  that  sa  necessarie  as  meat  and  drink  is 
to  the  nreservatioun  of  lyfe  corporall,  and  sa  necessarie  as  the 
heit  and  bryghtnes  of  the  sone  is  to  the  quicknyng  of  the  herbis 
and  to  expell  darknes,  sa  necessarie  is  also  to  lyfe  everlasting, 
and  to  the  illuminatioun  and  lyght  of  the  saule,  the  perpetuall 
meditatioun,  exereis,  and  use  of  Godis  halie  word. 

And  thairfoir  deir  brethren,  yf  that  ye  luke  for  a  lyfe  to  come, 
of  necessitie  it  is  that  ye  exereis  yourselves  in  the  buke  of  the 
Lord  your  God.  Lat  na  day  slip  over  Avithout  sura  comfort  res- 
savit  fra  the  mouth  of  God,  opin  your  earis,  and  he  will  speak, 
vvin  pleasing  thingis  to  your  hart.  Clois  not  your  cis,  but  dili- 
•'e!itiie  lat  tiiame  bobald  what  portioun  of  substance  is  left  to 
vow  within  your  latheris  testament.  Let  your  toungs  learne  to 
ijrais  the  gracious  goodnes  of  him  wha  of  his  meir  mercie  hath  call- 
it  )ou  fia  darknes  to  h  ght,  and  fra  deth  to  lyfe,  nether  yet  may 
ye  do  this  sa  fiiiyetlic  that  ye  will  admit  na  witnessis  ;  nay  breth- 
ren, ye  ar  ordojnit  of  God  to  reule  and  governe  your  awn  housis 
in  his  trcw  feir,  and  according  to  his  halie  word,  within  your  awu 
honsis,  I  say,  in  sum  caisis  ye  ar  bischopis  and  kingis,  your  wyfis, 
children  and  faniilie  ar  your  bishopritk  and  charge ;  of  you  it 


APPENDIX.  5M 

sal  be  rcquyrit  how  cairfullie  and  diligeiitlie  ye  have  inslriictit 
thame  in  Godis  trew  knawledge,  how  that  ye  have  studeit  in 
tharae  to  plant  vertew  and  to  repres  vyee.  And  thairfoir,  I  gay, 
ye  must  mak  thame  partakeris  in  reading,  exhortation,  and  in 
making  commoun  prayeris,  whilk  I  wald  in  everie  hoiis  wer  usit 
anis  a  day  at  leist.  But  above  all  thiiigis,  deir  brethren,  stiidie 
to  practis  in  lyfe  that  whilk  the  Lord  coininandis,  and  than  be 
ye  assurit  that  ye  sa!  never  heir  nor  reid  the  same  without  frute; 
and  this  mekill  for  the  excersisis  within  your  housis. 

Considdering  that  St.  Paul  callis  the  congregatiouue  the  bodie 
of  Chryst,  whairof  everie  ane  of  us  is  a  member,  teaching  us 
thairby  that  na  member  is  of  sufhcienee  to  susteane  and  feid  the 
self  without  the  help  and  support  of  any  uther,  I  think  it  neces- 
sarie  that  for  the  conference  of  scriptures,  assemblies  of  brether 
be  had,  the  order  thairin  to  be  observit,  is  expressit  be  sancfc 
paule,  and  thairfor  I  need  not  to  use  many  wordis  in  that  behalf. 
on!ie  willing  that  when  ye  convene,  (wliilk  I  wald  wer  anis  a 
weik)  that  your  begynniug  suld  be  fra  confessing  of  your  offences, 
and  invocatioun  of  tlie  spreit  of  the.  Lord  Jesus  to  assist  you  in 
all  your  godlie  interpryssis,  and  than  hit  sum  place  of  scripture 
he  planelie  and  distintlie  red,  samekill  as  sal  be  thoclit  suflicient 
for  a  day  or  tyme,  whilk  endit,  gif  any  brother  have  exhortatioun, 
iiiterpretatioun  or  doubt,  lat  him  not  feir  to  speik  and  move  the 
same,  sa  that  he  do  it  with  moderatiouu,  ether  to  edifie  or  be 
edifiet,  and  heirof  I  dout  not  but  great  profit  sal  schortlie  ensew, 
for  first  be  heiring,  reiding,  and  eouferring  the  scriptures  in  the 
assemblie,  the  haill  bodie  of  the  scriptures  of  God  sal  becum  fami- 
liar, the  judgement  and  spreits  of  men  salbe  tryit,thair  patience 
and  modestie  salbe  knawn,and  finallie,  their  giftis  and  utterance 
sal  appeir-  Multiplicatioun  of  wordis,  perplext  interpretatioun, 
and  wilfulnes  in  reasoning,  is  to  be  avoydit  at  all  tymes  and  in  all 
places,  but  chieflie  in  the  eongregatioun,  ^vhair  nathiug  aueht  to 
be  respectit  except  the  glorie  of  God,  and  comfort  or  edificatioun 
of  our  brethrene.  Yf  any  thing  occur  within  the  text,  or  yit  arys 
in  reasonyng,  whilk  your  judgementis  can  not  resolve,  or  capa- 
cities apprehend,  let  the  same  be  notit  and  put  in  wryt  befoir  ye 
depart  the  eongregatioun,  that  when  God  sal  offer  unto  you  any 
interpreter  your  douts  being  notit  and  knawn,  may  have  the  mair 
expedit  resolutioun,  or  els  that  when  ye  sal  have  occasioun  to 
wryt  to  sic  as  with  whome  ye  wald  communicat  your  judgementis, 
your  letteris  may  signifie  and  declair  your  unfeaned  desyre  that 
ye  have  of  God  and  of  his  trew  knawledge,  and  thay,  1  dout  not,, 
according  to  thair  talentis,  will  indeavour  and  bestow  thair  faith- 
full  laboursj  [to]  satisfie  your  godlie  pelitionis,  «»f  invself  1  will 


543  AJ»PENDIX. 

spcik  as  I  tlilnk,!  will  moir  glaidlie  spend  XV  houris  in  conimu- 
uieattiug  my  judgement  with  you,  in  explainyng  as  God  pleassis 
to  oppin  tome  any  place  of  scripture,  then  half  ane  hour  in  any 
other  matter  besyd. 

Farther,  in  reading  the  scriptures  I  wald  ye  suld  joyne  sum 
bukis  of  the  aid,  and  sum  of  the  new  Testament  together,  as  ge- 
nesis and  ane  of  the  evangelistis,  exodus  with  another,  and  sa 
furth,  ever  ending  sic  bukis  as  yebegyn,  (as  the  tyme  will  suffer) 
for  it  sal  greitly  comfort  you  to  heir  that  harmony,  and  weiltunit 
sang  of  the  hale  spreit  speiking  in  oure  fatheris  from  the  begyn- 
ing!  It  sal  confirme  you  in  theis  dangerous  and  perrellous  dayis, 
to  behald  the  face  of'Chryst  Jesus,  his  loving  spous  and  kirk, 
from  eabell  to  him  self,  and  frome  him  self  to  this  day,  in  all 
ageis  to  be  ane.  Be  frequent  in  the  prophetis  and  in  the  epistellis 
of  St,  paule.  for  the  multitude  of  matteris  maist  comfortable 
thairin  containit,  requyreth  exercis  and  gud  memorie.  Lyke  as 
your  assemblis  aucht  to  begyn  with  coufessioun  and  invocatioun 
of  Godis  halie  spreit,  sa  wald  I  that  thay  wer  never  finissit  with- 
out thanksgiving  and  conimoun  prayeris  for  princes,  ruleris,  and 
majestratis,  for  the  libertieand  frie  passage  ofChrystis  evangell, 
for  the  comfort  and  delyverance  of  oure  afliictit  brethrene  in  all 
places  now  persecutit,  but  maist  cruellie  now  within  the  realme 
of  france  and  Ingland,  and  for  sic  uther  thingis  as  the  spreit  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  sal  teaehe  unto  you  to  be  profitable  ether  to  your 
selves  or  yit  to  your  brethrene  w  hairsoever  thay  be.  If  this,  or 
Iretter,  deir  brethrene,  I  sal  heir  that  ye  exercis  your  selves,  than 
will  I  prais  God  for  your  great  obedience,  as  for  tlianie  that  not 
onlie  have  ressavit  the  word  of  grace  with  gladnes,  but  that  also 
withcair  and  diligence  do  keip  the  same  as  a  treasure  and  Jewell 
maist  precious.  x\nd  becaus  that  I  can  not  expect  that  ye  will 
do  the  contrarie  at  the  present.  1  w  ill  use  na  threatenings,  for  my 
gud  hoip  is.  that  ye  sal  walk  as  the  sonis  of  lyght  in  the  middis 
of  this  w  ickct  gcnertioun,  that  ye  sal  be  as  starris  in  the  nyghf  ceas- 
sone,  wha  yit  ar  not  changeit  into  darknes,  tbat  ye  salbe  as  wheit 
amangis  the  kokill,  and  yit  tliat  ye  sal  not  change  your  nature 
whilk  ye  have  ressavit  be  grace,  through  the  fellowship  and  par- 
ticipatioun  whilk  we  have  with  the  Lord  Jesus  in  hisbodie  and 
blude.  And  finallie,  that  ye  saibe  of  the  nouniber  of  the  prudent 
virgins,  daylie  renewing  your  lanipis  with  oyle,  as  the  that  pa- 
cientlie  abyd  the  glorious  aparitioun  and  cuming  of  the  Lord 
Jesus,  whais  omnipotent  spreit  rule  and  instruct,  illuminat  and 
comfort  your  liartis  in  allassaltis,  now'and  ever.     Amen. 


APPENDIX.  543 

The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  rest  with  you.      Remember  my 
weaknes  in  your  daylie  prayeris. 

the  7  of  July,  1556. 

your  brother  unfeaned, 

Johne  Knox. 

No.  VI.     [MS.  Letters,  p.  335-6.] 

To  his  Sister. 

The  spreit   of  God   the  father  be  Jesus  Chryst,  comfort  and 

assist  yow  to  the  end.     Amen. 

Touching  the  sonis  of  Jacob,  who  eruellie  contrar  <o  tliair  so- 
lempned  promeis  and  othe,  did  murther  and  slay  tlie  eilisciiis  of 
Sichem ;  whasa  ryghtlie  marketh  the  scriptures  of  God,  sal  easelie 
«spy  thame  maist  grevouslie  to  have  offendit.  Ffor  all)eit  tiie 
transgressioun  of  the  young  man  was  haynous  befoir  God,  yit  wer 
f hay  na  civill  majestratis,  and  thairfoir  had  na  autoritie  to  piinis. 
And  farther,  timy  committit  treasone,  and  in  sa  fer  as  in  thame 
was,  blasphemit  God  and  his  halie  name,  making  it  odius  to  tlie 
natiouis  about,  seing  thay  under  the  pretence  of  religioun,  and  of 
ressaving  thame  in  leage  with  God  and  with  the  pcpill,  did 
disceatfullie  as  also  eruellie  destroy  the  haill  citie  susj)ccting  na 
danger.  Albeit  sum  laboureth  to  cxeus  thair  syn  be  the  zeall 
thay  had  that  thay  myght  not  suffer  thair  sister  to  be  abusit  lyke 
ane  harlot,  yit  the  spreit  of  God  speiking  in  thair  a\ni  father 
efter  langadvysemcntin  theextreamitie  of  his  deth,ntterliedanip- 
neth  thair  wickit  act,  saying,  '•  Semioun  and  Levi,  bretlirrn,  &c. 
latnot  my  sauleentir  in  tliair  consall,  nor  yit  my  glorie  isilo  thair 
company,  for  in  thair  furie  thay  killit  a  man,  and  for  tliair  lust, 
destroit  the  citie,  cursit  is  tliair  heit  or  rage  for  it  is  vehement, 
and  thair  indignatioun  for  it  is  untractable,  I  sail  dispers  thame 
in  Jacob  and  scatter  thame  abrod  in  Israeli."  Heir  may  ye  espy, 
sister,  that  God  dampneth  tliair  het  displeasure  and  cruel!  act  as 
niaist  wickit  and  worthie  of  punisment.  But  perchance  it  may 
be  inquyrit  why  did  God  suffer  the  men  that  had  professit  his 
name  be  ressaving  tlie  sign  of  circumcisioun  sa  uiuiiercifullie  to 
be  intreatit.  I  myght  answer,  God  siifteris  his  awn  in  all  ageis 
be  the  ungodlie  to  be  eruellie  tormentit.  But  sic  was  not  the  case 
of  thir  men  whom  na  dout  the  justice  of  God  faund  cryminall 
and  worthie  the  deth.  Ffor  thay  did  abus  his  sacramentallsigno, 
reeeaving  it  nether  at  Godis  commandmeiit  nor  having  any  re- 
spect to  his  honour  nor  to  the  advancement  of  his  name,  iior  ^it 
trusting  in  liis  proniissis  nor  desyreing  the  ineres  or  multip'ica- 


5M  APPENDIX. 

tioun  of  Godis  pipill,  but  onlie  for  a  warldlie  purpois,  thinking 
thairl)y  to  have  altayiiit  ryches  and  ease,  be  jojning  thameselves 
to  Godis  pepill.  And  sa  the  justice  of  God  faund  thame  worthie 
of  punisment,  and  sa  pennittit  thame  justlie  on  his  part  to  be 
afflictit  and  destroyit  be  the  ungodlie,  whilk  is  a  terribil  exempill 
to  sic  as  in  caus  of  religioun  niair  seikis  the  profit  of  the  warld 
nor  eternall  salvatioun.  But  heirof  na  niair.  Thus  briffie  and 
rudlie  have  I  m  rittin  unto  vow  becaus  I  remember  myself  anis 
to  have  maid  yow  a  promeis  sa  to  do,  and  everie  word  of  the 
mouth  of  the  faithfull  (yf  sa  iaipeid  not  God)  aught  to  be  keipit. 
And  now  rest  in  Chryst.  After  this  1  think  ye  sail  resave  na  mair 
of  my  haudis.  In  haist  with  sair  trubillit  hart. 
Yours  as  ever  in  Godlines, 

[Anno  1553.]  Johne  Knox. 

No.  Vil.    [Cald  MS.  Vol.  I.  p.  427.*] 

Extract  of  a  Letter  to  Mrs.  Anne  Locke.  (See  p.  188.) 

The  Queen  and  her  counsel!  made  promise  that  no  per- 
son witiiin  Sanct  Johnston,  neither  yet  of  these  that  assisted 
them,  should  be  troubled  for  any  tiling  done  either  in  religion, 
either  yet  in  down  casting  of  places,  till  the  sentance  of  the  es- 
tates in  Parliament  had  decided  the  controversie,  and  that  no 
bands  of  French  souldiers  should  be  left  behind  tbe  Queen  and 
counsel!  in  the  (own,  and  that  no  idolatrie  should  be  erected  nor 
alteration  made  within  the  town.  But  after  slie  had  obtained 
her  desire,  al!  godlie  promises  were  forgotten,  for  the  Sunday 
next  after  her  entering,  mess  wersaid  upon  a  dyeing  iahle  (for  ye 
shall  understand  all  the  altars  were  prophaned;)  the  poor  pro- 
fessors ^\cre  oppressed  :  when  children  were  slain,  she  did  but 
smile,  excusing  the  fiict  be  the  chance  of  fortune;  and  at  her 
departure  she  left  400  souldiers,  Scoitismen,  but  paid  Iiy  France, 
to  dantoun  the  town.  She  ciiangcd  the  provist  and  exiled  all 
e;odlie  men.  Tiiis  cruellie  and  deceit  displeased  many  that  before 
assisted  her  with  their  presence  and  counscll,  and  among  others 
the  earl  of  Argyie  and  tlic  prior  of  Sanct  Andrews  left  [her,]  and 
joyned  themselves  to  the  congregation  openly,  wliilk  as  it  was 
displeasing  to  her  and  to  the  shavellings,  so  it  was  most  comfort- 
able and  joyfull  to  us,  for  by  tlicir  presence  Mere  the  hearts  of 
many  erected  from  desj»eration.  At  tlieir  commandment  I  re- 
paired to  them  to  St.  Andrewis,  wher  consultation  l)eing  had,  it 
Avas  concluded  tliat  Clirist  Jesus  should  there  be  openlie  preach- 
ed, that  tiiL- places  and  nioniwiients  of  idolatrie  should  be  removed, 

»  The  following'  letters  froiii  <'.,M.  i-.vood,  have  l>ocn  corrected  by  ront- 
nariuir  different  MSb", 


APPENDIX.  545 

and  superstitious  habits  changed.  This  reformation  was  hegun 
the  14th  of  June.  In  the  meantime  came  the  bishop  of  St.  An- 
drewis  to  the  towne  accompanied  with  a  great  band  of  warriours, 
and  gave  a  strate  commandment  that  no  preaching  should  be 
made  by  me  who  was  both  brunt  in  figure  and  horned,  assuring; 
the  lords  that  if  they  suffered  me  to  preach  that  twelve  haque- 
buts  should  lyght  upon  my  nose  at  once.  O  burning  eharitie  of 
abloodie  bishop!  But  as  that  boast  did  little  affray  me,  so  did  it 
more  incense  and  inflamme  with  courage  the  harts  of  the  godlie, 
who  with  one  voyce  proclaimed  that  Christ  Jesus  should  be 
preached  in  despite  of  Sathan,  and  so  that  Sabbath  and  three 
dayes  after  I  did  occupy  the  publike  place  in  the  midst  of  the 
doctors  who  this  day  are  even  as  dumbe  as  their  idols  which  wer 
brunt  in  their  presence.  The  bishop  departed  to  the  Queene, 
frustrat  of  his  intent,  for  he  had  promised  to  bring  me  to  her 
either  alive  or  dead  :  and  incontinent  was  a  new  army  assembled, 
and  forward  they  march  against  St.  Andrews.  It  was  not 
thought  expedient  that  we  should  abide  tl:em  lurking  in  a  town, 
and  so  Ave  past  to  the  fields  and  met  thera  at  Couper,  where  lodg- 
ing was  appointed  for  the  camp,  but  we  prevented  them;  where 
we  remained  upon  their  coming  till  the  nixt  day,  when  both  armies 
were  in  sight  of  other  within  shot  of  cannon,  and  we  looked  for 
nothing  but  the  extremitie  of  battle:  not  that  we  intended  to  pur- 
sue, but  only  to  stand  in  camp  where  our  field  was  pitched  for 
defence  of  ourselves.  There  came  from  our  adversaries  ane  am- 
bassadour  desiring  speech  and  communing  of  the  lords,  which 
gladlie  of  us  being  granted,  after  long  reasoning  the  queene  of- 
fered a  free  remission  of  all  crimes  bypast,  sua  that  they  would 
no  furder  proceed  against  friars  and  abbayes,  and  that  no  more 
preaching  should  be  used  publicklie.  But  the  lords  and  the 
brethren  refused  such  appointment,  declaring  that  the  fear  of  no 
mortal  creature  should  cause  them  ijetray  the  veritie  known  and 
professed,  neither  yet  to  suaer  idolatri  to  be  maintained  in  the 
bounds  committed  to  their  ciiaige.  The  adversaries  perceiving 
that  neither  threatening,  flatterie,  nor  deceit,  could  break  the 
bold  constaneie  and  godlie  purpose  of  the  lords,  barons,  gentle- 
men, and  commons,  who  were  there  assembled  to  the  number  of 
.3000  in  one  days  warning,  they  were  content  to  take  assurance 
for  8  days,  permitting  unto  us 'freedom  (ti  religion  in  the  mean 
time.  In  the  whiik  the  abbay  of  Lindores,  a  place  of  biack 
monkes,  distant  from  St.  Andrewis  twelve  myles  we  reformed, 
their  altars  overthrew  we,  their  idols,  vestments  of  idolatrie,^ 
and  mass  books  we  burnt  in  their  presence,  and  commanded  them 
ta  cast  away  their  monkish  habits.      Divers  chanons  of  St.  An- 


546  APPENDIX. 

drewis  have  given  notable  confessions  and  have  declared  them- 
selves manifest  enemies  to  the  pope,  to  the  mass,  and  to  all  su- 
perstition. [Then  follows  what  is  inserted  p.  195.]  We  fear  that 
the  tyrannic  of  France  shall,  under  the  cloak  of  relii^ion,  seek  a 
plain  conquest  of  us;  but  potent  is  God  to  confound  their  coun- 
sell  and  to  break  their  force.  God  move  the  hearts  of  such  as 
profess  Christ  Jesus  with  us,  to  have  respect  to  our  infancie. 
and  open  their  eyes  to  see  that  our  ruin  shall  be  their  destruction. 
Communicat  the  contents  hereof  (which  I  write  to  you,  least 
by  divers  rumours  ye  should  be  troubled  and  wee  slandered)  with 
all  faithfull,  but  especiallie  with  the  afflicted  of  that  little  flock, 
now  dispersed  and  destitute  of  these  pleasant  pastures,  in  m  hich 
some  tynie  they  fed  abundantlie.  If  any  remain  at  Geneva  let 
cither  this  same  or  the  double  of  it  be  sent  unto  them,  and  like^ 
ways  unto  my  dear  brotlier  Mr.  Goodman,  whose  presence  I  more 
thrist  for  than  slie  that  is  my  own  flesh.  Will  him  therfor  in 
the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  (all  delay  and  excuse  set  apart)  to 
visit  me  ;  for  the  necessity  is  great  here.  If  he  comes  be  sea,  let 
him  be  addressed  unto  Dundee,  and  let  him  ask  for  George  Le- 
vell,  for  George  Hollock.  or  for  Wm.  Carmichael.  If  he  come  to 
Leith,  let  him  repair  to  Edinburgh,  and  enquire  for  James  Baron, 
Edward  Hope.  Adam  Fullertoun,  or  for  John  Johnston  writer, 
be  whom  he  will  get  knowledge  of  me.  If  my  mother  and  my  wife 
come  be  you,  will  them  to  make  the  expedition  that  goodly  they 
can  to  visit  me,  or  at  least  to  come  to  the  north  parts,  where  they 
shall  know  my  mind,  which  now  I  can  not  write,  being  oppressed 
with  hourly  cares.  This  bearer  is  a  poor  man  unknown  in  the 
country,  to  whom  I  beseech  you  shew  reasonable  favour  and 
tenderness,  touching  his  merchandize  and  the  just  selling  thereof. 
Thus,  with  hearty  commendatiouns  to  all  faithful.  1  heartily 
commit  you  to  the  protection  of  the  Omnipotent.  From  Sanct 
Andrewes  the  2Sd  of  June  1559. 

No.  VIII.     [Cald.  MS.  I.  380.] 

Extract  of  a  Letter  to  Mrs.  Anne  Locke,  dated  6th  of  April  1559. 

(See  p.  384.) 

Your  letters,  dear  sister,  dated  at  Geneva  the  17th  of  Fe- 
bruary, received  I  in  Dcepe  the  iTlh  of  March.  Touching  my 
negligence  in  writing  to  yon,  at  other  limes  I  fear  it  shall  be  little 
amended,  except  that  better  occasions  than  yet  Iknow  be  ottered. 
For  oi't  to  write  when  few  messingers  can  be  found  is  but  foolish- 
ness. My  rememberance  of  you  is  not  yet  so  dead,  but  I  trust  it 
shall  be  fresh  enough,  albeit  it  I.e  ^ene^*e(l  !)<•  •">  ^^iitward  inkin. 


APPENDIX.  547 

for  one  year.  Of  nature  I  am  churlish,  and  iu  conditions  differ- 
ent from  many.  Yet  one  thing  I  ashame  not  to  affirme  that  fa- 
miliarity once  thoroughly  contracted  was  never  yet  broken  be  my 
default.  The  cause  may  be  that  I  have  rather  need  of  all  than 
that  any  have  need  of  me. 

No.  IX.     [Cald.  I.  322.] 
To  Mrs.  Anne  Locke.     (See  p.  217.) 

Lest  that  the  rumours  of  our  troubles,  trouble  you  above  mea- 
sure, dear  sister,  I  thought  good  in  these  few  words  to  signifie 
unto  you  that  our  esperanee  is  yet  good  in  our  God,  that  he  for 
his  great  names  sake  will  give  such  success  to  this  enterprise  as 
nether  shall  these  whom  he  hath  appointed  to  sigh  in  this  be  ut- 
terlie  confounded,  neither  yet  that  our  enemies  shall  have  occa- 
sion to  blaspheme  the  verity,  nor  yet  triumph  over  us  iu  the  end. 
We  trusted  too  much,  dear  sister,  in  our  own  strenth,  and  special- 
lie  since  the  erl  of  Arran  and  his  friends  were  joyned  to  our  num- 
ber. Amongst  us  also  were  such  as  more  sought  the  purse  than 
Christ's  glory.  Wee  by  this  overthrow  are  brought  to  acknow- 
ledge, what  is  a  multitude  without  the  present  help  of  God  !  and 
the  hollow  harts  of  many  are  now  revealed.  God  make  us  humble 
in  his  eyes,  and  then  I  fear  not  the  furie  of  the  adversaries,  who, 
be  ye  assured,  doe  sore  rage,  so  as  yet  their  crueltie  must  neids 
crave  vengeance  from  him  whose  members  they  persecute.  Our 
dear  brethren  and  sisters  in  Edinburgh  and  Lothian  who  lay 
nearest  these  bloode  thristy  tyrants,  are  so  troubled  and  vexed 
that  it  is  a  pity  to  remember  their  estate.  Our  God  comfort  them. 
We  stand  universally  in  great  fear,  and  yet  we  hope  deliverance. 
I  M  rote  to  you  before  to  be  suitor  to  some  faithful!,  that  they 
would  move  such  as  have  abundance  to  consider  our  estate,  and 
to  make  for  us  some  provision  of  money  to  keep  soldiers  and  our 
company  together.  And  herein  yet  again  I  cannot  cease  to  move 
you.  I  can  not  well  write  to  any  otber  because  the  action  may 
seem  to  appertaine  to  my  own  country  onlie.  Butbecause  I  trust 
ye  suspect  me  not  of  avarice,  I  am  bold  to  say  to  you  that  if  we 
perish  in  this  our  enterprise,  the  limits  of  London  will  be  straiter 
than  they  are  now  within  few  years.  Many  things  I  have  v.hicli 
1  would  have  required  for  myself,  namely  Calvin  on  Isaiah,  and 
his  institutions  revised.  But  common  troubles  cause  me  to  ne- 
glect all  private  business.  If  ye  can  find  the  means  to  send  me' 
the  books  before  written,  or  any  other  that  be  new  and  profitable, 
I  will  provide  that  ye  shall  receive  the  prices  upon  your  adver- 
tisement.   Mv  wife  salnteth  you.    Salnteall  faithfuU  heartilie  in 

Z  P. 


548  APPENDIX. 

my  name,  especially  those  of  familiar  acquaintance,  of  whom  i 
crave  pardou  that  I  write  not,  being  not  so  quiet  as  ye  would  wish. 
My  onlie  comfort  is  that  our  troubles  shal  pass  sooner,  perad- 
venture  than  oiir  enemies  look.  Grace  be  with  you.  From  St. 
Andrews  in  haste  the  ISth  November  1559.     Yours  known. 

John  Knox. 
Mr.  Guderaan  is  in  tlie  west  country  in  Ayr  who  willed  me  to 
salute  you  in  his  name  so  oft  as  I  wrote  you. 

No.  X.     [Cald.  I.  524.] 
To  the  same.     (See  p.  217.) 

We  shall  meet  when  death  shall  not  dissever. 

Two  letters  I  have  received  from  you,  dear  sister,  both  almost 
at  one  time,  the  one  is  dated  at  London  the  28th  of  November,  the 
other  of  the  same  place  the  2ud  of  December.  The  letter  of  the 
last  date  I  first  read,  which  made  mention  of  your  trouble  be  rea- 
son of  a  siiddan  fire  in  a  lodging  near  to  you;  that  you  had 
sought  all  means  for  our  support  as  well  of  those  of  high  as  of 
low  degree;  but  that  it  was  not  needfull  that  any  thing  should 
be  sent  unto  us  because  it  was  supposed  that  the  highest  would 
support  us;  and  last  that  ye  had  not  received  the  answer  of  your 
doubts.  In  your  other  letters,  after  your  most  comfortable  dis- 
course of  God's  providence  for  his  people  in  their  greatest  neces- 
sitie,  ye  godlie  and  truiie  conclude  that  neither  could  their  un- 
worthiness,  neither  yet  their  want  of  things  judged  necessarie 
for  their  preservation  stop  his  majestie's  mercie  from  them.  There- 
after ye  will  me  to  avoid  danger  and  rather  to  fight  by  prayer  in 
some  place  removed  from  danger  than  expose  my  self  to  the  ha- 
zard of  battel!,  and  so  ye  conclude  by  praising  God's  mercie  as 
did  Jeremy  in  his  greatest  anguish,  &c. 

"What  support  should  come  to  us  be  consent  of  counsell  and 
authoritie  liim  uncertain.  But  suppose  it  shall  be  greater  than 
yet  isbruted,  tliat  ought  not  to  stay  the  liberall  hands  of  the  god- 
lie  to  support  us  privatelie.  For  the  publick  support  of  an  army 
shall  not  make  such  as  now  be  siiperexpended  able  to  serve  with- 
out private  support.  I  will  make  the  matter  more  plain  be  one 
example.  I  know  one  tnan  that  since  tlie  10th  of  May  hath  spent 
in  this  action  thirteen  thousand  crowns  of  the  sumnie  [sonne,] 
besydes  his  victuals  and  other  fruits  of  the  ground.  His  treasure 
being  now  consumed,  he  cannot  without  support  susteane  the 
number  viiich  before  he  biought  to  the  Held.     If  ho  and  such. 


APPENDIX.  Md 

♦ithers  that  are  in  lyke  condition  with  him  shall  he  absent,  or  yet 
if  their  numbers  shall  decay,  our  enemies  shall  seem  to  prevail 
in  the  field,  and  therfor  desired  I  some  polleetion  to  be  made,  to 
the  end  that  the  present  necessitie  of  some  mii^lit  have  been  re- 
lieved.   If  the  matter  pertained  not  to  my  native  eountrie  I  would 
be  more  vehement  in  persuasion,  hut  God  sliall  support  even  how, 
•when,  and  by  whom  it  shall  please  his  blessed  majestie.     Sorry 
I  am  that  ye  have  not  received  my  answer  unto  your  doubts,  not 
so  much  that  I  think  that  ye  j^reatlie  need  them,  as  tliat  I  would 
not  put  you  in  suspicion  that  I  contemned  your  requests.      The 
rest  of  my  wife  hath  been  so  unrestful  since  her  arrival  here,  that 
scarcelie  could  she  tell  upon  the  morrow  what  she  wrote  at  night. 
She  cannot  find  my  first  extract.     And  therfor  if  any  scruple  re- 
niaine  in  your  conscience,  put  pen  again  to  paper,  and  look  for 
ane  answer  as  God  shall  give  opportunitie.     God  make  your  self 
participant  of  the  same  comfort  which  you  wrote  unto  me:  and 
in  very  deed,  dear  sister,  I  have  no  less  need  of  comfort,  notwith- 
standing that  I  am  not  altogether  ignorant,  than  hath  the  bound 
man  to  be  fed,  albeit  in  store  he  hath  great  substance.  I  have  read 
the  cares  and  tentations  of  Moses,  and  sometymes  I  have  sup- 
posed myself  to  be  well  practised  in  such  dangerous  battells.  But 
alace !    I  now  perceive  that  all  my  practice  hefore  Mas  but  mere 
speculation,  for  one  day  of  troubles  since  my  last  arrival  in  Scot- 
land hath  more  pierced  my  heart  than  all  the  torment  of  the  gal- 
leys did  the  space  of  19  months.     For  that  torment  for  the  most 
part  did  touch  the  bodie,  but  this  pierceth  the  soul  and  inward  af- 
fections.    Then  Avas  I  assuredlie  persuaded  that  I  should  not  die 
untill  I  had  preached  Christ  Jesus  even  where  I  now  am,  and 
yet  having  now  my  heart's  desyre,  I  am  nothing  satisfied,  neither 
yet  rejoice.      My  God  remove  ray  unthankfulness.     From  Sanct 
Andrews  the  last  of  December  1559. 


Yours  known  in  Christ. 


John  Knox. 


No.  XI.     [Cald.  I.  p.  533.] 
To  the  same.     (See  p.  218.) 
The   eternal  our  God    shall  shortly  put  an  end  to  all    our 
troubles. 

Lest  that  sinister  rumours  should  trouble  yon  above  measure, 
dear  sister,  I  cannot  but  certify  you  of  our  estate  as  often  as  con- 
venient messengers  occur.  The  French,  as  before  I  wrote  unto 
you,  have  pursued  us  with  great  furie,  but  God  halh  so  bridled 


516  APPENDIX. 

then!,  that  si?ice  the  5th  day  when  they  put  to  flight  the  men  of 
Kinghorn,  Kircaldy,  and  Dysart,  they  have  had  of  us  (all  praise 
be  to  our  God)  no  advantage.     They  lost  in  a  morning  a  lieuten- 
ant, the  boldest  of  their  company,  and  forty  of  their  bravest  sol- 
diers, diverse  of  < hem  having  been  taken  and  diverse  slain  in  skir- 
mishing.     They  have  done  greatest  harm  to  such  as  did  best 
entertain  them ;  for  from  them  they  have  taken  sheep,  horse,  and 
plenishing.  Our  friends,  and  foes  to  them,  did  continually  remove 
from  their  way,  all  moveables  that  to  them  appertained.     They 
have  casten  down  to  the  ground  the  laird  of  Grange's  principal 
house,  called  the  Grange,  and  have  spoiled  his  other  plsices.  God 
will  recompense  him,  I  doubt  not,  for  in  this  cause  and  since  the 
beginning  of  this  last  trouble  specially,  he  hath  behaved  himself 
so  boldly  as  never  man  of  our  realm  hath  deserved  more  praise. 
He  hath  been  in  many  dangers,  and  yet  God  hath  delivered  him 
above  mens  expectation.     He  was  shot  at  Lundie  right  under  the 
left  pape,  thorrow  the  jacket,  doublet,  and  shirt,  and  the  bullet 
did  stick  in  one  of  his  ribs.     Mr.  Whitelaw  hath  gotten  a  fall, 
by  which  he  is  unable  to  bear  arms.     But  God   be  praised  both 
their  lives  be  saved.      I  remained  all  this  time  in  St.  Andrews 
with  sorrowful  heart,  and  yet  as  God  did  minister  his  spirit  com- 
forting the  afflicted,  who,  albeit  they  quaked  for  a  time,  yet  do 
now  praise  God  who  suddenly  averted  from  them  that  terrible 
plague  devised  for  them  by  the  ungodly.     The  French  men  ap- 
proached within  6  miles,  yet  at  the  sight  of  certain  of  your  ships, 
they  retired  more  in  one  day  than  they  advanced  in  ten.      We 
have  had  wonderful  experience  of  God's  merciful  providence, 
and  for  my  own  part  I  were  more  than  unthankful  if  1  should  not 
confess  that  God  hath  heard  the  sobs  of  my  wretched  heart,  and 
hath  not  deceived  me  of  that  little  spark  of  hope  which  his  holy 
spirit  did  kindle  and  foster  in  my  heart.  God  give  me  grace  to  ac- 
knowledge his  benefit  received,  and  to  make  such  fruit  of  it  as  be - 
Cometh  his  servant.  If  ye  can  find  a  messenger,!  heartily  pray  you 
to  send  me  the  books  for  which  1  wrote  before.  1  must  be  bold  over 
your  liberality  not  only  in  that,  but  in  greater  things  as  I  shall 
need.     Please  you  cause  this  other  letter  inclosed  be  surely  con- 
veyed to  Miles  Coverdale.      Salute  all  faithfull  acquaintance, 
Mr.  Hickman  and  his  bedfellow,  your  husband,  Mr.  Michael  and 
his  spouse  as  unacquainted,  specially  remembered.     1  know  not 
what  of  our  brethren  at  Geneva  be  with  you.     But  such  as  be 
there  I  beseech  you  to  say  that  I  think  that  1  myself  do  now  find 
the  truth  of  that  which  oft  I  liave  said  in  tlieir  audience,  to  wit 
that  after  our  departure  from  Geneva  should  our  dolour  beginna, 


APJ'ENDIX.  551 

But  my  {;ood  hope  is  in  God  that  it  shall  end  to  his  glorj-  and 
our  comfoit.  Rest  in  Christ  Jesus.  From  Sanct  Andrews  the 
4th  of  February  1559. 

Your  brother. 

John  Knox. 

No.  XII.  [Cald.  II.  p.  89.] 
To  Mr.  John  Wood,  Secretary  to  the  Regent,  14th  Feb.  1568. 
My  purpose,  beloved  in  the  Lord,  concerning  that  which  oft, 
and  now  last  ye  crave,  I  wrote  to  you  before,  from  vhich  I  can 
not  he  moved,  and  therefore,  of  my  friends  I  will  ask  pardon, 
howbeit  no  that  one  head  I  play  the  churle,  retaining  to  myself 
that  which  Aviii  ritber  hurt  me  than  proiit  them,  during  my  days, 
which  I  hope  in  God  shall  not  be  long,  and  then  it  shall  be  in  the 
opinion  of  others  whether  it  shall  be  suppressed,  or  come  to 
light,*  God  for  his  great  mercies  sake  put  such  end  to  the  trou- 
bles of  France,  as  the  purity  of  his  evangell  may  have  free  pass- 
age within  that  realme;  and  idolatry  with  the  maintainors  of  the 
same  may  once  be  overthrown  be  order  of  justice,  or  otherwise  as 
his  godly  wisdom  hath  appointed.  In  my  opinion  England  and 
Scotland  have  both  no  less  cause  to  fear  than  the  faithfull  in  France, 
for  what  they  suffer  in  present  action  is  laid  up  in  store,  let  us  be  as- 
sured, for  both  countries.  The  ground  of  my  assurance  is  not  the  de- 
termination of  the  council  of  Trent,  for  that  decree  is  but  the  utter- 
ance of  their  own  malice;  but  the  justice  of  God  is  my  assurance,  for 
it  cannot  spare  to  punish  all  realmes  and  nations  that  is  or  shall  be 
like  to  Jerusalem,  against  w'lose  iniquity  God  long  cried  be  his 
servants  the  prophets,  but  found  no  repentance.  The  Truth  of 
God  hath  been  noAv  of  some  years  manifested  to  both,  but  what 
obedience,  the  words,  works  and  behaviour  of  men  give  sufficient 
testimony.  God  grant  Mr.  Gudman  a  prosperous  and  happy  suc- 
cess in  the  acceptation  of  his  charge,  and  in  all  his  other  enter- 
prises to  God's  glory  and  the  comfort  of  his  kirk:  and  so  will  I 
the  more  patiently  bear  his  absence,  weaning  myself  from  all 
comfort  that  I  looked  to  have  received  by  his  presence  and  fa- 
miliarity. Because  I  have  the  testimony  of  a  good  conscience, 
that  in  writing  of  that  treatise  against  which  so  many  worldly 
men  have  stormed,  and  yet  storm,  I  neither  sought  myself  nor 
worldly  promotion,  and  because  as  yet  I  have  neither  heard  nor 

*  He  seems  to  refci"  here  to  his  Hiitor}-  of  the  Reformation. 


552  APPENDIX. 

seen  laiv  uor  sc:i?)ture  (o  overthrow  my  ground,*  I  may  appeal  to 
a  more  indiffeixiit  judge  than  Dr.  Jewell.  I  would  most  gladly 
pass  through  the  course  that  God  hath  appointed  to  my  labours, 
in  meditation  with  my  God,  and  giving  thanks  to  his  holy  name, 
for  that  it  hath  pleased  his  mercy  to  make  me  not  a  lord  bishop, 
but  a  painful  preacher  of  his  blessed  evangell,  in  the  function 
whereof  it  hath  pleased  his  majesty  for  Christ  his  son's  sake  to 
deliver  me  from  the  contradiction  of  mere  enemies  than  one  or 
two,  which  makethme  the  more  slow  and  less  careful  to  revenge 
be  word  or  writ  whatever  injury  hath  been  done  against  me  in  my 
own  particular.  But  if  that  men  will  not  cease  to  impugne  the 
truth,  the  faithfull  will  pardon  me  if  I  offend  such  as  for  plea- 
sure of  flesh  fear  not  to  offend  God.  The  defence  and  maintenance 
of  superstitious  trifles  produced  never  better  fruit  in  the  end  than 
I  perceive  is  budding  amongst  you,  schisrae,  which  no  doubt  is  a 
forerunner  of  greater  desolation  unless  there  be  speedy  repent- 
ance.— [27t€  reader  will  find  ichat  follows  already  quoted  in  a- 
note  at  the  foot  of  p.  322.]  The  faithfull  of  your  acquaintance 
here  salute  you.    The  grace  of  our  Lord  rest  with  you. 


No.  XIII.     [Cald.  II.  107.} 

To  the  same.     (See  p.  323.) 

I  thank  you  heartily,  dearly  beloved  in  the  Lord  Jesus,  that  j-e 
had  such  remembrance  of  me  as  to  certify  of  that  part  which  not 
a  little  troubled  and  yet  troubleth  me.  What  I  have  done  or  am 
able  to  do  in  that  behalf  I  will  not  trouble  you  at  this  present, 
this  only  excepted,  that  it  will  please  you  to  travel  as  in  the  end 
of  your  letter  ye  write  ye  would  do,  to  wit,  that  my  sons  might  be 
Denezans  there.  I  am  informed  both  be  letter  and  be  tongue, 
besides  conjectures  that  probably  may  be  gathered,  that  the  Duke 
and  his  friends  arc  inflamed  against  me.  Offer  than  once  I  have 
called  to  mind  your  words  to  me  that  day  that  I  had  been  more 
than  vehement,  as  some  men  thought,  in  the  end  of  the chap- 
ter of  John's  Evangell  concerning  the  treasonable  departure  of 
Judas  from  Christ,  and  of  the  causes  thereof.  Before  that  I  came 
forth  of  the  preaching  place  ye  said.  Before  my  God  I  think  your 
eyes  shall  see  performed  that  m  hich  your  mouth  hath  pronounced. 
My  words  were  these,  I  fear  that  such  as  have  entered  Mith  us 

'•  Referring'  most  probably,  to  his  Treatise  against  Female  GovermnenL 


APPENDIX.  55S 

in  professing  of  the  Evangell,  as  Judas  did  with  Christ,  shall  de- 
part and  follow  Judas,  how  soon  the  expectation  of  gain  and  world- 
ly promotion  faileth  them.  Time  will  try  farther,  and  we  shall 
see  overmuch.  We  look  daily  for  the  arrival  of  the  duke  and  his 
Frenchmen  sent  to  restore  Satan  to  his  kingdome,  in  the  person 
of  his  dearest  lieutenant,  sent,  I  say,  to  repress  religion,  not  from 
the  king  of  France,  hut  from  the  Cardinall  of  Lorrane  in  favour  of 
his  dearest  niece.  Lett  England  take  heed,  for  surely  their  neigh- 
bours houses  are  on  fire.  I  would,  dear  brother,  that  ye  should 
travell  with  zealous  men,  that  they  may  consider  our  estate. 
What  I  would  say,  ye  may  easily  conjecture.  Without  support 
we  are  not  able  to  resist  the  force  of  the  domesticall  enemies  (un- 
less God  work  miraculously)  much  less  are  we  able  to  stand 
against  the  puissance  of  France,  the  substance  of  the  Pope,  and 
the  malice  of  the  house  of  Guise,  unless  we  be  comforted  be  other* 
than  by  yourselves.  Ye  know  our  estate,  and  therefore  I  will 
not  insist  to  deplore  our  poverty.  The  whole  comfort  of  the 
enemies  is  this,  that  be  treason  or  other  means  they  may  cutt  oft" 
the  Regent,  and  then  cutt  the  throat  of  the  innocent  king.  How 
narrowly  hatli  the  regent  escaped  once,  I  suppose  ye  have  heard. 
As  their  malice  is  not  quenched,  so  ceaseth  not  the  practice  of 
the  wicked,  to  put  in  execution  the  cruelty  devised.  I  live  as  a 
man  already  dead  from  all  affairs  civill,  and  therefore  I  praise 
my  God;  for  so  I  have  some  quietness  in  spirit,  and  time  to  me- 
ditate on  death,  and  upon  the  troubles  I  have  long  feared  and 
foreseeth.  The  Lord  assist  you  with  his  holy  spirit  and  put  au 
end  to  my  travells,  to  his  own  glory,  and  to  the  comfort  of  his 
kirk;  for  assuredly,  brother,  this  miserable  life  is  bitter  unto 
me.  Saiute  your  bedfellow  iu  my  name,  and  the  rest  in  Christ 
Jesus.  The  faithfull  here  salute  ycu.  The  grace  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  rest  with  you  for  ever. 

Of  Edinburgh  the  10  of  September  1508. 

No  XIV.  [Cald.  n.p.  144.] 
Extract  of  a  Letter  "To  a  friend  in  England."     (See  p.  384. J 

Of  Edinburgh,  19th  August,  1569. 

If  from  day  to  day  thir   seveo  years  bypast,  I   had    not 

looked  for  ane  end  of  my  travells,!  could  have  no  excuse  ofmv 
obstinate  fault  toward  you,  beloved  in  the  Lord,  be  whom  I  have 
received,  beside  commendations  and  letters,  diverse  tokens  of  your 
unfained  friendship,  yet  have  I  negligently  pretermitted  all  office 


554  APPENDIX. 

of  humanity  toward  you,  m  hereinto  I  acknowledge  my  oftence,  for 
albeit  I  have  been  tossed  with  many  storms  all  the  time  before  ex- 
pressed, yet  might  I  have  gratified  you  and  others  faithful,  with 
some  remembrance  of  my  estate,  if  that  this  my  churlish  nature, 
for  the  most  part  oppressed  with  melancholy,  had  not  stayed 
tongue  and  pen  from  doing  of  their  duty.  Yea,  even  now,  when 
that  I  would  somewhat  satisfy  your  desire,  I  find  within  myself 
no  small  repugnance,  for  this  I  find  objected  to  my  wretched  heart. 
'•  Foolish  man  !  what  seeks  thou  in  w  riting  of  missives  in  this  cor- 
ruptible age  I  Hath  thou  not  a  full  satiety  of  all  the  vanities  un- 
der the  sun  ?  Hath  not  thy  eldest  and  stoutest  acquaintance  buried 
thee  in  oblivion,  and  are  not  thou  in  that  estate  be  age,  that  nature 
itself  oalleth  thee  from  the  pleasures  of  things  temporall  ?  Is  it 
not  then  more  than  foolishnessunto  thee  to  hunt  for  acquaintance 
on  the  earth,  of  w  hat  estate  or  condition  whatsomever  the  persons 
be?"  To  these  objections  I  could  answer  notliing,  (much  more  I 
think  than  is  written)  but  that  I  would  write  with  what  imperfec- 
tions I  little  regard. — 

Xo  XV.     [Cald.  II.  p.  269.] 
To  the  Laird  ofPittarrow.     (Seep.  350.) 

The  end  of  all  worldly  trouble  and  pleasure  both  approacheth. 
Blessed  are  they  that  patiently  abide  in  the  truth,  not  joining 
liands  unr  liearts  w  ith  impiety,  how  that  ever  it  triumph. 

Right  worshipful!,  after  heartily  commendations,  your  letter, 
dated  at  Pittarrow  the  11th  of  July,  received  I  in  Sanct  Andrews, 
the  lathof  the  same.  The  brute  and  rumour  of  Adam  Gordon 
and  his  doings,  ar.d  preparations  made  to  resist  him  was  diverse, 
but  nothing  that  I  heard  moved  me,  for  1  perceive  the  cup  of  ini- 
quity is  not  yet  full.  Of  one  thing  I  am  assured,  that  God  of  his 
mercy  w  ill  not  suffer  his  own  to  be  tempted  above  measure,  neither 
will  he  suffer  iniquity  to  be  ever  unpunished.  From  me  can  come 
no  other  counsel  than  ye  have  heard  from  the  beginning  of  our 
acquaintance,  to  wit,  that  not  only  action  defileth  and  maketh 
cuilty  before  God,  but  also  consent  of  heart,  and  all  paction  with 
the  wicked.  Out  of  bed,  and  from  my  book  I  come  not  but  once 
in  the  week,  and  so  few  tidings  come  to  me.  What  order  God 
shall  put  into  the  mind  of  the  authority  to  take  for  staying  of  thir 
present  troubles,  I  know  not,  but  even  still  my  dull  heart  feareth 
the  worst,  and  that  because  no  appearance  of  right  conversion  un- 
to God.  but  both  the  parties  stands  as  it  were  fight  iug  against  God. 
himself  in  justification  of  their  wickedness.  The  murderers  as- 
sembled in  the  castle  of  Edinburgh,  and  their  assisters  justify  all 
that  tliey  have  done  to  be  well  and  rightly  done  ;  and  the  con 


APPENDIX.  555 

trar  party  as  little  repenteth  the  troubling  and  oppressing  of  tbe 
poor  kirk  of  God  as  ever  they  did  ;  for  if  (hey  can  have  the  kirk* 
lands  to  be  annexed  to  their  houses,  they  appear  to  take  no  more 
care  of  the  instruction  of  the  ignorant,  and  of  the  feeding  of  the 
flock  of  Jesus  Christ,  than  even  did  the  Papists  whom  we  have 
condemned,  and  yet  are  worse  ourselves  in  that  behalf:  for  they 
according  to  their  blind  zeal  spared  nothing  that  either  might 
have  maintained  or  holden  up  that  which  they  took  for  God's  ser- 
vice; but  we,  alaee  !  in  the  midds  of  the  light  forgeft  the  heaven 
and  draw  to  the  earth.     Dayly  looking  for  an  end  of  my  battel,  I 
have  set  forth  ane  answer  to  a  Jesuit  who  long  hath  railed  against 
our  religion,  as  the  reading  of  this  traetat  will  more  plainly  let 
you  understand.     The  letter  in  the  end  of  it,  if  it  serve  not  for 
this  estate  of  Scotland,  yet  it  will  serve  a  troubled  conscience  so 
long  as  the  kirk  of  God  remaineth  in  either  realm.     With  my 
hearty  commendations  to  your  bedfellow,  and  to  my  Lord  Mar- 
shall, the  Master,  and  to  the  faithful  in  your  company.     Deliver 
to  them  the  book  according  to  their  directions,  and  pray  the  fi\ith- 
ful  in  my  name  to  recommend  me  to  God  in  their  prayers,  for  my 
battel  is  strong,  and  yet  without  great  corporal  pain.     The  Lord 
Jesus  who  hath  once  redeemed  us,  who  hath  also  of  his  mercy 
given  unto  us  the  light  of  his  blessed  countenance,  continue  us  in 
that  light  that  once  we  have  received  externally,  and  at  his  good 
pleasure  putt  an  end  to  all  the  troubles  of  his  own  spouse,  thekirk, 
which  now  sobbeth  and  crieth,  Come  Lord  Jesus,  come  Lord  Je- 
sus ;  whose  omnipotent  vSpirit  conduct  you  to  the  end.     Amen. 
At  Sanet  Andrews,  19  of  July.     [1572.] 

No.  XVL     [Cald.  n.  270."! 

To  Mr.  GoodmaH.     (.See  p.  501.) 

Written  about  the  same  time  with  the  preceding. 

Beloved  brother,  I  can  not  praise  God  of  your  trouble,  but  that 
of  his  mercie  he  hath  made  you  one  against  whom  Satan  bendeth 
all  his  engines,  therof  unfainedlie  I  praise  my  God,  beseeching 
him  to  strengthen  you  to  fight  your  battell  lawfully  to  the  end. 
That  we  shall  meet  in  this  life  there  is  no  hope  ;  for  to  my  bodie 
it  is  impossible  to  be  carried  from  countrie  to  countrie,  and  of 
your  comfortable  presence  where  I  am  I  have  small,  yea  no  es- 
perance.  The  name  of  God  be  praised,  who  of  his  mercie  hath 
left  me  so  great  comfort  of  you  in  this  life.  That  ye  may  under- 
stand that  my  heart  is  pierced  with  the  present  troubles  :  from 
the  castle  of  Edinburgh  hath  sprung  all  the  murthers  first  and 

A  4 


556  APPENDIX. 

last  committed  in  this  realme,  yea,  and  all  the  troubles  and  trea- 
sons conspired  in  England.  God  confound  the  wicked  devisers 
with  their  wicked  devises.  So  long  as  it  pleased  God  to  continue 
unto  me  any  strength,  I  ceased  not  to  forewarn  these  dayes  pub- 
lickly,  as  Edinburgh  can  witness,  and  secretlie,  as  Mr.  Randolph 
and  others  ofthat  nation  with  whom  I  secretlie  conferred  can  tes- 
tifie.  Remedy  now  on  earth  restethnone,  but  onlie  that  both  Eng- 
land and  Scotland  humbly  submit  themselves  to  the  correcting 
hand  of  God,  with  humble  confession  of  their  former  inobedience, 
that  blood  was  not  punished,  when  he  be  his  servants  publickly 
craved  justice  according  to  his  law ;  in  which  head  your  realme 
is  no  less  guilty  than  we,  w  ho  now  drink  the  bitter  part  of  the 
cup,  which  God  of  his  mercie  avert  from  you.  And  thus  weary  of 
the  world,  with  my  hearty  commendations  to  all  faithfull  ac- 
quaintance, Mr.  Bodlih  and  his  bedfellow  especially  remember- 
ed, 1  commit  you  to  the  proteetioun  of  the  omnipotent.  OiFSanct 
Andrews. 

No.  XVIII.  [Calderwood's  MS.  apud  an.  1570.     Advocates'  Li- 
brary.]    (See  above,  p.  330.) 

Prayer  used  by  John  Knox,  after  the  Regent's  death. 

O  Lord,  what  shall  we  add  to  the  former  petitions  we  know 
not :  yea,  alace,  O  Lord,  our  owne  consciences  bear  us  record 
that  we  are  unworthie  that  thou  should  either  encreass  or  yet  con- 
tinue thy  graces  with  us,  be  reason  of  our  horrible  ingratitude.  In 
our  extreame  miseries  we  called,  and  thou  in  the  multitude  of  thy 
mercies  heard  us,  and  first  thou  delivered  us  from  the  tyrannic  of 
merciless  strangers,  next  from  the  bondage  of  idolatry,  and  last 
from  the  yoak  of  that  wretched  woman,  the  mother  of  all  mischife, 
and  in  her  place  thou  didst  erect  her  sonne,  and  to  supply  his  infan- 
cie  thou  didst  appoynt  a  Regent  endued  w  ith  such  graces  as  the  di- 
vell  himself  cannot  accuse  or  justly  convict  him  this  only  except- 
ed that  foolish  pity  did  so  farre  prcvaill  in  him,  concerning  exe- 
cution and  punishment  which  thou  commanded  to  have  been  exe- 
cute upon  her,  and  upon  her  complices,  the  murtherers  of  her 
husband.  O  Lord,  in  what  miserie  and  confusion  found  he  this 
realme  !  To  what  rest  and  quietnesse  now  be  his  labours  suddan- 
lie  he  brought  tlie  same,  all  estates,  but  spcciallie  the  poor  com- 
mons, can  witness.  Thy  image,  Lord,  did  so  clearlie  shyne  in 
that  personage,  that  the  divell,  and  the  wicked  (o  whom  he  is 
prince,  could  not  abyde  it.  And  so  to  punish  our  siiincs  and 
ingratitude,   who    did  not    ryghtlie    esteem  so  prctious  a  gift, 


APPENDIX.  557 

thou  hes  permitted  him  to  fall,  to  our  great  griefe,  in  the  hands  of 
cruel]  and  traterous  murtherers.  He  is  at  rest,  O  Lord,  and  we 
are  left  in  extreame  miserie.  Be  mereifuU  to  us,  and  suffer  not 
Satan  to  prevaill  against  thy  little  flocke  within  this  Realnie, 
neither  yet  O  Lord  let  bloode  thirsty  men  come  to  the  end  of  their 
wicked  enterprises.  Preserve,  O  Lord,  our  young  king,  although 
he  be  ane  infant ;  give  unto  him  the  spirit  of  sanctification,  with 
encreasse  of  the  same  as  he  groweth  in  yeares.  Let  his  raigne,0 
Lord,  be  such  as  Ihou  may  be  glorified,  and  thy  little  flock  com- 
forted by  it.  Seeing  that  we  are  now  left  as  a  flock  w  ithout  a  pas- 
tor, in  civill  policie,  and  as  a  shippe  without  a  rudder  iu  the  middst 
of  the  storm,  let  thy  providence  watch.  Lord,  and  defend  us  in 
these  dangerous  dayes,  that  the  wicked  of  the  world  may  see  that 
as  Weill  without  the  help  of  man,  as  with  it,  thou  art  able  to  rule, 
maintain  and  defend  the  little  flock  that  dependeth  upon  thee. 
And  because,  O  Lord,  the  shedding  of  innocent  bloode  hes  ever 
been,  and  yet  is  odious  in  thy  presence,  yea,  that  it  defyleth  the 
whole  land  where  it  is  shed  and  not  punished,  we  crave  of  thee, 
for  Christ  thy  sonnes  sake,  that  thou  wilt  so  try  and  punish  the 
two  treasonable  and  cruell  niurthers  latelie  committed,  that  the 
inventars,  devysers,  authors,  and  maintainers  of  treasonable  cru- 
eltie,  may  be  either  thoroughlie  converted  or  confounded.  O  Lord, 
if  thy  mercy  prevent  us  not,  we  cannot  escape  just  condemnation, 
for  that  Scotland  hath  spared,  and  England  hath  maintained  the 
lyfe  of  that  most  wicked  woman.  Oppose  thy  power,  O  Lord,  to 
the  pryde  of  that  cruel  raurtherer  of  herowne  husband  ;  confound 
her  faction  and  their  subtile  enterprises  of  what  estate  and  condi- 
tion soever  they  be  :  and  let  them  and  the  world  know  that  thou 
art  a  God  that  can  depreheiul  the  wise  in  their  own  wisdome,  and 
the  proude  in  the  imagination  of  their  wicked  hearts,  to  their 
everlasting  confusioun.  Lord,  I'etain  us  that  call  upon  the  in  thy 
true  fear.  Let  us  grow  in  the  same.  Give  thou  strength  to  us  to 
fight  our  battell,  yea.  Lord,  to  fight  it  lawfullie,  and  to  end  our 
lifes  in  the  sanctification  of  thy  holie  name. 

No.  XVIIL  [Cald.  MS.  apud  an.  1572.  Advocates'  Library.] 
The  last  will  and  words  of  John  Knox,  minister  of  the  Evangellof 

Jesus  Christ,  put  in  order  at  St.  Andrews,  the  i3th  May,  1372. 

Lord  Jesus,  I  commend  my  troubled  spirit  in  thy  protection  and 
defence,  ?iul  ti:y  troubled  kirk  to  thy  mereie. 

Because  I  hive  had  to  doe  withdiverse  personages  of  the  min- 
istrie  whereuiiio  God  of  his  mereie  dircctit  me  within  this  Realme, 
mv  dutveraveth  that  I  shall  leave  unto  them  now  a  testimouie  of 


358  APPENDIX. 

my  niyud.  And  first  to  the  Papists,  and  to  the  unthankful  world « 
I  say,  that  although  my  lyfe  hath  beene  unto  them  odious,  and  that 
often  they  have  sought  my  destruction,  and  the  destruction  of  the 
kirk  whicli  God  of  his  great  mercie  planted  within  this  Realme, 
and  hath  ahvise  preserved  and  keeped  the  same  from  their  eruell 
interpryses,  yet  to  them  I  am  compelled  to  say,  that  unlesse  they 
speedilie  repent,  my  departing  of  this  life  shall  be  to  them  the 
greatest  calamitie  that  ever  yet  hath  apprehended  them.  Some 
small  appearance  they  may  have  yet  in  my  life,  if  they  had  grace 
to  see.  A  dead  man  I  have  beene  now  almost  these  two  years  by- 
past,  and  yet  I  would  that  they  should  rypelie  consider  in  what 
better  estate  they  and  their  maters  stand  than  they  have  done  be- 
fore, and  they  have  heard  of  long  tyme  before  threatned.  But,  be- 
cause they  will  not  admit  me  for  admonisher,  I  give  them  over  to 
the  judgement  of  him  who  knoweth  the  hearts  of  all,  and  will  dis- 
close the  secreets  thereof  in  due  time.  And  this  farre  to  the  pa- 
pists. To  the  failhfuU.  Before  God,  before  his  sone  Jesus  Christ, 
and  before  his  holie  angels,  I  protest  that  God  be  my  mouth  (be  1 
ever  so  abject)  liath  sliewed  to  you  his  truth  in  all  simplicitic. 
None  I  have  corrupted,  none  I  have  defrauded,  merchandise  I 
have  not  made  (to  God's  glorie  I  write)  of  the  glorious  evangell 
of  Jesus  Christ,  but  according  to  the  measure  of  grace  granted  un- 
to me,  I  have  devyded  the  sermon  of  truth  in  just  parts,  beating 
down  the  rebellion  of  the  proud  in  all  who  did  declare  their  rebel- 
lion against  God  according  as  God  in  his  law  giveth  to  me  yettes- 
timonie,  and  raising  up  the  consciences  troubled  with  the  know- 
ledge of  their  sinne,  be  declaring  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  strenth  of  his 
death  and  mighty  operation  of  his  resurrection,  in  the  hearts  of 
the  faithfull.  Of  this  1  say  1  have  a  testimonie  this  day  in  my  con- 
science before  God,  however  the  world  rage.  Be  constant  ther- 
for  in  the  doctrine  which  once  publieklie  you  have  professed.  Let 
not  thir  scandalous  dayes  draw-  you  away  from  Jesus  Christ, 
neither  let  the  prosperitie  of  the  wicked  move  you  to  follow  it  or 
them.  For  howsoever  that  God  appeareth  to  neglect  his  owne. 
for  a  season,  yet  his  majestic  rcmaineth  a  just  God  who  neither 
can  nor  will  justifie  the  wicked.  1  am  not  ignorant  that  many 
would  that!  should  enterin  particular  determination  of  thir  pre 
sent  troubles,  to  whom  I  plainlic  and  simplie  answer,  that,  as  I 
never  exceeded  the  bounds  of  God's  scriptures,  so  will  I  not  doe  in 
this  part  be  God's  grace.  Buthereot'Iam  assured  by  him  who 
neither  can  deceave,  nor  be  deeeaved  that  the  castell  of  Edinburgh, 
in  which  all  the  nuirther,  all  the  trouble,  and  the  whole  destruc- 
tion of  this  ])oore  commonwealth  was  invented,  and,  as  our  owne 
eyesmay  wituesse,  be  them  and  tLeirmaintaiiicrs  where  put  in  exe- 


APPENDIX.  $59 

cution,  shall  come  to  destruction,  maintain  it  whosoever,  the  de- 
struction I  say  of  bodie  and  soule,  except  they  repent.  I  looke  not 
to  the  moraentarie  prosperitie  of  the  wicked,  yea,  although  they 
should  remaine  conquerours  to  the  coming  of  our  Lord  Jesus,  hut  I 
look  to  this  sentence,  that  whosoever  sheddeth  innocent  blood  de- 
fyleth  the  land,  and  provoketh  Gods  wraith  against  himself  and 
the  land,  till  his  bloodehe  shedd  againe  be  order  of  law  to  satisfie 
God's  anger.  This  is  not  the  first  tyme  that  yee  have  heard  this 
sentence,  although  many  at  all  tymes  have  sturred  at  su  ch  severitie, 
I  yet  affirme  the  same  being  readie  to  enter  to  give  an  account  be- 
fore his  majestie  of  the  stewardship  that  he  committed  to  me. 
I  know  in  my  death,  the  rumours  shall  be  strange.  But  beloved 
in  the  Lord  Jesus,  be  yee  not  troubled  above  measure,  but  remaine 
constant  in  the  truth,  and  he  who  of  his  mercie  sent  me,  conduct- 
ed me,  and  prosper  the  worke  in  my  hand  against  Satan,  will 
provyde  for  you  abundantlie,  when  either  my  bloode  shall  water 
the  doctrine  taught  be  me,  or  he  of  his  mercie  otherwise  provyde 
to  pat  an  end  to  this  my  battel. 

No  XIX.  [Buik  of  the  Universal  Kirk,  p.  58.  Advocates'  Library.] 

My  Lord  Regent's  Letter  to  the  Assembly. 

After  our  maist  hearty  commendationis.  seing  we  are  not  able 
to  [be]  present  [at]  the  Assembly  now  approachand  as  our  inten- 
tion was,  we  thocht  it  convenient,  brieflie,  to  give  you  significa- 
tionis  of  our  meaning  in  wreit,  of  the  whilk  we  pray  you  to  take 
good  consideration,  and  accordingly  to  give  your  advertisement ; 
Ye  are  not  ignorant,  as  we  suppose,  what  hes  been  the  estate  of  the 
kirk  of  God  within  this  realrae,  baith  before  we  acceptit  the  burd- 
ingof  Regment  andsensyne.  How  first  the  thrids  of  benefices  war 
grantit  to  the  ministrie,  hereby  partly  relievit  and  sustainit  in  sic 
sort,  that  nothing  inlaikit  that  our  travells  could  procure.  The 
first  order  indeed  was  diverse  ways  interruptit  and  broken  in,  but 
chiefly  in  that  year  Avhen  we  were  exyled  in  England,  quher- 
through  that  year  the  haill  ministers  war  frustrat  in  their  livings : 
shortlie  the  estate  of  government  altering  at  Gods  pleasure,  and 
the  King  our  soveraigne  being  inangiirate  with  the  crown  of  this 
kingdom,  the  first  thing  we  war  careful  of  was,  that  trew  religion 
might  be  established,  and  the  ministers  of  theevangell  made  cer- 
tain of  their  living  and  sustentation  in  time  comeing.  Ye  knaw, 
at  the  Parliament  we  v>  ar  maist  willing  that  the  kirk  should  have 
ijeen  put  in  full  possession  of  the  proper  patromonie.  And  toward 
the  thrids,  we  expedit  in  our  travells,  and  inlaikit  only  a  consent 
of  the  dissolution  of  the  prelacies,  whereunto  although  we  were 


^0 


APPENDIX. 


earnestly  hcnt,  vet  the  estates  delayit,  and  wald  not  agree  there- 
unto. And  sen  that  tyme  to  this  houre,  we  trust  ye  will  affirme, 
that  we  have  pretermittit  nothing  that  may  advance  the  religione^ 
and  put  the  professors  thereof  in  surtie,  whereanent  the  haill  and 
only  inlaik  hcs  been  in  the  civill  troubles  that  God  lies  suffered 
the  cuntrie  to  be  plagued  with,  now  the  matter  being  after  so  great 
rage  brought  to  some  stay  and  quietness,  it  was  convenient  that 
we  return  where  matters  left,  and  prease  to  reduce  them  to  the 
estate  they  stand  in.  Ane  thing  we  must  call  to  remembrance, 
that  at  sic  time  as  we  travellit  in  the  Parliament  to  cause  the 
estates  to  grie  that  the  thrids  should  be  diseernit  to  appertaine  to 
the  ministrie,  they  plainly  opponit  them  to  us  in  respect  of  the 
first  act  alleadgeand  that  with  the  sustentation  of  the  ministrie, 
there  was  also  regard  to  be  had  to  the  support  of  the  prince,  in  sus- 
taining of  the  publick  ohairges,  quhilles  if  they  had  not  some  re- 
jiefe  be  that  meine,  the  revenue  of  the  crown  being  so  diminisched,' 
and  the  ordinarie  chairges  cume  to  sic  grytnes,  on  force  they  wold 
be  burdenit  with  exaction,  and  this  dangerous  argument  compell- 
it  us  to  promitt  to  the  estates,  That  we  wald  take  upon  us  the  act 
being  grant  it  to  thekirki  they  should  satisfy  and  agrie  to  any  thing 
suld  be  thocht  reasonable  for  supporting  the  publick  chairges  of 
the  prince,  and  according  to  this  the  Coniission  deput  for  the  af- 
faires of  the  kirk  agriet  to  certain  assignations  of  the  thrids  for 
supporting  oi"  the  king  and  us,  bearing  aulhoritie.  Quhilk  order 
had  been  sufficient  lor  the  liaill,  give  the  civill  trouble  had  not 
occurrit,  yot  the  disobedience  growand  so  universallie,  we  ar  con- 
tint  to  sustain  ane  part  of  the  inlaik  and  loss  for  the  tyme  past, 
but  because  there  hes  been  murmure  and  grudge  for  that  thing 
^ssignit  to  the  kings  houss  and  ours,  and  some  other  needfull 
things  in  the  state,  as  that  thereby  the  ministers  were  frustrate 
of  their  appointit  stipendis,  some  eommunicatione  was  had  at  St. 
Androis,  and  nothing  yet  concludit,  quhill  the  general  assembly  of 
tlie  kirk;  quhilk  now  moves  us  [to]  wreit  to  you  in  this  forme, 
prayand  you  richtly  to  consider  the  necessitie  of  the  cause,  and 
how  the  same  hes  proceeded  frae  the  beginning,  haveing  respect 
that  the  kirk  will  not  be  very  well  obeyit  without  the  kings  autho- 
ritie  and  power,  and  that  now  the  propertie  of  the  crowne  is  not 
able  to  sustaine  tlie  ordinarie  chairges.  How  in  the  beginning  the 
thrids  had  not  been  grantit,  give  the  necessitie  of  the  prince  had 
not  been  ane  of  the  chief  caussis,  and  at  the  parliament  the  estates, 
as  we  have  'before  written,  stak  to  consent  that  the  haill  thrids 
sould  be  de(  lareit  to  pertaine  to  the  ministrie,  whill  first  we  take 
in  hand,  tbi;t  tliey  being  made  without  conditione  in  favours  of 
the  kirk.  The  sayie  wald  againe  condescend  to  somcikle  as  wold 


APPENDIX.  66i 

be  sufficient  to  the  support  of  the  publick  affaires,  in  supporting  of 
the  kings  authoritie,  and  that  therefore  ye  will  now  agrie,  and 
condescend  to  ane  certaine  and  speciall  assignatione  of  it  that  sail 
be  employit  in  this  use.  The  quantity  whereof  diverse  of  your- 
selves, and  the  bearer  hereof  Mr.  John  Wood  our  servant,  can 
inforrae  you,  that  after  ye  may  distribute  to  everie  ane  having 
chairge  in  the  kirk  of  God,  his  stipesd  according  to  the  condi- 
tione  of  the  place  he  serves  in,  according  to  your  wise  discretion. 
Hereby  all  confusione  that  lang  has  troublit  the  estate  of  the  kirk 
toward  the  stipend  shall  be  avoydit,  and  some  speciall  pro>  isioue 
being  made  for  sustaining  of  their  publick  chairges,  we  may  the 
better  hald  hand  to  sie  the  kirk  obeyit  of  that  whereon  the  mi- 
nisters should  live,  as  they  shall  report,  That  dureingour  travells 
in  the  north  countrey,  they  have  found  our  effectuous  good  will, 
and  travellit  in  their  furtherance,  ffarder,  we  man  put  you  iu 
mind  brieflie,  of  ane  matter  that  occurrit  at  our  late  bi-ing  in 
Elgine.  Ane  Nicoll  Sudderlaud  in  fforcs,  was  put  to  the  kiiaw- 
ledge  of  ane  assyze  for  incest,  and  with  him  the  woman;  tlie 
assyze  lies  convict  him  of  the  fault,  but  the  question  is,  whether 
the  same  be  incest  or  not,  so  that  we  behovit  to  dtlay  ihe  execu- 
tione  whill  we  micht  have  your  resolutions  at  this  assemblie. 
The  case  is,  that  the  woman  was  harlot  of  before  to  the  said  Xi- 
coil's  mother  brother,  herein  Mr.  Robert  Pont  can  itiibrme  you 
mair  amplie,  to  whais  sufficiencie  we  remitt  the  rest.  J.iairover, 
at  our  coming  at  Aberdeen,  there  came  ane  named  Porteriield, 
minister  provydit  of  before  to  the  viccarage  of  Arilrossane,  and 
required  also  of  us,  that  he  miehl  have  the  viccarage  of  Slein- 
sone,  sieing  botli  was  ane  matter  meine  aneuch  to  susiaiue  him, 
and  because  the  kirks  war  neir,  he  micht  discharge  the  cure  fif 
both.  We  haveing  him  comniendit  be  diverse  great  men  to  the 
same,  but  thocht  guid  to  advertise  you,  that  this  preparatione 
induce  not  evill  example  and  corruption:  always  in  caise  sic 
things  occur  hereafter,  let  us  understand  what  ye  would  have  ui 
to  doe,  as  in  like  manner  towards  the  chaiplanries  shall  happen 
to  vaike,  v.hereanent  becaiise  there  is  no  certain  order,  and  i-ome 
confusion  stands,  some  desyrand  them  for  lyflyme,  some  for  in- 
ffants  that  are  not  of  the  schools,  and  some  for  seven  years,  we 
are  sometyme  preasit  to  receave  or  confirme  assignations  or  de- 
missions of  benefices,  the  preparature  whereof  appears  to  bring 
with  it  corruptione,  and  so  we  would  be  resoh  it  how  to  proceed, 
before  our  comeing  from  ffyfe,  and  sensyne  we  liave  been  very 
willing  to  do  justice  on  all  suspect  persons  of  witchcraft,  as  also 
upon  adulterers,  incestuous  persons,  aljHsets  of  sacraments, 
quherein  we  could  not  have  sic  expeditione  as  we  eoald  !ui\e 


563  APPENDIX. 

wisclied,  because  we  had  no  uther  probabilitie  whereby  to  try 
and  convict  them,  but  ane  general  delatione  of  names,  the  persons 
suspect  not  being  for  the  maist  part  tryit  and  convict  be  order  of 
the  kirk  before.  Th  is  liinderit  many  things  that  utherwayes  micht 
have  been  done,  and  therefore  we  pray  you  appoint  and  prescryve 
Iiow  the  judgement  of  the  kirk  may  proceed  and  be  execute, 
against  all  sic  trespassors  before  complaint  be  made  to  us,  that 
when  we  come  to  the  cuntrie,  we  may  cause  execute  the  law,  and 
be  relievit  of  the  triall  of  inquisitione  heiranent.  We  thocht 
expedient  to  give  you  this  for  advertisement,  and  so  remitts  the 
haill  to  your  care  and  diligence,  committis  you  in  the  protectione 
of  Eternall  God. 

Your  assurit  friend, 

James  Regeut. 
Aberdeeue,  Junii  Ultimo,  1569. 


f.M>    or   THE    APPENDIX. 


[     568     ) 


SUPPLEMENT. 


•[^THE  following  Poem  in  Memory  of  Knox  is  exceedingly  rare. 
I  had  in  vain  made  inquiries  after  a  copy  of  it,  and  was  obligjed, 
in  p.  515,  to  signify  my  despair  of  finding  one.  But  after  that 
sheet  was  printed,  I  unexpectedly  obtained  a  copy.  As  the 
tract,  besides  its  connection  w ith  this  work,  is  a  curious  speci- 
men of  the  old  Scottish  language  and  versification,  it  is  here 
exactly  and  entirely  reprinted.  The  original  is  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Mr.  Blackwood,  Bookseller,  Edinburgh,  who  accident- 
ally met  with  it  in  London,  after  a  fruitless  search  in  the 
public  libraries.] 


ANE  BREIF  COMMENDATIOVN 

OF  VPRICHTNES,  IX  RESPECT  OF  THE  SURENES 

of  the  same,  to  all  that  walk  in  it,  amplifyit  chiefly  be  that 

notabill  document  of  Goddis  miehtie  protectioun,  in  pre- 

seruing  his  maist  vpricht  seruand,  and  feruent  Messin- 

ger  of  Christis  Euangell,  lohne  Knox.     Set  furth 

in  Inglis  meter  be  M.  lohne  Dauidsone,  Regent 

in  S.  Leonards  College. 

•fl  Quhairunto  is  addit  in  the  end  ane  schort  diseurs  of 
the  Estaitis  quha  hes  cans  to  deploir  the  deith  of 
this  Excellent  seruand  of  God. 

U  PSALME.     XXXVn. 

Ji  Mark  the  vpricht  man,  and  bchauld  the  lust,  for'the 

end  of  that  man  is  peace. 


tIMPRENTIT     AT    SANCTAN- 

drois  he  Robert  Lepreuik,     Anno.  1573. 
B  4 


564  SUPPLEMENT. 


TO  THE  MAIST  GODLIE,  ANCIENT,  AND  WORTHIE 

Sehir  lohne  Wischart  of  Pittarrovv  Knicht,  M.  lohne  Dauid- 

sone  wissis  the  continual!  assistance  of  the  Spreit  of 

God,  to  the  end,  and  in  that  end. 

CoNSiDDERiNG  With  mjself  (maist  worthie  Knicht)  the  greil 
frailtie  and  vnsureness  of  all  strenthis  eirthly  quhatsueuer, 
quharin  ma,  leifing  god,  vsis  to  put  his  traist  on  the  ane  part,  and 
the  sure  fortres  and  saifgaird  of  vprichtnes,  howbeit  destitute  of 
all  aide  warldly  on  the  vther  part :  I  culd  not  withhald  my  pen 
fro  vttering  of  that  praise  and  commendatioun  of  vprichtnes, 
quhilk  in  my  mynde  I  had  eonsauit  of  the  same.  Being  cheifly 
mouit  heirunto  be  the  Miraculous  (as  I  may  weill  call  it)  and 
maist  wonderfull  preseruatioun  of  that  maist  notabill  seruand  of 
God,  and  sinceir  Preicheour  of  Christis  Euangell,  Johne  Knox. 
Quha  being  bot  of  small  estimatioun  befoir  the  eyis  of  the  warld 
(zit  greit  befoir  God)  was  hatit  vnto  the  deith.  And  that  euin 
be  Kingis,  Queenis,  Princes,  and  greit  men  of  the  warld,  and 
finally  be  all  the  rabill  of  Sathanis  suddartis  («,)  in  Scotland, 
Ingland,  and  France.  Zea,  not  only  was  he  hatit,  and  raillit  on, 
bot  also  persecutit  maist  scharply,  and  huntit  from  place  to  place 
as  ane  vnworthie  of  ony  societie  Avith  man.  And  althocht  thay  wer 
michtie  and  potent,  zea,  and  wantit  na  euill  will,  and  he  on  the 
vther  syde  ane  pure  man,  alane,  and  oft  tymes  without  help,  or 
assistance  of  ye  warld,  zit  was  he  michtely  preseruit,  and  as  in  a 
maist  sure  saifgard  (all  the  wickits  attentis  quhathristit  nathing 
mair  nor  his  blude  being  frustrat)  conducted  to  ane  maist  quyet, 
peaciabill  and  happy  end,  to  the  greit  aduancement  of  Goddis  glo- 
rie,  and  siiiguiare  comfort  of  his  Kirk,  and  to  the  confusioun  of 
Sathan  and  discofort  of  all  his  wickit  instrumentis.  Thairfoir  that 
this  sa  notabill  and  euidet  anedocumetof  the  louing  cair  of  our  god 
towardis  his  seruuds  suld  not  with  him  be  buryit  bot  abyde  recent 
in  memorie  till  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  Realme  in  all  ages  to 
cum.  1  haue  preissit  (fe)  schortly  in  this  lytill  paper  to  mak,  as  it 
wer  ane  niemoriall  of  the  same,  and  yat  in  that  laguage  quhilk  is 
maist  comoun  to  this  hail  Realme,  to  the  intent  that  asweill  vn- 
leirnitas  leirnit  may  be  peitakeris  of  the  same.  Not  that  I  think 
my  self  abili  to  handill  sa  worthie  ane  mater  worthelie  in  ony  t»ung. 
bpt  that  partly  I  may  schaw  my  gude  will  in  this  mater,  and  partly 

(a)  soldiers.  (^)  pressed,  cndcavoiu'ed. 


SUPPLEMENT.  S^liS 

to  gif  occasioun  to  vtheris,  that  batth  lies  niair  dexteritie  in  sie 
thiiigis,  and  greiter  opportiinitie  of  tyine,  to  iiitreit  the  same  at 
greiter  lenth.  That  be  calling  to  mynd  this  notabill  exepill  of 
Godis  lolling  cair  tovvardis  vs,  we  all  in  thir  feirfull  dayis  (quhai- 
rin  he  that  seis  not  tryall  approaching  neir  is  destitute  of  ludgc- 
ment)  may  be  strenthnit  and  incoarageit  to  ga  fordwart  vprichtly, 
cuerie  ane  in  our  a^in  vocatioun,  without  declyning  outher  lo 
the  rieht  hand  or  to  the  left.  And  principally  that  our  watche 
men  faint  not,  nor  begin  to  iouk  (c,)  or  flatter  with  the  world  for 
feir  of  Tyrilnis,  hot  that  thay  may  haue  brasin  faces,  and  forhei- 
dis  of  Iron  aganis  the  threitnings  of  the  wickit,  codempning  ira- 
pietie  of  all  persounis  in  plane  termis,  following  the  ensapill  of 
this  maistzelous  seruild  of  God,of  qiihoe  heirtofoir  we  haue  maid 
meutiouu,  and  that  being  assurit  gif  sa  thay  walk  vprichtly  in 
dischargeing  of  thair  office,  that  thay  ar  in  ye  pi'otectioun  of  the 
Almichtie. 

^  And  this  small  frute  of  my  sober  trauellis,  I  haue  thocht  glide 
to  offer  and  present  to  zow  (maist  worthie  Knichl)  not  sa  inekill 
for  that,  that  I  thocht  it  worthie  to  be  presentit  til  ony  :  as  that 
1  wald  let  my  gude  will  and  grate  ((/)  mynd,  be  the  same  appeir 
towardis  zow,  throw  quhais  procurement  I  obtenit  the  benefite 
of  that  godly  and  faitlifuU  (thocht  mockil  and  falsly  traducit  of 
the  warld)  societie,  quhairof  presently  I  am  participant.  For 
the  quhilk  I  acknawledge  me,  and  my  humbill  seruice  alwayis  ad- 
detit  to  zour  honour.  And  howbeit  (as  I  nion  confes)  nathing  can 
proceid  of  me  that  may  in  ony  wayis  correspond  to  zour  meritis 
towardis  me  :  zit  sal  the  thankfulness  of  raynd  at  na  tyme  (God 
willing)be  deficient.  Quhilk  is  to  be  acceptit,  quhair  vther  thiugis 
are  lacking,  in  place  of  greit  rewaird.  And  the  rather  haue  I 
takin  bauldness  to  dedicat  this  lytill  Treateis  vnto  zour  honour, 
baith  becausi  vnderstude,  zow  euer  to  haue  bene  sen  zour  Chyld- 
heid,  ane  vnfeiizeit  fauourar,  and  mantenar  to  zour  power  of 
vprichtnes,  quhais  praise  in  tliis  lytill  Volume  is  intreatit.  And 
also,  that  this  notabill  seruand  of  God  (quhais  michtie  preserua- 
tioun,  notwithstanding  the  wickitis  rage,  to  ane  quyet  end,  chief- 
ly muiit  me  to  this  busines)  was  maist  belufit  of  zow  quhile  he 
leuit,  and  yat  for  yat  greit  vprichtnes  quhilk  ze  saw  from  tyme 
to  tyme  maist  viuely  expres  the  self  in  hias.  And  finally,  that 
your  honour  may  be  mutit  heirby,  as  ze  haue  beguune  and  contin- 
ewit  to  this  day  ane  zelous  proFessour  of  Goddis  word,  mantenar 
of  the  samiii,  and  Infer  of  his  seruandis  :  sa  ze  may  perseueir  to 
the  end  of  zour  lyfe,  without  sclander  to  zour  professioun,  euer 

(c)  shift.  [d)  grateful. 


S66  SUPPLEMENT. 

approuing  the  treiith,  and  haitting  impietie  in  all  persounis,  not 

leaning  to  vvarUllie  wisdome,  nor  louking  for  the  plesure  of  greit 

men  in  the  warld  :  Sen  nane  of  thir  thingis,  hot  only  vprichtnes 

can  out  her  mak  ane  plesand  to  God,  or  zit  sure  in  this  warld.  And 

sa  traisting  that  zour  honour  will  accept  this  my  soher  offer  (till 

Goa  grant  better  occasioun  of  greter)   intill  gude  part.     I 

commit  zovv  to  the  protectioun  of  the  Almichtie,  that 

quhen  it  sail  pleis  God  to  tak  zow  furth  of  this  mis- 

erie,  zc  may  end  zour  lyfe  in  the  sanctificatioun 

of  his  haly  name.     To  quhome  be  praise 

and    Glorie,    for    euer.  Amen. 

From  Sanctandrois  the  XVIII. 

of    February. 


SUPPLEMENT. 


567 


ANE  BREIF  COMMEND ATIOVN  OF  VPRICHTXES. 


SEN  that  we  se  men  till  haue  studyit  ay. 

Into  this  eirth  sic  strenthis  to  prepair 

As  micht  he  saifgaird  to  thame  nieht  and  day, 

Quhen  ony  danger  dang  thame  in  dispair. 

Wald  thovv  gude  Reider  haue  ane  strenth  preclair  (e,)  Prouer.  10. 

Maist  Strang  and  stark  to  rin  to  in  distres  12,  13,  18. 

This  lytill  schedull  schortly  sail  deelair  Ecclesi.  9. 

How  that  the  surest  Towre  is  vprichtnes.  Ps.  25,  27 ^  91. 


Quhilk  vprichtnes  we  may  descriue  to  be : 
Ane  traid  of  lyfe  conforme  to  Godds  command, 
Without  all  poysoun  of  Hypocrisie 
Or  turning  to  or  fra,  from  hand  to  hand. 
Bot  stoutly  at  the  word  of  God  to  stand. 
Eschewing  alwayis  it  for  to  transgres 
Not  bowing  back  for  thame  that  contramand. 
This  wayis  we  may  descriue  this  vprichtness. 

For  first  thare  is  na  Castell,  Towre,  nor  Toun, 
Nor  naturall  strenth,  as  Alexander  sayis, 
Bot  manis  Ingyne  may  vincous  and  ding  doun, 
As  that  he  had  experience  in  his  dayis, 
Na  strenth  was  sure  to  thame  that  was  his  fais  ; 
The  Craig  in  Asia  did  beir  witnes, 
Howbeit  in  hieht  vnto  the  sky  it  ruis, 
It  was  ouercum  for  laik  of  vprichtnes. 

Euinsa  that  bailfullBour  of  Babilone, 
Na  saifgaird  was  to  Darius  we  reid, 
Suppois  it  was  ane  maist  Strang  Dongeone. 
And  mony  ma  1  micht  dcclair  in  deid, 
Bot  sic  exempellis  Foraine  nane  we  neid, 
Quhat  surenes  fand  the  Bischopis  halynes. 
Into  Duubartane  quhair  he  pat  his  Creid. 
It  %vas  not  half  sa  sure  as  vprichtnes. 

(p)  excellent. 


lob. 


Prouer.  5. 
Psalm.  IS. 


Q.  Curt.  ii.  r. 


Q.  Curt.  li. 


Q.Curt.li.  5. 
leremi.  31. 


568 


SUPPLEMENT. 


The  force  of  men  gif  ony  will  obtend,  Ps.  33.  40.  6u. 
Kinred,  or  friends  to  be  ane  gaird  maist  Strang,     Esai.  31. 

All  is  bot  vane,  tliay  can  not  man  defend,  Jeremi.  17. 
For  quha  mair  surely  into  Royat  (/)  rang, 

Nor  the  greit  Conquerour  his  friendis  amang,     Q.  Curt.  lib.  10. 
Zit  was  he  poysonit  as  sum  dois  express. 
Infill  his  Camp  quhilk  he  had  led  sa  lang, 
Than  quhatis  force  of  man  till  vprichtnes. 

Riches  and  rent  we  ken  dois  not  abyde,  Prouer.  11. 

Bot  ilitts  and  foeliis  (»')  euer  to  and  fra,  Eccles.  5. 

Thau  vane  it  is  in  thame  for  to  confyde,  Job  11. 

Sen  tliat  we  se  thame  asweill  cum  as  ga.  Psalm.  49. 

Thairfoir  my  freindis  sen  that  the  cace  is  sa,  1.  Timot.  6. 

That  warldly  strenth  can  haue  na  sickernes,  Zephan.  1. 

Sum  vther  saifgaird  surely  we  mon  ha,  Ecclesi.  2. 

Quhilk  is  nocht  ellis  bot  only  vprichtnes.  Nahum.  3. 


Bot  sum  perchance  that  winks  mair  wylelie, 
Will  say  thay  wait  ane  wyle  (/?)  that  1  ua  wist, 
With  iouking  thay  willl  angil  (i)   craftelie. 
And  on  thair  feit  will  ay  licht  quhen  thay  list : 
Thinking  all  surcnes  thairin  to  consist : 
Hypocrisie  is  quent  (A)   with  quyetnes, 
Bot  all  begylit  thay  ar  into  the  mist. 
For  uathing  can  be  sure  but  vprichtnes. 

For  quhat  become  offals  Achitophell, 
For  als  far  as  he  saw  befoirhis  neis, 
The  Scripture  schawls  lueid  not  heir  to  tell. 
The  lyke  of  this  in  mony  Historeis, 
Imicht  bring  furth  tliat  to  my  purpois  greis. 
How  Hypocrites  into  tliair  craftynes, 
Thame  selfis  hes  trappit  with  greit  misereis, 
Becaus  thay  did  eschew  all  vprichtnes. 


2.  Sam.  i: 


Psalm. ' 

Ester  7. 


Bot  quha  sa  euer  on  the  vther  syde. 
lies  preissitpeirtly  to  leif  vprichtlie. 
And  be  the  treuth  bound  baiildly  till  abyde 
Hes  euer  had  the  maist  securitie. 


Ester.  6. 
Dani.  6. 


(,/)  royalty.  (^r)  ch:ing-es  situation.  (i)  know  a  trick. 

(OJug'S^'^-  (A-)  acquainted,  or  (perhaps)  crafty. 


SUPPLEMENT.  569 

For  thay  had  God  thair  buckler  for  to  be, 
Quhome  we  nion  grant  to  be  and  Strang  fortres,        Psalm.  76. 
Of  quhome  the  Deuill  can  not  get  victorie  Psalm.  89. 

Nor  all  the  enemies  of  vpriehtnes. 

Think  weill  my  freindisthis  is  na  fenzeitfair  (/,)  1  Sam.  17. 18. 

For  quha  sa  list  of  Dauid  for  to  reid,  19.  20. 21.  22. 

May  se  quhat  enemies  he  had  alquhair,  29.  33. 

And  zit  how  surely  he  did  ay  proceid.  2  Sam.  2.  3.  5. 

Becaus  he  walkit  vpriehtly  in  deid.  8.  15.  16.  18. 

He  was  mair  sure  from  Saulis  cruelnes,  20. 

Nor  gif  ten  thousand  men  intill  his  neid,  1  Sam.  23. 
Had  with  him  bene  syne  lackit  vpriehtnes. 

Of  sic  exempills  we  micht  bring  anew, 
Bot  ane  thair  is  that  priefis  our  purpois  plane 
Of  Daniell  that  Propheit  wyse  and  tren,  Dani.  6. 

How  oft  was  he  in  danger  to  be  slane. 

Into  the  Lyonis  Den  he  fand  na  pane.  Dani.  3. 

The  three  Children  the  fyre  did  not  oppres. 
I  think  this  only  Historic  micht  gane, 
To  preif  how  sure  ane  Towre  is  vpriehtnes.  , 

Bot  zit  becaus  exempills  fetchit  far, 
Mufis  not  so  muche  as  thay  thingis  quhilk  we  se, 
I  purpois  schortly  now  for  to  cumnar, 
Vnto  the  but  (m)  quhair  chiefly  I  wald  be  : 
That  is  so  sehaw  the  prufe  befoir  zour  Ee. 
Of  thir  premissis,  as  all  mon  confes 
Thathcssene  God  wirking  in  this  countrie, 
How  ane  lies  bene  preseruit  in  vpriehtnes. 

It  is  lohne  Knox  in  deid  quhome  of  I  menc, 
Thatferuent  faithfull  seruarsd  of  the  Lord, 
Quhome  I  dar  bauldly  byde  at  till  haue  bene, 
Ane  maist  trew  Preicheour  of  the  Lordis  word. 
I  rak  nathing  quhat  Rebalds  {n)  heir  record, 
Quha  neuer  culd  speik  gude  of  godlynes. 
This  man  I  say  eschaipit  fyre  and  sword. 
And  deil  in  peace,  in  praise  of  vprightnes. 

(/)  feigned  afliiir.     '  (;»)  butt,  or  mnvk. 

(n)  I  rpg-ard  nothing  vhat  worthless  fellows,  Jkc. 


570 


SUPPLEMENT. 


Bot  iliat  this  may  be  maid  mair  manifest: 
I  will  (lisenrs  ^ii  in  thing  in  speciall, 
Tuichingthis  Lamp,  on  lyfe  quhill  he  did  lest, 
First  he  descendit  bot  of  linage  small. 

As  commonnly  God  vsis  for  to  call,  Amos.  i. 

The  sempill  sort  his  summoundis  til  expres.  Mark  1. 

Sa  calling  bim,  he  gaue  him  giftis  with  all  1.  Cor.  1. 

Maist  excellent  besvde  his  vprichtnes.  laco.  2. 

For'weill  I  wait  that  Scotland  neuer  bure, 
In  Scottis  leid  (o)  ane  man  mair  Eloquent. 
Into  perswading  also  [  am  sure. 
Was  nane  in  Europe  that  was  mair  potent. 
In  Greik  and  Hebrew  he  was  excellent, 
And  als  in  Latine  toung  his  propernes, 
AVas  tryit  trym  qiihcn  scollers  wer  present. 
Bot  thir  wer  nathing  till  his  vprichtnes. 

For  fra  the  tyme  that  God  anis  did  him  call, 
To  bring  thayjoyfull  newis  vnto  this  land, 
Quhilk  hes  illuminat  baith  greit  and  small, 
He  maid  na  stop  bot  passit  to  fra  hand, 
Idolatrie  maist  stoutly  to  ganestand  : 
And  chiefly  that  great  Idoll  of  the  Mes. 
Howbeit  maist  michtie  enemies  he  land, 
Zit  schrinkit  he  na  quhit  from  vprichtnes. 

The  greuous  Galayis  maid  hininot  agast, 
Althocht  the  Prehits  gold  in  greit  did  geif, 
Ouir  schipburd  in  the  sey  him  for  to  cast, 
He  fand  sic  grace  they  suiferit  him  to  leif. 
Zea,  mairatour  thay  did  him  not  mischeif, 
As  thay  did  his  Companzeounis  mair  and  les, 
With  pynefull  panis  quhcn  thay  thair  pythis  did  preif. 
Godsa  prouydit  for  his  vprichtnes. 

In  Ingland  syne  he  did  eschaip  the  Ire, 

Of  lesubell,  thatMonstour  of  Mahonn.  (p) 
In  Scotland  nixt  with  terrour  him  to  tyre, 
Thay  brint  his  picture  in  Edinburgh  Toun. 
Bot  sen  to  Scotland  last  he  maid  him  boun,  [q) 
Quhat  battell  he  hes  bidden  ze  may  ges, 
Sen  Dagon  and  thay  Deuillis  he  gart  ding  doun, 
In  spyte  ofthame  that  haitit  vprichtnes. 


(o)  language. 


r/O  ihe  d.  vil. 


(q)  read} 


/  SUPPLEMENT.  ^71 

Thay  that  hes  bene  cheif  in  Authoritie, 
For  the  maist  part  had  him  at  deidly  feid, 
Zit  he  eschaipit  all  thair  crueltie, 
Howbeit  oftymes  thay  did  deuyse  his  deid, 
Zea,  sum  wer  knawin  perfitely  be  the  heid, 
Quha  vndertuke  his  Dirige  for  to  dres, 
Zit  bauldly  be  his  baner  he  abaid, 
And  did  not  iouk  ane  ioit  from  vprichtnes. 

Bot  chiefly  anis  he  was  put  to  ane  preace,  (r) 
Quhen  that  the  Qiiene  of  tressoun  did  accuse  him 
Befoir  hir  Lordis  in  haly  Rudehous  place. 
Quhair  clawbacks  of  the  Court  thocht  till  abuse  him 
Sa  prudetly  this  Proplieit  yair  did  vse  him, 
Into  refuting  of  thair  fulischenes. 
That  all  the  haill  Nobilitie  did  ruse  (s)  him. 
And  praisit  God  for  his  greit  vprichtnes. 

Quhen  Queue  and  Court  could  not  get  him  couict. 
Bot  sa  wer  disappointit  of  thair  pray, 
Thay  fryit  in  furie  that  he  schaipit  quick, 
Zit  at  the  leist  to  get  thair  wills  sum  way, 
Thay  wald  haue  had  him  wardit  for  ane  day, 
In  Daueis  Towre,  zea,  for  ane  hour  or  les. 
It  was  denyit  for  oebt  the  Quene  euld  say. 
Thair  micht  be  sene  how  sure  was  vprichtnes. 

Bot  in  quhat  perrell  trow  ze  he  was  last, 
Quhen  Edinburgh  he  left  with  hart  full  sair, 
Doubtles  na  les  nor  ony  that  hes  past. 
In  spyte  thay  spak  that  him  thay  suld  not  spair 
Thay  snld  him  schuit  into  the  Pulpet  thair 
Becaus  he  did  rebuke  thair  fylthenes, 
And  mischant  (t)  murther  that  infects  the  air, 
Zit  God  preseruit  him  in  vprichtnes. 

Mony  ma  dangers  nor  I  can  declair, 
Be  sey  and  land  this  Propheit  did  sustene, 
In  France  and  Ingland,  Scotland,  heir  and  thair, 
Quhilk  I  refer  to  thame  that  nieir  hes  bene, 
Intili  his  company  and  sic  things  sene. 
Bot  this  far  sehortly  I  haue  maid  pro2;rcss<, 
To  preif  how  God  maist  surely  dois  mautene,' 
Sic  as  continew  intili  vprichtnes. 

(r)  ptess,  difRcuIt\^  (.s)  extol  (,')  wiclfcd. 

C   4 


57^ 


SUPPLEMENT, 


For  this  Excellent  seruand  of  the  Lord, 
Vnto  the  deith  >vas  hatit  as  we  knavv, 
For  sinceir  preiching  of  the  Loi-dis  word 
With  Kiiigis,  Princes,  hie  estait  and  law, 
Zit  ill  thair  Ire  him  inicht  thay  not  ouirthraw, 
He  did  depart  in  peace  and  plesandnes  : 
For  all  the  tronhlis  that  he  hard  vs  schaw 
That  he  sustenit  for  liife  of  vprichtnes. 

And  this  is  merwell  gif  we  will  considder, 
Ane  sempill  man  bnt  [n)  warldly  force  or  aide, 
Aganis  quhome  Kings  and  Princes  did  confidder  {v,) 
How  he  suld  fend  {ic)  from  furie  and  thair  fead  (a',) 
Syne  leane  this  lyfe  Avith  list  for  all  thair  plaid  (^,) 
He  had  ane  snrer  2;aird  we  mon  confes. 
Nor  ony  worldly  strenth  that  can  be  maid. 
Quhilk  was  natliing  hot  only  vpriehtnes. 

Bot  sum  may  say  quhairto  snld  thow  prefer 
This  vprichtnes  quhilk  thow  extolls  sa  hie 
Vntill  all  Avarldly  strenfhis  that  euer  wer? 
Sen  that  the  contrair  day  lie  we  may  se, 
How  npricht  men  ar  murtherit  mischantlie.  Gene.  4. 

As  first  was  Ahell  with  greit  cruelnes,  Matth.  14. 

Gude  lohne  the  Baptist,  and  als  Zacharie,  2.  Chron.  2i. 

Zea,  Christ  himself  for  all  his  vpriehtnes.  Matth.  27. 


Peter  and  Paull  with  niony  ma  sensyne. 
And  of  lait  zeiris  in  Ingland  as  we  knaw, 
How  mony  piteously  was  put  to  pyne. 
And  now  in  France  that  schame  is  for  to  schaw. 
lames  our  gude  Regent  rakkiu  in  that  raw  (z,) 
Qnha  had  rung  zit  wer  not  his  richteousnes. 
Sa,  I  can  se  nathing  sa  sone  ouirthraw, 
Man  in  this  eirth  as  dois  this  vprichtnes. 


Euseh.  To.4 
fol.  7. 
Vide  Slei- 
danum. 


To  this  I  answer  into  termis  schort, 
Quhcn  warldly  strenth  is  vincustand  maid  waisl,     Prouer,  ix 
With  it  man  tynis  baith  courage  and  comfort, 
Quhen  it  is  tynt  quhairin  he  pat  his  traist: 


(u)  without.  (v)  confederate.  (-c)  defciul. 

(.r)  cnmiiy.  (jy)  plea,  controversy 

(z)  reckon  in  tli.it  rank. 


SUPPLEMENT. 


573 


Uot  quha  that  deith  in  vpriehtnes  dois  taist,  Prouer.  11. 

Sail  haue  the  lyfe  that  lests  with  joyfuhies,  Matth.  16. 

Sa  thayar  sure,  becaus  thay  arimbraist 
Be  the  Eternal!  for  thair  vpriehtnes. 

Bot  this  sa  liehtly  we  may  not  pass  by : 
I  grant  indeed  quha  preissis  vprichtlie 

To  serue  tlie  Lord  mon  first  them  selfis  deny,  Matih.  IG. 

And  na  wayis  dres  to  daut  (a)  thame  daintelie 
Bot  tharae  prepair  for  troublis  Identlie,  (h)  2.  Timo.  3. 

For  troublis  ar  the  bage  thay  mon  posses,  Psalm.  34. 

Sen  Sathan  ceisis  not  continuallie.  J.  Pet.  5. 

To  troubill  thame  that  followis  vpriehtnes.  lob.l. 

Quhylis  harling  (c)  thame  befoirPrinees  and  Kings,  Lue.  21. 
As  rauing  Rebalds  rudelie  to  be  rent.  1.  Reg.  10. 

Accusing  thame  of  troubling  of  all  things,  1.  Reg.  17. 

As  cankerit  Carlis  that  can  not  be  content, 
Except  ail  tilings  de  done  be  tliair  consent: 
Now  scornit,  nowscuri»;eit,  now  bild  witli  bitterues,  Math.  27. 
Imprissonit,  and  sindrie  fassiounis  sclient,  [d)  leremi.  38. 

And  sum  tymes  dreuin  to  deith  for  vpriehtnes.  Act.  12. 


This  is  thair  lote  oftymes  I  will  not  lane  {e) 
Into  this  eirth  that  vse  to  be  vpricht, 
Bot  quhat  of  this  ?  my  purpois  zit  is  plane  : 
That  is,  that  thay  ar  surer  day,  and  nicht, 
For  all  this  wo,  not  ouly  warldly  wicht. 
For  in  thair  conscience  is  mair  quyetnes 
In  greitest  troublis,  nor  the  men  of  micht 
Hes  in  thair  Castells,  without  vpriehtues. 


Psalm.  91. 
Psalm.  118, 


For  quhen  Belshazzer  grelt  Kin^  of  the  Eis(, 
Ane  thousand  of  his  Princes  had  gart  call, 
Drinkand  the  wyne  befoir  thame  at  the  Feist, 
Intill  his  prydefull  Pomp  Imperiall : 
Euinin  the  middis  of  this  his  mirrie  hall 
He  saw  ane  sichtthat  sank  him  in  sadnes, 
Quhen  he  persauit  the  fingers  on  the  wall, 
Wryting  his  wrak  for  his  vnvprichtnes. 


Dani.  5. 


(a)  cherish.  (6)  diligently. 

(d)  maimed,  or  disgraced. 


(c)  ('.i-ag-ginsr 

^e)  coni.eal. 


574 


SUPPLEMENT. 


Quhat  -all  I  say  I  neid  not  till  insist, 
To  schavt  Ijow  thay  to  God  that  dois  Rebell, 
In  thair  luaist  micht  cannot  be  haldiu blist, 
For  in  this  warld  thay  do  begin  thair  hell, 
As  Cain  did  that  slew  the  iiist  Abell,  Gene.  4. 

Within  thair  breist  thay  beir  sic  bailfulnes,  Esai.  66. 

That  toung  of  men  can  not  the  teynd  part  tell,  Prouer.  15. 

Of  iuwart  torments  for  vnvprichtues. 

Bot  thay  that  walks  vpriehtly  with  the  Lord,  Prouer.  14. 

In  greitest  troublis  wantis  not  invvart  rest. 
As  the  Apostillis  doung  (/)  for  Godds  word,  Act.  5. 

Reioysit  that  for  Christ  sa  thay  wer  diest. 
Peter  in  prisone  sleipit  but  molest.  Act.  12. 

Paull  in  the  stocks  and  Sylas  with  glaidnes,  Act.  16. 

Did  singanePsalme  atmidnieht,  sa  the  best 
Snrenes  that  man  can  haue,  is  vprichtnes. 

Sa  be  this  surenes  now  I  do  not  mene. 
That  Godds  seruands  ar  neuer  tane  away. 
Be  cruell  men,  for  the  contrairis  sene. 
For  God  oftymes  of  his  ludgements  I  say, 
Letts  thame  so  fall,  as  thocht  befoir  the  day  : 
To  plague  the  warld  for  thair  vnthankfulnes, 
Quhilk  is  not  worthie  of  sic  men  as  thay.  Esai.  3. 

Bot  I  mene  this  be  strenth  of  vprichtnes.  Heb.  11. 

That  quhgn  it  plesis  God  to  let  thame  fall, 
Thay  haue  sic  inwart  comfort  without  cair.  Act.  7. 

That  thay  depart  with  ioy  Angelicall,  2.  Timot.  4. 

Of  lyfe  assurit  that  lestis  for  euer  mair. 

And  zit  sum  tyme  he  dois  his  seruands  spair,  Esai.  41. 

To  let  the  Tyrannis  se  his  michtines,  lerem.  14.  5. 

In  spyte  of  thame,  that  he  can  his  alquhair, 
Preserue  maist  surely  intill  vprichtnes. 

Quhilk  wc  haue  sene  as  we  can  not  deny. 
Into  lohue  Knoxis  michtie  preseruation, 
Quhilk  till  our  comfort  wc  suld  all  apply, 
I  mene  that  ar  the  Faithfull  Cougrogatioun. 
Seti  he  departit  with  sic  cousolatioun 
Euin  as  he  Icuit,  he  deit  in  Faithfulnes, 
Being  assurit  in  Christ  of  his  Salutatioun, 
As  in  the  end  he  sehelv  with  vprichtnes. 

(/)  beat,  or  scourged. 


SUPPLEMENT.  SyS 

Sa  is  he  past  from  pane  to  plesure  ay, 
And  tili  greit  eis  doutles  vntill  him  sell, 
Bot  for  ane  plague  till  vs  I  dar  weill  say, 
As  sair  I  feir  we  sail  heir  schortly  tell, 
Schir  wink  at  vice  (g)  beginnis  to  tune  his  bell. 
Bot  on  this  Iieid  uamair  1  will  digres, 
That  gude  men  hes  mair  rest  in  all  perrell 
Nor  wickit  in  tliair  welth  but  vprichtiies. 

Then  sen  alwayis  we  se  that  men  ar  sure 
Throw  vpriehtnes  quhidder  thay  liue  or  die,  Psalm  37. 

Let  all  gude  Cristianes  Imploy  thair  cure, 
In  thair  vocatioun  to  leif  vprichtlie. 
And  chiefly  let  all  preicheouris  warnit  be, 
That  this  day  God  and  the  gude  eaus  profes, 
Nawayis  to  wink  at  sic  Impietie  Tit,  1. 

And  chiefly  dois  withstand  all  vprichtness. 

Taking  exempill  of  this  Propheit  plane, 
Quhome  heir  befoir  we  breuit  in  this  bill  (/i,) 
Quha  Godds  reuelit  will  wald  neuer  lane, 
Quhen  men  begouth  for  to  delyte  in  ill. 
He  wald  not  wane  ane  wy  (i)  for  na  manis  will 
For  to  rebuke  Erie,  Ban-one,  or  Burges, 
Quhen  in  thair  «iekit  wayis  thay  walkit  still. 
Follow  this  Lamp  I  say  of  vpriehtnes. 

Letnouther  lufe  of  friend,  nor  feir  of  fais, 
Mufe  zow  to  mank  (/l)  zour  Message,  or  hald  bak 
And  iot  of  zour  Comniissioun  ony  wayis  Psalm.  40. 

Call  ay  quhite,  quhite,  and  blak.  that  quhilk  is  bl,ak,  Esai.  5. 
Ane  Gallimafray  (/)  neuer  of  thanie  niak  : 

Bot  ane  gude  cans  distingue  from  wickitnes,  2.  Timoth.  2. 

This  kynd  of  phrais  sumtymes  this  Propheit  spak 
Quhen  he  saw  sum  not  vsing  vpriehtnes. 

In  generall  do  not  all  things  injiolue, 
Thinking  zour  selfis  discharge  it  than  to  be,  2  Tiniot.  2. 

Thocht  na  manis  mynd  in  maters  ze  resolue  : 
For  (zit  till  vse  this  same  manis  Elogie) 

(j)  Sir  Wink-at-vice,  an  allegorical  character.  (A)  described  in  this  work 
(i)  probably  -uiaifiid  ami-tcee,  i.  e.  swerve  a  little,  (k)  curtail. 
(!)  a  hotch  potch. 


576  SUPPLEMENT. 

To  speik  the  treuth,  and  speik  the  treuth  trewlie, 
Is  not  a  thing  {m)  (said  he)  brethren  doutles. 
Thairfoir  speik  trewly  butHypoerisie, 
Gif  ze  wald  haue  the  praise  of  vprichtues. 

Let  vice  ay  in  the  awin  ciillouris  be  kend 
Butbeiring  with,  or  zitextenuatioun 
Schawing  how  heichly  Godltdois  offend, 
Sparing  na  stait  tbat  makes  preuarieatioun^ 
Let  it  be  sene  till  all  the  Congrcgatioun, 
That  26  sic  haitrent  haue  at  wickitnes 
That  ze  mon  dampne  thairgreit  abhominatioun, 
Quba  planely  fechtis  aganis  all  vprichtnes. 


Num.  23. 2*. 


2.  Timet.  4. 

Act.  10. 
Esai.  58. 
1.  Timot.  i 


Psalm.  38. 

Psalm.  41. 

The  feid  of  fremmit,  and  craibing  of  zour  kin  (w) 
Erst  zesall  find,  syne  terrourto  eonstraine  zow 
To  syle  the  suith  (o,)  and  sunze  (jo,)  I  will  plane  {q)  zow. 
The  Zock  is  not  salieht  as  some  dois  ges.  Nahum.  1. 

Botzit  haue  ze  na  dreid  qiihado  disdane  zow.  Psalm.  31. 

Sen  that  zour  fortres  sure  is  vprichtnes.  Psalm.  S4. 


Quhilk  tred  of  doctrine  gif  ze  anis  begin 
I  grant  the  Deuill  and  warld  will  be  agane  zow 


For  pleis  it  God  zour  lyfe  to  lenthen  heir, 
Thocht  all  the  warld  aganis  zow  wald  conspyre, 
Thay  sail  not  haue  the  power  zow  to  deir,  (r) 
Albeit  thay  ra2,'C  and  rin  wod  (s)  in  thairire, 
And  gif  that  God  thinks  gude  be  sword  or  fyre, 
To  let  zow  fall  be  ay  in  reddynes  : 

Being  assurit  that  houin  salbe  zour  hyre,  2.  Timot.  4. 

Because  ze  cudit  sa  in  vprichtnes. 

Let  not  the  lufe  of  tisis  lyfc  temporall, 
Quhilk  ze  mon  lose,  but  letcjulien  ze  leist  wene  (/) 
Stay  zow  tn  cois  (u)  with  lyfe  Cclestiall, 
Quheneuer  that  the  chols  ciunis  thame  betwene. 
Christis  sentence  in  zour  gardene  keip  ay  grene, 
Qnha  sauis  his  lyfe  sail  lois  it  not  the  Ics.  Math.  IC; 

Quhilk  euin  into  this  warld  hes  oft  bene  sene, 
Qnhatgaine  is  than  to  deny  vprichtnes  ? 

(«))  one  tiling-.         (n)  the  hostility  uf  strang-ers,  and  :inger  of  relations, 
(o)  conceal  tlic  tratli.  (/))  anxiety.  (?)  plainly  tell, 

(r)  injure.  (s)niad.  (!)  without  lilndrauco,  when  yc  least  think. 

(u)  barter. 


SUPPLEMENT.  5/7 

Than  to  conclude,  sen  in  thir  dangerous  dayis 
Sa  mony  terrours  Tyranis  casts  befoir  zow 
Call  vpon  God  to  strenthen  zow  alwayis 
That  with  his  haly  Spreit  he  will  decoir  zow 
As  he  hes  done  his  servands  ay  befoir  zow 
That  ze  may  neuer  wink  at  wickitnes  Esai.  51 . 

With  Gun  &  Gainze  (r)  thoeht  thay  boist  to  gor  zow 
Sen  that  zour  Towre  sa  sure  is  vprichtnes. 

•I  FINIS.    M.  I.  D. 

ANE  SCHORT  DIS- 

CVRS  OF  THE  ESTAITI8 

quha  hes  caus  to  deploir  the  deith 

of  this  Excellent  seruand 

of  God. 

THOW  pure  contempnit  Kirk  of  God. 
In  Scotland  scatterit  far  abrod, 
Quhat  leid  («)  may  let  the  to  lament : 
Sen  baith  the  Tyger  and  the  Tod, 
Maist  cruellie  cummis  the  to  rent. 
Thow  wants  ane  watcheman  that  take  tent, 
Baith  uiclit  and  day  that  nocht  suld  noy  the. 
AUace  thow  wants  the  Instrument, 
That  was  thy  Lanterne  to  eonuoy  the. 

Thy  lemand  (6)  Lamp  that  schew  sic  liehf. 
Was  gudc  lohne  Knox,  ane  man  vpricht, 
Quhais  deith  thow  daylie  may  deploir. 
His  presence  maid  thy  bewtie  bricht, 
And  all  thy  doings  did  decoir, 
He  did  him  haillie  indeuoir. 
Thy  richteous  actioun  to  raantene. 
And  libertie  to  the  restoir. 
Pleading  thy  caus  with  King  and  Quene. 

He  neuer  huntit  benefice, 
Xor  eatchit  was  with  Couatice, 
Thoeht  he  had  offers  mony  one  : 
And  was  als  meit  for  sic  Office 

(r)  gainze  seems  to  signify  sometimes  "  an  engine  for  throwing-  wea- 
pons," and  sometimes  "  the  weapon  throwni."  («)  lay  or  song,  {b)  shining, 
blazing. 


^78  SUPPLEMENT. 

As  oudier  gellie  (c)  lok  or  lohne, 

His  myiid  was  ay  sa  the  vpoii, 

Thy  only  weilfair  was  his  welth, 

Thairfoir  lament  sen  he  is  gone,  ' 

That  huikit  nathing  (rf)  for  Ihylielth. 

Lament  Assemblie  Generall, 
At  thy  Conuentiounis  ane,  and  all, 
Foi'  ihow  will  mis  ane  Moderatour, 
Quhais  presence  nuifit  greit,  and  small. 
And  terrifeit  baith  theif  and  tratour, 
With  all  vnrewlie  Rubiatour  (e,) 
Thair  ioukcrs  durst  not  kyith  tliair  cure. 
For  feir  of  Fasti)ig  in  the  Fratour  (/,) 
And  tynsall  of  the  charge  thay  bure. 

Bot  now  I  feir  that  thow  sail  se, 
Greit  missing  of  that  man  to  be, 
Quhen  craftie  heidis  sail  na  mair  hyde. 
The  hurde  (g)  of  thair  Hypocrisie, 
Boi  all  siuceirnes  set  asyde. 
With  polieie  v.  ill  all  things  gyde, 
Thir  Balamis  birds  sair  may  thow  feir: 
Thairfoir  be  Godds  buke  abyde, 
And  to  sic  Bablers  giue  na  eir. 

Giue  strange  opiniounis  enteris  in, 
Tak  tent  qiiha  sic  thingis  dois  begin, 
And  with  sic  matteris  mynts  to  mell, 
For  Sathan  eeisis  not  fra  sin, 
The  Kirk  of  Christ  seiking  to  quell. 
Sic  foly  faill  not  io  refell : 
For  quhen  the  reik  beginnis  to  ryse, 
The  fyre  will  follow  as  thay  tell, 
Be  it  not  queucheit  be  the  wyse. 

Bot  chiefly  murne  and  mak  thy  mane. 
Thow  Kirk  of  Edinburgh  allane, 
For  thow  may  rew  by  (//)   all  the  rest. 
That  this  day  thow  wants  sickin  ane. 
Thy  Speciall  Pastour :  and  the  best 
That  ony  Kirk  had  Eist,  or  west. 
He  did  comfort  the  in  all  cair, 

(c)  p^ooi  fellow,  bon  vivant.         fdj  thought  nothing  too  mucli. 
(e)raga.iuiffin,  vagabond,  ffj  fraternity,  all-uding  to  tlie  fai;'. 

(5-)  Ueasure.     (A)  above.  ings  of  the  friars. 


SUPPLEMENT.  S79 

And  the  foirwairnd  of  thy  molest, 
Quhairby  thow  micht  prepair. 

There  was  na  troubill  come  to  the, 
Bot  he  foirspak  it  oppinlie, 
Thocht  sum  the  mater  than  did  mock, 
Gif  he  spak  suith  now  thow  may  se, 
This  day  thy  heid  is  in  the  zock, 
God  send  the  blyithnes  of  this  block. 
And  freith  the  from  thy  fais  aboue  the. 
For  thow  art  the  maist  feruent  flock 
That  Scotland  beiris,  as  deid  dois  proue  the. 

And  giue  God  sa  hand  ills  the  best, 
Allace  quhat  sail  cum  of  the  rest, 
Except  repentance  rin  and  red  : 
It  is  ane  Mirrour  manifest, 
Of  dale  and  dolour  to  be  dred, 
To  fall  on  thame  this  barret  (i)  bred. 
Bot  till  our  purpois  to  returne, 
Thocht  of  this  feir  thow  salbe  fred, 
Zit  lies  thow  mater  for  to  murue. 

Becaus  that  watcheman  thow  dois  want, 
That  the  in  puritie  did  plant, 
And  comfortit  thy  Congregatioun : 
Bot  zit  thocht  he  be  gane  I  grant 
The  Lord  can  send  the  cousolatiounj 
Gif  thow  giue  him  dew  adoratioun. 
He  will  not  leaue  the  comfortles. 
As  alreddy  thow  hes  probatioun, 
God  grant  thy  Preicheours  vprichtnes. 

^  Ze  Lords  also  that  dois  frequent, 
The  Loft  in  Sanct  Geills  Kirk  lament. 
That  Bogill  (k)  thair  that  ze  hard  blaw. 
With  quhome  quhyles  ze  wer  small  tontCDtp 
For  the  schairp  tlireitnings  he  did  schaw  : 
Zit  thay  maid  zow  sumquhat  stand  aw, 
Thocht  not  so  muehe  as  neid  requyrit : 
This  day  in  graue  he  lyis  full  law, 
Quhilk  langtyme  was  of  him  desyrit. 

(i)  trouble,  contention.  (k)  bugle-hofn- 

D  4. 


580  SUPPLEMENT- 

For  seiug  all  things  not  go  weill^ 
He  said  thair  suld  not  mis  ane  reill. 
That  suld  the  cheifest  walkin  vp. 
Gif  he  said  suith  this  day  ze  feill, 
Luke  gif  God  hes  begun  to  quhup, 
Bot  thair  byds  zit  ane  sowrer  Cup, 
Except  zour  maners  ze  amend, 
The  dreggs  but  dout  als  ze  sail  sup, 
From  quhilk  danger  God  zow  defend- 

Sanctandrois  als  not  to  leifout, 
His  deith  tliou  may  deploir  but  dout, 
Thow  knawis  he  lude  the  by  the  laue  (/) 
For  first  in  the  he  gaue  the  rout, 
Till  Antechrist  that  Romische  slaue, 
Preicheiug  that  Christ  did  only  saue. 
Bot  last,  of  Edinburgh  exprest, 
Quehen  he  was  not  far  fra  his  graue. 
He  come  to  the  by  all  the  rest. 

God  grant  that  thow  may  thankful!  be.. 
For  his  greit  graces  schawin  to  the, 
In  sending  the  his  seruands  trew. 
Amen.    Thow  heiris  na  mair  of  me. 
Bot  Kyle,  and  Cuninghame  may  rew, 
Als  sair  as  ony  that  I  sehew, 
To  quhonie  this  darling  was  maist  deir. 
And  vther  gontill  men  anew, 
Quhome  I  haue  not  reheirsit  heir. 

Than  last  of  all  to  turne  to  zow, 
That  wer  our  brethren,  bot  not  now  : 
God  grant  agane  ze  may  cum  hame, 
For  we  suld  wis  zour  weill  I  vow, 
As  also  did  this  man  be  Name, 
Thocht  sum  said  he  did  zow  defame. 
He  prayit  to  God  that  ze  micht  turne, 
That  ze  mieht  schaip  Eternall  sehame, 
Thairfoir  zour  part  is  als  to  raurne. 

(/)  Thou  knowcst  he  loved  tliec  above  the  rest 


SUPPLEMENT.  581 

For  doutles  he  was  inair  zour  freind, 
Nor  thay  that  winkit,  or  manteind 
Zour  fulisehe  faetioun  and  vnfair. 
In  deid  that  ze  suld  not  susteind, 
He  thunderit  threitnings  to  the  air, 
To  terrifie  zow  mair  and  mair, 
And  rug  (??i)  zow  back  that  ze  micht  rew 
For  he  knew  perseueird  ze  thair, 
Ze  wer  bot  schipwrak  but  reskew.  (n) 

Than  all  this  land  thow  may  lament. 
That  thow  lacks  sic  ane  Instrument, 
Till  sum  not  plesand,  zit,  sa  plane, 
That  all  the  godly  was  content. 
Allace  his  lyke  he  left  not  ane, 
Kor  I  feir  sail  not  se  aganc : 
Bot  zit  let  vs  nawayis  dispair, 
For  quhy  our  God  dois  zit  remane. 
'Quha  can  and  will  for  his  prepair. 

For  thocht  his  deilh  we  do  deploir, 
Zit  is  he  not  our  God  thairfoir  : 
As  wickit  warldlings  Maid  obtend, 
Gone  is  zour  God  quhairin  ze  gloir, 
The  leuing  God  we  raak  it  kend. 
Is  he,  on  quhonie  we  do  depend, 
Quha  will  not  leaue  vs  in  distres, 
Bot  will  his  seruands  till  vs  send. 
Till  gyde  vs  throw  this  wilderues. 

Thairfoir  letting  thir  Bablers  be, 
Quhals  eheif  Religiun  is  to  lie, 
And  all  Godds  seruands  to  backbyte, 
Traducing  this  man  |)rincipallie  : 
Let  thame  spew  oiit  in  thair  dispyte, 
\ll  that  thay  will  be  word  or  wryte. 
Lyke  as  him  self  is  into  gloir, 
8a  sail  all  ages  ay  recyte, 
lohne  Knoxis  Name,  with  greit  decoir. 

.;.'f?)  pull.  (?i)  witliout  rescue 

U  FIN18. 


58S  SUPPLEMENT. 


QVAM  TVTVM 

SIT    PROPVGNACVLVM,   DEO 

sine  fuco  inseruire,  ex  mirifica  eximii  Dei 
serui  ioannis  knoxii,  intranquillum  vitee 
exitum,  illnsis  omnibus  impiorum  couatibus, 
conseruatione,  &  eius  exeDipIuin  sequi,  mo- 
nemur. 

QVEM  petiere  diu  crudeles  igne  tyranni, 

Saepius  &  ferro  quern  petiere  duces. 
Oecubuit  (mirum)  nullo  violatus  ab  hoste, 

Eximius  Christi  KNOXIVS  ille  sator. 
Nam  pater  ^thereus  Regum  moderatur  habena»y 

Electosque  potens  proteglt  vsque  suos.. 
Muniat  liinc  igitur  nostras  fiducia  nientes, 

Ne  mors  nos  tetricis  terreat  vlla  minis. 
Quoq ;  minus  trepidi  sistamus  tramite  rectoj, 

Huius  ne  pigeat  vieure  more  viri. 

U  FINIS.    Quod  M.  I.  D. 


J3ND  OF  THE    SUPPLEMENT* 


INDEX. 


VMAA^^/VWMMMAA/v 


JIBERBEEJ^,  a  celebrated  Gram- 
m  x-  school  in,  p.  5  — Greek  early 
t.»Uj;Mi  in  tlie  Universit}-  of,  402. 

^les,  Alexander,  embraces  the  re- 
formed doctrine,  und  flees  to  Eng*- 
land,  27 — account  o^him,  410-11. 

Anabaptists,  their  extravag-ant  prin- 
ciples, 152-3. — Knox's  warning 
against  +rijm,  154-6 

Andreius,  St.  Knox  educated  at  the 
Unlveisiiy  of,  3. — Knox  takes  re- 
fuge in  the  Castle  of.  38. — Sacra- 
ment of  the  Supper  fii'st  dispensed 
there,  in  the  Protestant  form,  50 — 
Knox  made  prisoner  in  the  Castle 
of,  and  confined  in  the  French  Gal- 
lies,  52. — Knox  expresses  his  hope 
of  preaching  again  thei-e,  54. — 
Knox  preaches  there,  188 — Re- 
formed ib.  Christopher  Goodman 
minister  there,  197 — Petition  for 
Knox's  translation  there  refused 
by  the  General  Assembly,  305-6 — 
Knox  I'etires  there  from  Edin- 
burgh, 343 — Opposition  which  he 
met  with  there,  344 — Pai-ticulars 
respecting  him  while  there,  512- 
13. 

Annan,  Dean  John,  account  of  his 
dispute  with  Knox  and  Rough,  44. 

Arbugkill,  a  Popish  Friar,  his  imsuc- 
cessful  attempt  to  defend  the  Po- 
pish ceremonies  against  Knox, 
48-9. 

Argyle,  foldj  Earl  of,  attempts  to 
detain  Knox  in  Scotland,  136. 

Argyle,  C younger  J  Earl  of,  attends 
Knox's  sermons  in  Calder  House, 
129. — Knox's  conference  with,  at 
Perth,  184. — joins  the  Congrega- 
tion, 185. 

Arran  Earl  of,  and  Duke  of  Chastcl- 
herault,  his  life  tlireatened  by  ilie 
Popish  Clergy,  29. — favours  the 
■Reformation  at  the  beginning  of 
his  Regency,  32. — joins  the  Con- 
gregation, 216 — espouses  the 
cause  of  Queen  Mary  against  the 
Regent  Murray,  322,  552-3. 

Arran  Earl  of,  son  to  the  former, 
joins    tlie    Congregation,    216. — 


Knox  employed  in  reconciling  him 
to  the  Earl  of  Bothv.cll,  251 — a  fa- 
vourite with  the  English  Court, 
459. 

Articles  of  Religion,  English,  Knox 
employed  in  reviewing,  69. 

Assembhi,  General,  the  first,  229. — at 
a  number  of  their  first  meetings 
had  no  moderator,  ib.  477. — ap- 
prove of  Knox's  conduct  after  his 
trial  before  the  Privy  Council, 
294. — employ  him  in  writing  on 
Fastmg  and  Excommunication 
306-7- — their  foi-mal  approbation 
of  him  on  his  going  to  England, 
311. — their  letter  to  the  Bishops 
in  England  in  behalf  of  those  wno 
scrupled  to  use  the  Habits,  ib. — 
anon}-mous  libels  against  Knox 
thrown  into  the  assembly  house, 
338 — his  answers  to  these,  359- 
41. — Letters  from  Knox  to  them, 
346-50 — particulars  respecting 
their  order  of  procedure,  477-8. — 
their  sentiments  respecting  the 
ecclesiastical  supremacy  of  the 
Cro\ni,  511—12. 

Aimer,  John,  answers  Knox's  Blast, 
162-3. — character  of  his  work, 
164. — his  address  to  the  bishops, 
428. — his  invective  against  the 
French  King,  440. — his  testimony 
to  tlie  mixt  Constitution  of  Eng- 
land, 440-1. 

Halfour,  Sir  James,  remarkable  words 
of  Knox  to  liim  in  the  French  gal- 
lics, 54. 

JBaliatcs,  Jude  and  Godlie,  similar 
compositions  in  other  countries, 
415. 

Balnaves,  Henry,  in  the  Castle  of  St. 
Andrews,  39. — account  of  him,  ib. 
— urges  Knox  to  become  a  preach- 
er, ib. — writes  a  cont'ession  of  his 
faitli  in  the  French  prison,  35. — 
Extracts  from  it,  420-3. 

Bancroft  Dr.  the  first  writer  of  the 
English  Church,  who  spoke  dis- 
respectfully of  Knox,  378. — this 
highly  resented  by  the  Scotti'^li 
divines,  373-9 


INDEX. 


JSannatyne  liicharcl.  Secretary  to 
Knox,  \vrites  an  accouutofhislast 
sickness,  360 — his  attention  to 
Knox  on  his  death-bed,  361, 368-9, 
371. — his  character  of  Knox, 
375. 

Jieciton,  James,  Archbishop  of  St. 
Andrews,  puts  Patrick  Hamilton 
to  death,  26. 

Beaton,  Cardinal,  persecutes  Knox, 
31. — is  assassinated,  o5. — Knox's 
sentiments  respecting  this,  36. 

Ber-Mck,  Knox  a  preacher  in,  63. — 
good  effects  of  his  ministry  in,  ib. 
—visits  it,  128,  199. 

Beza  exhorts  Knox  to  guard  against 
tlie  reintroduction  of  Episcopacy, 
349. — Epistolary  correspondence 
between  Knox  and,  479-80. 

Bible,  the  Scottish  pai-liament  per- 
mit it  to  be  read  in  the  vulgar 

tongue,  32. Geneva,  Knox  one 

of  its  translators,  158. 

Blast,  First,  of  the  Trumpft,  account 
of  its  publication  and  contents, 
159-162.— Queen  Elizabeth's  dis- 
pleasure at,  173. — Knox's  apology 
for,  198. —  Queen  Mary's  offence 
at,  240-2. 

Boi/r^-ell,  Earl  of,  Knox  employed  in 
reconciling  hiin  to  the  Earl  of  Ar- 
ran,  251. — murders  the  King,  314. 
— the  Queen  marries  him,  315. 

BoTthu-ick  Sir  John,  his  opinion  of 
Henry  A'lII's.  reformation,  36. 

Bmces  Rlrs.  Elizabeth,  Knox's  moth- 
er-in-law, 70. — Extract  of  a  letter 
from  Knox  to  her,  92. — letters 
from  Knox  to  her,  127,  132,  529, 
535,  537, — accompanies  Knox  to 
lieneva,  136. — at  Paris,  196. — ar- 
3-ives  in  Scotland,  ib.  her  death, 
352. 

Botces,  Marjori;,  Knox's  first  wife, 
his  engagement  to  her,  70 — her  fa- 
ther averse  to  the  matcli,  9G — ac- 
companies her  husband  to  Geneva 
136. — at  Paris,  on  her  way  to  Scot- 
land 196.~her  death,  229.— 
Knox's  letters  to  her,  533,  535. 
lloves  Sir  Jiobert,  a  relation  of  Mrs. 
Knox,  a  disagreeable  mterview  of 
Knox  with,  92. 

Braid,  see  Eairlie 

Bnchanan,Geor^(:,i\.  follow  scholar  of 
Knox.  4. — similarity  of  their  sen- 
timents, 10 — embraces  the  He- 
formation  and  flees  from  Scotland, 
27. — calumnies  of  the  papists 
against,  4S8. 

Cairns,  JoltJi,  a.  Reader  in  Edinburgh 

255, 310. —  his  stipend,  483. 
Calvin,  the  friendsliip  that  subsisted 
between  him  and  Knox,  104. — pre- 


vails on  him  to  go  to  Frankfort, 
112. — his  opinion  of  the  English 
Liturgy,  114. — dissatisfied  with 
Knox's  treatment  at  Frankfort, 
125. — epistolary  correspondence 
between  Knox  and,  230,  478-9.— 
calumnies  of  the  Papists  against, 
497-8. 

Campbell,  of  Kineancleuch,  conducts 
Knox  to  the  west  country,  129. — 
Knox  commits  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren to  liim  on  his  death  bed, 
369. 

Catalo^-ne  of  Knox's  Works,  printed 
and""MS.  520-8. 

Cecil,  Secretary  to  Queen  Elizabetli, 
Knox  requests  an  interview  with, 
177, 198- — friendly  to  the  measure 
of  assisting  the  Scottish  Congrega- 
tion, 198. — maintains  a  correspon- 
dence with  Knox,  247-9. 

Church,  English,  Knox's  sentiments 
respecting  the,  80-3- 

Church,  Bomish,  state  of,  in  Scotland 
before  the  Reformation,  14-23. 

Clergy,  Popish,  in  Scotland,  their 
character,  16,  17- — their  violent 
measvires  for  suppressing  the  Re- 
formation, 27. — instigate  James 
V.  to  cut  off  the  prhicipal  Reform- 
ers, 29 — enraged  at  Knox's  defec- 
tion, 31  — their  politic  plan  to 
counteract  his  preaching  at  St. 
Andrews,  50. — summon  Knox  be- 
fore them,  131. — desert  the  diet, 
132. — renew  the  summons  after 
his  departure,  and  burn  him  in 
effigy,  136. — he  appeals  from  their 
sentence,  137. — their  feeble  at- 
tempts to  counteract  the  progress 
of  the  Reformation,  218-19.— "their 
pretended  miracle  at  Mussel- 
burgh, 219. 

Cockbnni,  John,  of  Ormiston,  puts 
his  son  under  Knox's  tuition,  34. — 
prevails  on  Knox  to  take  refuge  in 
the  Castle  of  St.  Andrews,  36. 

Coramissi oners  or  Visitors,  appointed 
from  time  to  time  by  the  General 
Assembly,  226. — Knox  frequently 
appointed  one,  ib.  301,  306,  320. 

Congregation,  the  Scottish  protest- 
ants  so  called,  181. — the  Queen 
Regent  advances  to  Perth  against, 
183. — attempt  to  appease  her,  184. 
—resolve  to  defend  themselves, 
ib. — their  pacific  intentions,  ib. — 
conclude  a  treaty  with  the  Queen 
Regent,  ib. — deceived  by  her,  185, 
seek  the  assistance  of  England, 
197. — employ  Knox  in  conducting 
the  correspondence  with  England, 
200. — consult  Knox  and  Wilcock 
concerning  tlie  Regent's  suspen- 


INDEX. 


slon,  205-6. — ^reflections  on  this, 
20r.— 'disastrous  turn  of  their  af- 
fairs, 215-17-reanimated  by  Knox, 
ib. — conclude  a  treaty  with  the  En- 
glish Court,  218.-— their  petition 
to  the  Queen  Regent,  443-5.--see 
Protestants,  Scottish. 

Corps-present,  account  of  this  exac- 
tion 21,  406-7. 

Council,  Privy  oi  England,  confer  on 
Knox  several  marks  of  approba- 
tion, 71. — acquit  him  of  a  charge, 
75.— deal  with  him  on  his  i-efusing 
a  living,  78. 

Council,  Privy,  oi  Scotland,  an  extra- 
ordinary one  appointed  after  the 
suspension  of  the  Queen  Regent, 
207.— Knox  one  of  its  members  for 
matters  of  religion,  ib. — appoint 
him  to  attend  cue  of  its  divisions, 
217.— evade  a  formal  ratification 
of  the  Book  of  Discipline,  228.— 
Knox  brought  before  them  on  a 
charge  of  High-treason,  287. — 
acquit  him,  291-2. — prohibit  him 
from  preaching  in  Edinburgh  for 
a  time,  on  account  of  his  ser- 
mon before  the  King,  303- 

Covenant,  Religious,  the  first  in  Scot- 
land, entered  into  by  the  Protest- 
ants in  Mearns,  130 — another  sub- 
scribed by  the  nobility,  167. — 
another  entered  into  by  the  Pro- 
testants of  Edinbui'gh,  354. 

Cox,  Dr.  Richard,  his  disorderly  con- 
duct at  Frankfort,  115. — liis  beha- 
viour after  returning  to  England, 
122. 

Craig,  John,  minister  of  the  Canon- 
gate,  '255. — called  to  be  Knox's 
colleague,  ib.  483. — his  account  of 
a  dispute  in  Italy  concerning  Re- 
sistance, 300. — his  spirited  behav- 
iour at  the  Queen's  mariagc  with 
Bothwell,  315.— leaves  Edinburgh, 
356. — account  of  him,  513-14. 

Croft,  Sir  James,  Knox's  interview 
with  him  at  Berwick,  199. — Lis 
reprimand  of  a  proposal  made  to 
him  by  Knox,  202. 

Crossraguel,  Qidntin  Kenned:/,  abbot 
of,  his  Compendious  Tractive,  257, 
488-9.— challenges  Willock  and 
Hay,  258. — WTites  on  the  Mass,  ib. 
— epistolai-y  correspondence  be- 
tween him  and  Knox,  259,  260. — 
disputes  witii  him,  261-6. 

Darnhf,    Lord,    married    to    Queen 

Mary, 301. takes  offence  at  a  sermon 

of  Knox,  30:^ — professes  himself  a 

Papist,  307. — is  murdered,  314. 

David;on,  J-ihn,   writes  a  history  of 


the  Scottish  Martyrs,  407, — his 
historical  poem  on  Knox,  515-563. 

Discipline,  the  First  Book  of,  Knos 
one  of  its  compilers,  224--outline 
of,  225-7. — coldly  received  by  the 
Protestant  nobility,  228. — but  sub- 
scribed by  mostot'the  Privy  Coun- 
cil, ib. — scheme  for  altering,  346. 
— this  opposed  by  Knox,  348-9. 

severity  of,  in  the  Church 

of  Scotland,  269. — did  not  include 
civil  punishments,  491-2. 

Doctors,  their  office  in  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  225,  464. 

Douglas,  Hugh,  of  Long  Niddry,  re- 
ceives Ivnox  into  his  family  as  tu- 
tor, 34— prevails  on  him  to  take 
refuge  in  the  Castle  of  St.  An- 
drews, 36. 

Douglas,  John,  preaches  in  Scotland. 
169. — made  Archbishop  of  St.  An- 
drews, 349. — ^this  opposed  by 
Knox,  349. 

Dundas,Ephemia,  her  slander  against 
Knox,  182,  283 — denies  it  when 
called  before  the  Town  Council, 
283,  494,  495. 

Dundas,  George,  3^\  early  Greek 
scholar  in  Scotland,  401. 

Edinburgh,  Knox  preaches  privately 
in  127. — bui-ned  in  effigy  there  by 
the  Popish  Clergy,  136. — he  is  ad- 
mitted minister  there,  194. — AVil- 
lock  officiates  for  Knox  during 
the  civil  v^ar,  in,  ib. — Knox's  la- 
borious services  thei-e,  255. — he  is 
for  a  time  suspend.ed  by  the  I'rivy 
Council,  303. — banished  from,  309. 
— returns,  316, — ngain  leaves,  342- 
— he  is  again  recalled  to,  354-5. 

,  Kirk  Sessions  of,  Knox's 

last  interview  witli,  362-4. 

Town  Council,  of  their 


attention  to  Knox,  250-1,  481-3. 
ae^ree  to  provide  him  with  a  col- 
league, 255,  483. — remon.strate 
against  Ills  suspension  by  tlie 
Privy  Council,  304-5. 

Edvard  VI.  Knox  one  of  his  chap- 
lains, 67. — his  liigh  regard  for 
Knox,  78. — offi'.-s  Knox  a  Bishop- 
ric, 79. — his  plan  foi-  perfecting 
the  Reformation  in  England,  85, 
432-4. — Knox's  high  ojiiuion  ofliis 
character,  86. — clutracter  of  his 
Courtiers  and  Chaplains,  ib.  434-5. 
— his  death,  83. 

Elders,  Ruling,  aj^pointed  at  an  early 
period  of  the  Rv'Wrniation,  168. — 
names  of  the  first  in  Edinburgh, 
ib. — their  ordinary  number  thcrf. 


INDEX. 


Elnabeth,  Queen  of  England,  her  im- 
politic severity  to  the  exiles  who 
resided  at  Geneva,  173. — refuses 
to  allow  Knox   to  pass   through 
England,  on  his  way  to  Scotland, 
j6.— her  sound  policy  in  assisting 
the  Congregation,  176.— this  early 
recommended  by  Knox,  z'6.-grants 
a  safe  conduct  to  Jiis  wife  and  mo- 
tlier-in-law,  196."Knox  apologizes 
to  her  for  his  Ijlast,  198. — person- 
ally averse  to  the  Scottisn  war, 
201, 457. — concludes  a  treaty  with 
the  Congi'egation,    219. — tier   in- 
flexible severit}^  to  the  Puritans, 
oll.-Knox's  unfavourable  opinion 
of  her,  312. 
England,  Knox  arrives  in,  61. — state 
of  religion  in,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  reign  of  Edward  VI. 
61. — Knox    leaves,    95. — revisits, 
310-11. 
Evskine,  John,  of  Dun,  the  first  patron 
of  Grecian  Literature  in  Scotland, 
6— attends  Knox's  sei-mons  in  Ed- 
inburgh, 127. — carries  Ki'.ox  with 
him  to  Dun,   129. — made  super in- 
tendant  of  Angus  and  Mearns,25l. 
— endeavours  to  sooth  Queen  Ma- 
ry, 280. — his  spirited  letters  to  the 
Regent  Mar,  respecting  enci'oach- 
meuL.  on  ecclesiasiical  jurisdic- 
tion, 512. 
Exercise,  Week'ii,  see  Prophesyiiig. 
Fairlie,  the  laird  ot  Brtud,  his  great 
attention  to  Knox  duriiig  his  last 
sickness,  362,  367. 
Pf  )•J'«so/^,^a^7■</,publishes  a  sermon, 
354.. — extracts    from  it,   474.- — 
Knox's  striking  recommendation 
of  it,  353-4.— encomium  on  his  im- 
provement of  the   Scottish    lan- 
guage, 472. 
Fife,  John,  embraces  the  reformed 
"doctrine  and  flees  to  Eng-land,  27. 
— account  of  him,  411. 
Ftetiiiiif--,    James,     marries     one     of 

Kiiox'.s  daugliters,  394. 
Forrest,  Thomas^  Vicar  of  Dollar,  his 
distinguished  character  and  mar- 
tyrdom, 408. 
Frame,  state  of  tlic  Reformation  in, 
147. — Knox  ])reaches  hi,  149. — 
massacre  of  the  Protestants  in, 
.'762. — Knox's  sermon  on  receiving 
the  inteiiigeiice  of  tins,  ib.—Bm-- 
T-holoKtew  massacre  in,  3J7.--dis- 
irci!!  of  Knox  on  thi:i  occasion, 
3.>8.— lii<!  denunciation  against  t'le 
King  of,  ib. 
F  unl^Jort,  on  the  Maine,  an  asylum 
ihv  the  Protestant  refugees,  109. 
-••an  Kmi'li^h  chui'ch  there,  id. — 


KnoX  called  to  it,  110.— troubles 
there  on  account  of  the  English 
Liturgy,  112.— Knox's  disinterest- 
edness and  moderation  in  those 
disputes,  116— he  is  basely  ac- 
cused to  the  magistrates  of  High 
Treason,  119,  439-40.— obliged  to 
leave  it,  121— dissensions  con- 
tinue, 122.— Reflections  on  this 
dispute,  123. 

French  Court,  designs  of,  against 
Scotland,  175. — sends  forces  to 
the  assistance  of  the  Queen  Re- 
gent, 197.— forced  to  agree  to  a 
treaty,  218. 

Troops,  penetrate  into  Fife, 

217. — evacuate  Scotland,  218. 

Galleys,  Knox  imprisoned  in^ 


52. — liberated  from,  59. 
Geneva,  Knox's  first  visit  to,  104.—- 
t;ikes  up  his  residence  there,  108. 
— leaves  it  for  Scotland,  128.— 
chosen  minister  by  the  English 
Congregation  there,  returns  to, 
136. — happiness  he  enjoyed  there, 
140.. — his  approbation  of  the 
church-order  established  in,  141. 
— ie;ives  it  on  his  way  to  Scotland, 
145. — returns  to,  158.— the  magis- 
trates of,  confer  on  him  the  free- 
dom of  the  City,  172— he  takes  a 
final  leave  of,  ib. — cherishes  a  de- 
sire of  retiring  and  ending  his  days 
at,  322. — See  Order  of  Geneva  and 
Bible. 

Gifford,  whether  Knox  was  born  in 
this  village,  1,  518. 

Glencairn,  Alexander,  Earl  of,  at  an 
early  period  attached  to  the  Re- 
formed religion,  28. — Knox  dis- 
penses the  sacrament  at  his  house, 
130. — the  cups  then  used  still 
preserved,  ib. — presents  a  letter 
from  Knox  to  the  Queen  Regent, 
135. 

Goodman,  Christopher,  Knox's  col- 
Icii.gue  at  Geneva,  136,  141. — 
comes  to  Scotland,  and  is  appoint- 
ed minister  of  St.  Andrews,  197. 
— retires  to  England,  305. — ac- 
count of,  500.— of  his  work  on 
ol)edienee  to  superior  Powers,  ib. 
— his  troubles  after  his  return  to 
England,  501.— Knox's  letter  to 
him,  S55. 

Gordon,  Me.rander,  Bishop  of  Gallo- 
way, embraces  the  Reformation, 
207. — Knox  declines  appointing 
him  Superintendent,  274. — occu- 
pies Knox's  pulpit  after  his  re- 
treat to  St.  Andrews,  343. 

Go7'ernment,  Female,  Knox's  publica- 
tion on,  see  Blast  of  the  Trumpc:. 


INDEX. 


^-incongruity  of,  when  joined  with 
the  ecclesiastical  supremacy,  441- 
3. 
Government,  Political,  Knox's  senti- 
ments respecting-,  211-15,  460-3. 

Grange,  see  KirkcJdy. 

Greek  Language,  its  first  introduc- 
tion into  Scotland,  6 — its  pro- 
gress, 401-4. — no  Greek  tj-pes  in 
Scetland,  anno  1579,  404. 

Guillaume,Tliomas,becomes  a  preach- 
er of  the  Reformed  doctrine,  31. — 
is  useful  instructing  Knox,  ib. 

Haddington,  whether  Knox  was  bom 
in,  1, 2,  518. 

Hamilton,  Archibald,  his  opposition 
to  Knox  at  St.  Andrews,  345. — 
apostatizes  to  Popery,  ib. — his  fa- 
bricated account  of  Knox's  death, 
516-17. — copied  by  the  Popish 
writers,  517. 

Hamilton,  Archbishop  of  St.  Aji- 
drews,  persecutes  Knox,  35. — 
writes  to  the  Subprior  Winram  to 
.silence  Knox  and  Roug-li,  47 — op- 
poses Knox's  preaching  at  St.  An- 
drews, 186. — his  Catechism,  257, 
484-8.— restored  by  the  Queen  to 
his  ancient  jurisdiction,  312. — 
Knox's  address  to  the  Protestants 
on  this  occasion,  313.— accessory 
to  the  Regent  Murray's  murder, 
325. 

Hamilton,  James,  of  Bothwellhaugh, 
assassinates  the  Regent  Murray, 
324. — supposed  motives  for  this, 
323-4. 

Hamilton,  Patrick,  account  of,  25- 
6.-good  effects  that  resulted  from 
his  martyi'dom,  26. 

Hamiltons,  The,  refuse  to  acknow- 
ledge the  king's  authority,  316, 
322. — Knox's  unsuccessful  embas- 
sy to  them,  316.— concerned  in  the 
Regent's  murder,  324. — their  in- 
veteracy against  Knox,  341-2,  552. 

Uarloioe,  William,  preaches  privately 
in  Scotland,  127. — more  publicly, 
169.— minister  of  St.  Cuthberts, 
254,  519. 

Harrison,  James,  embraces  the  Re- 
formation, and  flees  to  England, 
27.— account  of  him,  412. 

Hay,  George,  challenged  b\'  Grossra- 
guel,  258."answers  his  book  on 
the  Mass,  259,  489. 

Hebretv  Language,  its  first  introduc- 
tion into  Scotland,  6,  228. — its 
progress,  470-1. — no  Hebrew  t}-pes 
in  Scotland,  anno  1579,  404. 

Henry  VIII.  his  half  Reformation 
disliked  by  Knox  and  the  Scottish 
Protestants,  36. 


Hume,  Mt.  strictures  upon  his  re- 
flections on  Knox's  account  of 
Cardinal  Eeatoun's  a;is;issination, 
416-17.— on  his  account  of  tlie  be- 
haviour of  the  Protestant  Clergy 
towards  Queen  Mary,  492-4. 

James  Y.  instigated  by  the  Popish 
Clertcy  to  cut  off  the  lieformers, 
29.  " 

James  YI.  Knox  preaches  at  his  Co- 
ronation, 317. — prejudiced  against 
Knox's  character,  378-9. — singu- 
lar conversation  between  him  and 
one  of  Knox's  daugliters,  395-6. 

Kennedy,  Qnintin,  see  Crossraguel. 

Kilmaurs,  Lord,  see  Glencairn. 

Kirkaldy  of  Grange,  employed  by 
Knox  to  procure  assistance  from 
Engla.nd,  198. — Governor  of  the 
Castle  of  Edinburgh  for  the  Re- 
gent, 336. — makes  defection  to 
the  Queen,  26.— his  quarrel  with 
Knox,  a?. — message  sent  to  him 
by  Knox  when  dying,  364. 

Knox,  Eleazer,  the  Reformer's  son, 
account  of  him,  393,  517. 

Knox,  Elizabeth,  the  Reformei-'s 
daughter,  married  to  John  Welsh, 
394. — her  fortitude  at  her  hus- 
band's trial,  395. — singular  con- 
\'ers^tion  between  her  and  James 
YI.  395-6. 

Knox,  jYuthaniel,  the  Reformer's 
son,  account  of  him,  393,  517. 

Knox,  William,  brother  to  the  Re- 
former, account  of  him,  71. 

Langiiiddrie,  laird  of,  see  Douglas. 

La-Mson,  James,  sub-principal  in 
Aberdeen,  chosen  colieagLie  to 
Knox,  356.— Knox's  afl'ectionate 
letter  to  him,  356-7. — Knox  pre- 
sides at  his  admission,  359. — his 
interview  with  Knox  on  his  death- 
bed, 362-4. — teaches  Hebrew  in 
St.  Andrews,  471. 

Liberty,  CivH,  Popery  unfa^'ourable 
to,  208. — influence  which  the  Re- 
formation had  upon,  210-11, 462.— 
Knox's  sentiments  respecting,  sla- 
ted and  vindicated,  211-15. 

Lindsay,  Sir  iJavid,  of  tJie  Mount, 
eifects  of  his  poetry  on  the  Re- 
formation, 27,  414. — urges  Knox 
to  become  a  preaciier  in  the  Castle 
of  St.  Andrews,  39. 

Lindsay,  David,  minister  of  Leith, 
present  at  Knox's  lust  uiterview 
with  his  session,  362. — carries  a 
message  from  him  to  Grange, 
364. — attend.s  Grange  at  his  execu- 
tion, 365. 

Literature,  state  of,  in  Scotland,  4. — 
plan  of  the   Reformed  ministers 


INDEX. 


for  encouraging',  227. — see  Greek, 
Hd'oreiu. 

Litiirgil,  En^-Ii.':h,  Knox  consulted 
respecting-  the  review  of,  68. — 
troubles  at  Frankfort  on  account 
of,  112. — changes  made  on,  426-7. 
— whether  used  in  Scotland  at 
the  beg-inning  of  the  Reformation, 
445-7. 

Liturgy,  Knax''s,  see  Order  of  Ge- 
neva. 

Locke,  Mrs.  Anne,  letters  from  Knox 
to  her,  179,  544,  546-7-8-9. 

Logic,  G'arm,  Rector  of  St.  Leonards 
College,  promotes  the  Reforma- 
tion, 26.— forced  to  flee  to  Eng- 
land, 27,  40J,  10. 

Lorrain,  Cardinal  of,  calumniates 
the  P.arisian  Protestants,  148. — 
Knox's  bad  opinion  of  him,  ib. — 
the  part  lie  acted  in  the  massacre 
of  the  Pi-otestants  in  France,  252. 
— Knox  inveighs  against  him  from 
the  pulpit,  ib. 

•Mi' Bee,  or  JVtaccabceiis,  John,  em- 
braces the  Reformation,  and  flees 
to  England,  27. — account  of  him, 
411. 

jyt'Bray,  John,  embraces  the  Refor- 
mation, and  iites  to  England,  27. 
—account  of  him,  411-12. 

Jif'Dowel,  John,  embraces  the  Re- 
formation, and  flees  to  England, 
27.— account  of  him,  411. 

tMair,  or  JlS-cijcr,  John,  the  teacher 
of  Knox,  7.— l)is  sentiments  reli- 
gious and  political,  7,  9,  404-5.— 
their  influence  upon  Knox  and 
Buchanan,  S.— present  at  Knox's 
first  ficrmon,  47. 

Jlliiitland,  Thomas,  author  of  a  fabri- 
cated conference  between  the  Re- 
gent, Knox,  &c.  331.— thi'ovvs  a 
schedule  into  Knox's  pulpit,  in- 
sulting ever  the  Regent's  death, 
ib. — Knox's  denunciation  against 
iiim,  332. 

Maitland,  William,  of  Lethington, 
attends  Knox's  sermons  in  Edin- 
burgh, 127. — disputes  with  him 
about  attending  Mass,  128.— en- 
deavours in  private  to  intimidate 
Knox  into  submission  to  the 
Queen,  286-7. — attempts  to  over- 
awe the  Lords  at  Knox's  trial,  292. 
— his  debate  Avith  Knox  on  resist- 
ance to  tlie  civil  ruler.?,  297-300. 

Mar,  Mr.  (afterwards)  FAirl  of,  at- 
tends Knox's  sermons  in  Calder 
House,  129. — Letters  of  Erskine 
of  Dun  to,  512. 

J)f(irsiliers,  Pierre  de,  a  teacher  of 
tireek  at  Montrose,  402. 


Martyrs,  Scottish,  26,  27,  35,  169, 
407-9--many  of  them  men  of  ta- 
lents and  learning,  407  8, — see 
Davidson  and  Forrest. 

Mary,  Queen  o^  England,  Knox's  re- 
flections  on  her  proclamation,  89. 
— amuses  the  Protestants  with 
promises,  ib. — Knox's  prayer  for 
her,  90-436.'— her  cruelty,  107.— 
over-ruled  to  promote  the  Refor- 
mation  in  Scotland,  126. 

Mary  of  Guise,  Queen  Dowager  and 
Regent  of  Scotland,  refuses  to  ap- 
prehend Knox,  131. — Knox's  letter 
to,  133. — her  cold  reception  of  it, 
135- — her  fair  promises  to  the 
Protestants  170. — proofs  of  her 
dissimulation,  178,  448-50. — 
throws  off  the  mask,  and  declares 
her  determination  to  suppress 
the  Reformation,  178,  185. — sum- 
mons the  preachers  to  Stirling, 
179.— her  deceitful  conduct,  181. 
— advances  with  an  army  against 
the  Congi-egation,  184. — treaty 
with  the  Congreg-ation,  i6.— brok- 
en by  her,  185. — offers  a  reward 
for  Knox's  head,  204. — advice 
given  by  him  and  Willock  re- 
specting her  suspension,  206. — 
dies,  218. 

JMary,  Queen  of  Scots,  her  arrival  in 
Scotland,  231. — unfavourable  edu- 
cation she  had  received  in  France, 
ih.—\\ev  fixed  determination  to  re- 
store the  Popish  religion,  233, 
296. — popular  alarm  and  discon- 
tent at  her  having  Mass  celebrat- 
ed, 234. — grounds  of  this  alarm, 
ib.  238. — resolved  to  punish  Knox, 
238-9. — singular  conversation  be- 
tA\  een  them,  240-6. — opinion  which 
he  formedof  her  character,  246-7. 
— the  effects  which  her  blandish- 
ments had  upon  the  Lords  in  cool- 
ing their  zeal,  248-9. — interview 
between  her  and  Knox,  252-4. — 
another  at  Lochlcvin,  270-3. — en- 
raged at  a  sermon  of  Knox,  sum- 
mons^ him  before  her,  278.— ac- 
count of  their  interview,  278-81. 
— apology  for  his  conduct  on  the 
occasion,  281-2.— determines  to 
prosecute  him  for  High  Treason, 
284.— occasion  of  this,  284-5.— 
takes  ah  active  part  in  the  trial, 
287-91.— her  mortification  at  his 
acquittal,  292.— Knox's  prayers 
for,  298.— artfully  amuses  the  Pro- 
testants before  lier  marriage  with 
Darnly,  301.— subscribes  the  Ca- 
tholic Lengue,  308.— banishes 
Knox  from  Edinburgh,  and  refuses 


INDEX. 


to  allow  his  return,  olO.-restores 
the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews  to 
his  jurisdiction,  312. -her  partici- 
pation in  her  husband's  murder, 
3 14-15. ---marries  Bothwell,  315.— 
her  surrender,  imprisonment,  and 
resignation,  316.— Knox's  opinion 
concerning-  the  punishment  to  be 
inflicted  on  her,  317-18.— Knox  ac- 
cused of  not  praying  for  her,  339. 
— her  champions  the  greatest 
abusers  of  Knox,  380. 

JMass,  They  Knox's  defence  of  his 
sentiments  respecting,  65-7,  423- 
6. — Knox  prevails  on  the  Protest- 
ants to  desist  from  attending,  128- 
9. — celebrated  by  Queen  Mary,234 
— Knox's  conduct  on  the  occasion, 
ib. — Crossraguel  writes  on,  258 — 
dispute  cencerning,  between  him 
and  Knox,  261-6. 

Maxwell,  Mast,  of,  threatens  Knox 
with  the  loss  of  his  friendship, 
286. 

Melville,  Andrew,  a  celebrated  profi- 
cient in  Greek,  402-4 — and  in  tiie 
Oriental  tongues,  471. 

Melville,  James,  his  striking  account 
of  Knox's  pulpit  eloquence,  251. 

Melville,  Sir  James,  mistakes  in  his 
memoirs,  449-50. — strictures  on 
his  account  of  the  Regent  Murraj-, 
506-9. 

Methven,Paul,  preaches  in  Scotland, 
169. — summoned  by  the  Queen 
Reg'ent,  ib. — excommunicated  by 
the  General  Assembly,  286. — se- 
vere public  repentance  prescribed 
to,  269,  490. 

Milne,  Walter,  effects  of  his  mart\r- 
dom,  170. 

Milton,  his  encomium  upon  Knox, 
463. 

Ministers,  Protestant,  inadequate 
provision  allotted  to,  149. — Knox's 
dissatisfaction  at  this,  ib. — at- 
tempts made  to  restrain  their  lib- 
erty of  speech,  195-7. — their  sen- 
timents concerning  tythes  and 
other  ecclesiastical  revenues  473- 
7. 

Monasteries,  Scottish,  their  number 
and  degeneracy  16,  17,  405. — cau- 
ses of  their  demolition  at  Perth, 
182— at  St.  Andrews,  &c.  188.— 
reflections  on  tliis,  189-94. — spe- 
cimen of  Popish  declamafion  on 
tiiis  subject,  450-1.— loises  sus- 
tained by  their  demolition  greatly 
exaggerated,  452-7 — state  of  their 
libraries,  455-6. 

Mj>TUroee,  the  first   town    in  Scot- 


land in  which  Greek  was  taught,  6 
402. 

Morton,  Earl  of,  his  interview  with 
Knox  on  his  death-bed,  365. — eu- 
logium  pronounced  by,  over 
Knox's  grave,  372. 

Murray,  Earl  of,  see  Steiuart,  James. 

Musselburg,  tlie  inhabitants  of,  annu- 
ally excommunicated  at  Rome, 
189. — pretend  miracle  wrought  at, 
219. 

JVorthumberland,  JDiiLe  of  displeased 
witli  Knox,  73. — endeavours  to 
liinder  his  preferment,  78. 

Ochiltree,  Lord,  a  steady  friend  to 
Knox,  78,  280— his  daughter 
married  to  Knox,  194. 

Order  of  Geneva,  or  Book  of  Com- 
man  Order,  when  first  composed, 
114.— for  some  time  used  in  Scot- 
land, 224.— ministers  not  limited 
to  the  prayers  of,  447-8. 

Ormi.sion,  laird  of,  see  Cockbtirn. 

Papists,  their  cahimnies  against 
Knox,  282-4,  373-4,  496-7.— their 
ridiculous  tales  i-especting  his  se- 
cond marriage,  195,  499,  500 — 
their  calumnies  against  other  re- 
formers, 373-4,  497-9. — rejoice  at 
Knox's  l^eing  struck  with  apo- 
plex}',  334-5 — disappointed  by  his 
recovery,  336. 

Paris,  Pj-otestants  of,  imprLsoned, 
147-8.— calumniated,  148.— their 
apology,  ib. — see  France. 

Parliament,  tiie  Scottish,  prohibit  the 
importation  of  Protestant  books, 
30.  permit  the  Bible  to  be  read  in 
the  vulgar  tongue,  32. — their  cvil- 
pable  indifference  about  the  Pro- 
testant religion,  274-5. — Knox's 
bold  sermon  before,  176-8 — lie 
preaclics  at  the  opening  of,  319- 
20. — their  proceedings  in  favour  of 
the  Protestant  church,  319-20. — 
Knox  one  of  the  committee  for  pre- 
paring overtures  to  them,  319. — 
proceedings  of  that  committee,  ib. 
503. 

Perth,  a  celebrated  grammar  school 
in,    5,    470. — Knox's     sermon    at, 
181 — demolition  of  the  monaster- 
ies in,  181. 
Pittarrow,  Laird  of,  see  Wishart. 

Poem,  Historical,  Davidson's  on 
Kriox  515,  5&3. 

Poeiry,  its  influence  upon  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  Reformation,  27- 
8 — f.iCts  in  proof  of  this,  412-16. 

Ponet,  l)r.  Bishop  of  Winchester 
his  political  stntimfr.ts  tlie  same 
with  Knox's,  50.;; 


INDEX. 


Font,  Robert,  marries  a  daughter  of 
Knox,  494,  519.— -extract  from  a 
work  of,  452-4,  476-7. — account 
of  him,  519-20. 

Fopery,  the  sangumary  sphitof,  425- 
8.  480-1.— greathopcs  entertained 
of  its  restoration  in  Scotland, 
256.- — Knox's  activity  in  defeating 
these,  ib. — preparations  for  its  re- 
storation, 207.— -again  defeated, 
108. 

Prior  of  St.  Anclre-.os,  see  Steivart, 
James. 

Prophecies,  reflections  on  those  as- 
cribed to  Knox,  288-9. 

Prophesying,  or  explaining  the  scrip- 
tures, 467— suppressed  by  queen 
Elizabeth,  468 

Pluralities  multiplied  exceedinglv, 
15. 

Questions  propounded,  140. 

Handolph'slettevs  to. the  ambassador, 
giving  an  account  of  Knox's  con- 
ference with  tlie  queen,  248,  267, 
293. 

Refugees  return  to  their  native  coun- 
trj-  at  the  death  of  Maiy  queen  of 
England,  24. 

Reggio,  David,  a  favourite  of  the 
queen,  assassinated,  309. 

Renfre-u.',  a  shire  in  Scotland,  2,  8. 

Robertson,  Dr.  448-9. 

Rough,  John,  becomes  our  Reform- 
er's colleague,  39. — takes  refuge 
in  the  castle,  ?6— flies  to  England, 
51.— suffer.*  martyidom,  52. 

Roxv,  John,  tlie  first  ^^  lio  taught 
Hebrew  in  Perth,  6.— Greek,  27. — 
his  extracts  of  Knox's  wonderful 
foresight,  149,  219,  4u3,  414,  469, 
470. 

Mussel,  Jerome,  suffers  martyrdom, 
408. 

Sadler,  Ralph,  ambassador  of  Henry 
the  8tli,  176. — ag'ent  for  the  court 
of  London  with  the  CongTegations, 
199. — his  pacific  disposition,  201- 
3-4 — liis  perplexity  at  the  dissi- 
mulation and  intrigue  of  the  queen 
regent,  449. — his  instructions  to 
exjilore  tlie  truth  of  the  prior  of 
Si.  Andrews  aspu-iiig  at  tiie  sove- 
reignty, 458. 

Sacrament,  arl ministered  in  the  Pro- 
tesiunt  manner,  50,  and  excluding 
the  corporal  presence  of  Christ 
therein,  68. 

Sandila7id,  ./^f/w^.f,  petition  of,  443. 

Seatoun,  AlexuJider,  confessor  to 
James  V.  escaped  to  England,  410. 

Simson,  Ajulreiv,  teaclier  of  tlie  La- 
tin school  at  Perth,  5. 


Simpson,  Duncan,  suffered  martyr- 
dom, 408. 

Sinclair,  mother  of  our  Reformer, 
whose  name  he  assumed  in  times 
ot  difficulty  and  trouble,  2. 

Smeaton,  Thomas,  a  Greek  scholar 
made  professor  of  the  University 
of  Glasgow,  404 — ^his  testimony 
of  Knox's  piety  and  genius,  376. 

Spottisivood,  archbishop,  his  favour- 
able character  of  the  Regent  Mur- 
ray, 328,  510. — and  of  Knox,  379. 
— his  partial  account  of  the  book 
of  Discipline,  465-6. 

Stewart,  James,  Prior  of  St.  Andreiss, 
afterwai-dsJE;ar/ofv1i?<?'?'a?/,attends 
Knox's  preaching  at  Calder  House, 
129. — Knox's  interview  with  him 
at  Perth,  184.— joins  the  Congre- 
gation 185. — temporary  breach  be- 
tween him  and  Knox,  275-6.— en- 
deavours to  persuade  Knox  to  sub- 
mit to  the  Queen,  286-7. — favours 
him,  293. — friendship  renewed  be- 
tween them,  302. — Knox  not  en- 
gaged in  his  insurrection  on  occa- 
sion of  the  Queen's  maiTiage,  ib. 
—appointed  Regent,  316.— ap- 
points Knox  one  of  the  Commis- 
sioners to  prepai-e  overtures  to 
parliament,  319,  503. — comforta- 
ble state  of  the  Protestant  church 
during  his  regency,  320-1. — con- 
spiracies against  his  life  discover- 
ed, 323. — is  assassinated,  324. — 
general  grief  on  account  of  his 
death,  325.— his  character,  326-8. 
— distress  of  Knox  on  occasion  of 
his  death,  329. — his  prayer,  ib. 
556. — his  sei-mon  at  his  funeral, 
332. — accusation  of  his  aiming  at 
the  crown  unfounded,  458,— re- 
marks on  Dr.  Robertson's  charac- 
ter of  him,  503-6.— on  Sir  James 
Melville's,  506-10. — his  character 
by  Thuanus  509. — his  monument 
and  inscription,  510. — his  letter 
to  the  General  Assembly,  559—562. 

Stftuart,  J\targaret,  daughter  of  Lord 
Ochiltree,  married  to  Knox,  294. 
— her  attention  to  her  husband  du- 
ring his  last  sickness,  361. — after 
his  deatii  m.arries  Sir  A.  Ker  of 
F;.wdownside,  393-4'. 

Superintendents,  a  tonporary  office 
in  the  cliurch  of  Scotland,  226, 
465-7. — admission  of,  251. — dif- 
ference between  them  and  Dioce- 
san Bishops,  466-7. 

Tonstal,  lishop  of  Durham,  his  char- 
acter, 63. — Knox's  defence  before 
him,  65.^-Extructs  from  it,  423-6. 


INDEX. 


Tyne,  a  Jesuit,  Knox's  answer  to  his 
book,  352,  524. 

Vaus,  John,  a  celebrated  teacher  in 
Aberdeen,  5. 

Verses,  to  the  memory  of  Knox,  514- 
15. 

Visitors,  see  Commissioners. 

Welsh,  John,  marries  a  daughter  of 
Knox,  394. — his  sufferings,  394-5. 
— the  awe  in  which  James  VI. 
stood  of,  396.  see  Knox,  Eliza- 
beth. 

Whitlaxtt,  Alexander,  of  Greenrig,  a 
particular  friend  of  Knox,  196. — 
brings  u  message  from  the  English 
Court  to  the  Congi-egation,  199. 

Whittingham,  JVilliam,  his  character 
of  Knox,  120.— chosen  his  succes- 
sor at  Geneva,  144. — accoimt  of, 
144-5. 

Will,  the  last,and  Testament  of  Knox, 
557-9. 

Williams,  see  Guillaiime. 

Willock,  John,  his  character,  127. — 
preaches  privately  in  Scotland,  26. 
— more  publicly,  169. — officiates 
in  Edinburgh  in  room  of  Knox 
during  the  civil  wars,  194,  482.— 
his  advice  respecting  the  suspen- 
sion of  tlie  Queen  Regent,  206.— 
;li-?Uen£ref'  to  m  fli'-'-'nie  bv  the  ab- 


bot of  Crossraguel,  258.-- goes  lo 
England,  333. — calumny  against 
him,  ib. — ridiculous  tale  of  a  pre- 
tended conference  between  him 
and  Knox  respecting  their  ordina- 
tion, 490. 

Wingate,  JVinian,  his  questions  to 
Knox,  267-8. 

Winram,  John,  subprior  of  St.  An- 
drews, a  secret  favourer  of  the 
Reformation,  26. — summons  Knox 
before  a  convention  at  St.  An- 
drews, 48. — his  cautious  behavioui- 
ib.  401. 

Wishart,  George,  the  principal  per- 
son by  whom  Knox  was  enlighten- 
ed, 32.— teaches  the  Greek  Xew 
Testament  at  Montrose,  ib.  401. — 
flees  to  England,  32. — interesting 
account  of  his  manners  at  Cam- 
bridge, 32-3."returns  to  Scotland, 
32. — his  preaching  and  character, 
ib. 

Wishart,  Sir  John,  of  Pittarrow. 
Knox  corresponds  with,  147,  350. 
—Knox's  letter  to,  554. — David- 
son's dedication  of  his  poem  on 
Knox  to,  564-6. 

Wood,  John,  Secretary  to  the  Regent 
Mun-ay,  is  assassinated,  324  — 
letters  from  Knox  to.  ttI.  '>t.? 


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